Sejarah Sumatra (Marsden)/Semua

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Jika zaman kuno memberi kita beberapa model, dalam seni yang berbeda dan ilmu, yang telah ditemukan tak ada bandingannya, modern, di sisi lain, telah melakukan penemuan dan perbaikan mereka, di a berbagai contoh, ke tingkat dan tingkat kesempurnaan yang mantan tidak bisa menghibur ide. Diantara itu penemuan di mana kita telah melangkah jauh melampaui tuan kita tidak ada yang lebih mencolok, atau lebih berguna, daripada berarti bahwa kecerdikan beberapa orang, dan pengalaman orang lain, telah mengajarkan umat manusia, tentang menentukan dengan pasti dan presisi situasi relatif dari berbagai negara di bumi. Apa yang sebelumnya menjadi subjek dugaan belaka, atau paling-paling perhitungan yang tidak jelas dan sewenang-wenang, sekarang merupakan hasil yang jelas dari aturan yang ditetapkan, didirikan di atas prinsip-prinsip yang secara demonstratif adil. Dia hanya tersisa untuk kebebasan pangeran dan negara, dan industri navigator dan pelancong yang gigih, untuk mempengaruhi penerapan cara-cara ini untuk tujuan yang tepat, dengan melanjutkan ke memastikan posisi yang tidak diketahui dan tidak pasti dari semua bagian dunia, yang hambatan alam akan memungkinkan keterampilan dan industri manusia untuk didekati.

Situasi Pulau

Sumatera, subjek dari karya ini, merupakan pulau sangat luas di Hindia Timur, yang paling barat dari apa yang mungkin disebut sebagai Kepulauan Melayu, dan merupakan batasnya pada sisi itu.

Garis lintang

Khatulistiwa membaginya secara miring, arah umumnya adalah barat laut dan tenggara, menjadi bagian yang hampir sama; yang satu ekstremitas berbaring di lima derajat tiga puluh tiga menit utara, dan yang lainnya dalam lima derajat lima puluh enam menit lintang selatan. Di dalam sehubungan dengan posisi relatif titik utara membentang ke Teluk Benggala; pantai barat dayanya terbuka untuk yang besar Samudera Hindia; ke arah selatan dipisahkan oleh Selat Sunda dari pulau Jawa; di sebelah timur dengan dimulainya Laut Timur Tiongkok dari Kalimantan dan pulau-pulau lain; dan seterusnya timur laut oleh Selat Malaka dari semenanjung Malaka, yang menurut tradisi observasi oleh Sejarawan Portugis, itu seharusnya sudah kuno bersatu.

Garis bujur

Satu-satunya titik di pulau yang garis bujurnya telah ditetapkan dengan pengamatan sebenarnya adalah Benteng Marlborough, dekat Bencoolen (Bengkulu), itu pemukiman Inggris utama, berdiri di tiga derajat empat puluh enam menit lintang selatan. Dari gerhana satelit Jupiter diamati pada bulan Juni 1769, persiapan untuk pengamatan transit planet Venus di atas piringan matahari, Tn. Robert Nairne menghitung garis bujurnya menjadi 101 derajat 42 menit 45 detik; yang kemudian dikoreksi oleh Astronom Royal sampai 102 derajat timur Greenwich. Situasi Kepala Achin adalah cukup akurat diperbaiki dengan perhitungan pada 95 derajat 34 menit; dan garis bujur tempat-tempat di Selat Sunda baik dipastikan dengan jarak pendek dari Batavia, kota mana yang memiliki keuntungan dari observatorium.

Peta

Melalui penggunaan kronometer secara umum belakangan ini telah diberikan untuk menentukan posisi banyak tokoh menunjuk baik di pantai timur dan barat, yang dengannya peta itu pulau telah jauh lebih baik: tapi khusus survei, seperti teluk dan pulau kecil dari Batang-kapas ke Padang, dibuat dengan kemampuan hebat oleh Kapten (sekarang Letnan Kolonel) John Macdonald; pantai dari Priaman ke pulau-pulau lepas pantai Aceh oleh Kapten George Robertson; dan Sungai Siak oleh Tuan Francis Lynch, sangat diinginkan; dan interior dari negara ini masih sangat tidak dikenal dengan sempurna. Dari sketsa dari rute Tuan Charles Campbell dan Letnan Hastings Dare I telah diaktifkan untuk menggambarkan fitur utama dari Sarampei (?), Sungei Tenang (Sungai Tenang) dan negara-negara Korinchi (Kerinci), pedalaman Ipu (?), Moco-moco (Muko-muko), dan Indrapura (Indrapura); dan keuntungan telah diambil dari semua informasi lain yang dapat diperoleh. Untuk umum bahan dari mana peta itu dibuat, saya sangat berhutang budi atas kebaikan teman saya, mendiang Mr. Alexander Dalrymple, yang kerja kerasnya yang tak kenal lelah sepanjang umurnya telah berkontribusi lebih dari orang lain untuk perbaikan Hidrografi Hindia ("Indonesia"). Mungkin tepat untuk mengamati peta Sumatera itu dapat ditemukan di jilid kelima dari karya besar Valentyn sangat salah, bahkan mengenai bagian-bagian itu secara langsung tunduk pada pemerintah Belanda, karena sangat tidak berguna.

Tidak Diketahui Orang-Orang Kuno. Taprobane.

Terlepas dari situasi yang jelas dari pulau ini di jalur langsung dari pelabuhan India ke Kepulauan Rempah ("Kepulauan Maluku") dan ke Tiongkok, tampaknya tidak dikenal oleh orang Yunani dan Romawi ahli geografi, yang informasi atau dugaannya membawa mereka tidak lebih jauh dari Selan-dib atau Ceylon ("Sri Lanka"), yang diklaim dianggap sebagai Taprobane mereka; meskipun selama abad pertengahan nama terkenal itu hampir seragam diterapkan di Sumatra. Itu satu keadaan memang dari yang terakhir yang berpotongan dengan khatulistiwa (seperti yang dikatakan Taprobane) cukup untuk membenarkan keraguan dari mereka yang segan untuk menerapkannya pada mantan; dan apakah sebenarnya yang kabur dan kontradiktif deskripsi yang diberikan oleh Strabo, Pomponius Mela, Pliny, dan Ptolemy, milik tempat yang sebenarnya, betapapun tidak dikenalnya; atau apakah, mengamati bahwa sejumlah komoditas langka dan berharga dibawa dari pulau atau pulau-pulau di ujung yang seharusnya dari Timur, mereka mungkin telah dituntun untuk memberi tempat pada mereka grafik ke salah satu tingkat yang luas, yang harus berdiri sebagai perwakilan dari keseluruhan, adalah pertanyaan untuk tidak terburu-buru memutuskan.

Ophir

Gagasan Sumatera menjadi negeri Ophir, ke mana (nabi) Sulaiman mengirim armadanya untuk membawa muatan emas dan gading selain ke pantai Sofala, atau bagian lain Afrika, juga demikian samar-samar, dan subjek terbungkus selubung kuno yang terlalu jauh, untuk memungkinkan diskusi yang memuaskan; dan saya hanya akan mengamati bahwa tidak ada kesimpulan yang dapat ditarik dari nama Ophir yang ditemukan peta sebagai milik gunung di pulau ini dan yang lain di semenanjung; ini telah diterapkan kepada mereka oleh orang Eropa navigator, dan kata yang tidak dikenal oleh penduduk asli.

Sampai ditemukannya jalur ke India di Tanjung Harapan identitas pulau ini seperti yang digambarkan atau disinggung oleh penulis sering samar-samar, atau hanya disimpulkan dari keadaan yang sesuai.

Musafir Arab

Yang pertama dari dua musafir Arab pada abad kesembilan, kisah pelayaran ke India dan Tiongkok yang diterjemahkan oleh Renaudot dari manuskrip yang ditulis sekitar tahun 1173, berbicara tentang sebuah pulau besar bernama Ramni, di jalur antara Sarandib ("Sri Lanka") dan Dosa (kemungkinan Tiongkok (?)), yang dari kesamaan produksi telah terjadi umumnya berarti Sumatra; dan probabilitas ini diperkuat oleh keadaan yang saya percayai sampai sekarang tidak diperhatikan oleh komentator. Dikatakan untuk membagi Laut Herkend, atau Samudra Hindia, dari Laut Shelahet (Salahet di Edrisi), dan kata salat ("selat") kemudian menjadi istilah Melayu untuk kawasan selat pada umumnya, dan untuk bagian terkenal di dalam pulau Singapura khususnya, ini mungkin cukup dianggap mengacu pada Selat Malaka.

Edrisi

Edrisi, tidak tepat disebut ahli geografi Nubia, yang berdedikasi pekerjaannya untuk Roger, Raja Sisilia, di pertengahan abad ke-12 abad, menggambarkan pulau yang sama, di iklim pertama, oleh nama Al-Rami; tapi rincian begitu dekat dengan yang diberikan oleh musafir Arab untuk menunjukkan yang satu itu akun dipinjam dari yang lain. Namun dia sangat keliru membuat jarak antara Sarandib ("Sri Lanka") dan pulau itu menjadi tidak ada lagi dari tiga hari berlayar, bukan lima belas. Pulau Soborma, yang dia tempatkan di iklim yang sama, ternyata Kalimantan, dan dua jalur yang menuju ke sana adalah Selat Malaka dan Selat Sunda. Apa yang disebut sebagai Sumandar, dalam iklim kedua, tidak memiliki hubungan sama sekali dengan Sumatera, meskipun dari pengistilahan nama kita mengekspektasikannya.

Marco Polo

Marco Polo, pengembara Venesia terkenal di abad ketiga belas, adalah orang Eropa pertama yang membicarakan mengenai hal pulau ini, tetapi ia menyebut pulau ini dengan sebutan Java Minor ("Jawa kecil; bawahan Jawa"), yang mana ia berikan dengan semacam analogi, kealpaan, atau tidak mempelajari dari penduduk asli yang namanya yang bersesuaian. Hubungannya, meskipun sejak lama diremehkan, dan oleh banyak orang dianggap romantisasi cerita, dan bertanggung jawab atas tuduhan kesalahan dan kelalaian, dengan beberapa ketidakmungkinan, meskipun memiliki, kuat bukti internal keaslian dan itikad baik. Menyinggung tentang tanggal, periode pasti kunjungannya ke Sumatera tidak dapat dipastikan, akan tetapi saat ia kembali ke Venesia, tercatat pada tahun 1295, dan mungkin lima tahun telah berlalu dalam pelayarannya yang membosankan berikutnya dan perjalanan melalui Ceylon ("Sri Lanka"), Karnatick ("Karnataka"), Malabar ("Malabar"), Guzerat ("Gujarat"), Persia ("Persia"), pantai Kaspia dan Euxine, ke Genoa (di penjara di di tempat mana dia dikatakan telah mendikte narasinya), kita boleh usaha untuk merujuknya ke tahun 1290.

Mengambil keberangkatannya, dengan peralatan yang cukup, dari suatu pelabuhan di selatan Tiongkok, yang dia (atau transkripnya) beri nama Zaitum, mereka melanjutkan ke Ziamba (kemungkinan wilayah Tsiampa atau Champa, yang bersebelahan dengan bagian selatan Cochin-Tiongkok) yang ia pernah kunjungi sebelumnya pada 1280, yang pada saat itu melayani kaisar Kubilai Khan. Dari situ, katanya, untuk menuju pulau Jawa besar ("pulau Jawa yang sesungguhnya") adalah setara dengan perjalanan seribu lima ratus mil, tetapi jelas bahwa dia berbicara itu hanya dari informasi orang lain, dan bukan sebagai saksi mata; juga tidak mungkin ekspedisi itu melakukannya menyimpang begitu jauh dari rute yang tepat. Dia menyatakan dengan sungguh-sungguh bahwa itu pangsa tepat untuk rempah-rempah dan banyak sering dikunjungi oleh para pedagang dari provinsi selatan Tiongkok. Dia kemudian menyebutkan secara berurutan pulau kecil Sondur dan Condur yang tidak berpenghuni (mungkin "Pulau Kondore"); provinsi Boeach sebaliknya Lochac (tampaknya Kamboja, dekat lokasi Condore); pulau Petan (Pattani di semenanjung) bagian yang, dari Boeach, berada di seberang teluk (yang dari Siam); dan kerajaan disebut Malaiur dalam bahasa Italia, dan Maletur dalam versi Latin, yang hampir tidak dapat kita ragukan sebagai kerajaan Melayu Singapura, di ujung semenanjung, atau Malaka, yang kemudian mulai berkembang. Namun tidak ditegaskan bahwa dia menyentuh di semua tempat ini, dia juga tidak berbicara dari pribadi pengetahuan sampai kedatangannya di Java Minor (sebagaimana dia menyebut pulau Sumatra). Pulau ini, terletak di arah tenggara dari Petan (kalau tidak lebih berarti dari Malaiur, tempat terakhir disebutkan) dia dengan tegas mengatakan dia mengunjungi, dan menggambarkannya sebagai berada di lingkar dua ribu mil (tidak terlalu lebar dari kebenaran dalam hal yang begitu kabur), meluas ke selatan sejauh untuk membuat Bintang Kutub tidak terlihat, dan dibagi menjadi delapan kerajaan, dua di antaranya tidak dia lihat, dan enam lainnya dia menyebutkan sebagai berikut: Ferlech, yang saya anggap sebagai Peureulak di ujung timur pantai utara (Aceh), yang kemungkinan besar merupakan lokasi pertama kali mereka berasal. Di wilayah tersebut, ia mengatakan orang-orang secara umum adalah penyembah berhala; tapi para pedagang Saracen yang sering berkunjung ke tempat itu telah mengubah (penduduk) menjadi penganut kepercayaan Muhammadinisme ("Islam") yang kebanyakan penganutnya bermukim di wilayah perkotaan, sedangkan orang-orang yang hidup di pegunungan layaknya binatang buas, dan dalam praktik sehari-hari juga melalukan kanibalisme (memakan daging manusia).

Mengenai Basma atau Basman: istilah ini terdengar hampir mendekati Pasaman di pantai barat, tapi saya harus lebih cenderung merujuknya ke Pase (yang oleh orang Portugis ditulis sebagai Pacem) di sebelah utara. Tata krama dari orang-orang di sini, seperti di kerajaan lain, direpresentasikan sebagai orang biadab; dan seperti itu mereka mungkin terlihat oleh orang yang sudah lama tinggal Tiongkok. Gajah liar disebutkan, dan badak baik-baik saja dijelaskan.

Samara: ini saya anggap sebagai Samar-langa, demikian juga pantai utara, dan terkenal karena teluknya. Di sini, katanya, dalam ekspedisi tersebut, yang terdiri dari dua ribu orang, terkendala tinggal lima bulan, menunggu pergantian musim; Dan, karena khawatir akan ancaman serangan dari penduduk pribumi yang biadab, mereka mengamankan diri, melalui parit yang dalam, di sisi darat, dengan ekstremitasnya merangkul pelabuhan, dan diperkuat oleh benteng dari kayu. Dengan bekal mereka disuplai kelimpahan, terutama ikan terbaik. Tidak ada gandum, dan masyarakat hidup dari beras. Mereka tanpa tanaman merambat, tetapi ekstrak sebuah minuman keras yang sangat baik dari pohon kurma dengan memotong sebuag cabang dan melamarnya bejana yang diisi dalam kursus dari siang dan malam.

Deskripsi kemudian diberikan tentang India atau kelapa. Dragoian, nama yang menyandang beberapa meskipun tidak banyak kemiripan dengan Indragiri di pantai timur; tapi aku meragukan dia setelah berjalan sejauh ini ke arah selatan seperti sungai itu. Adat istiadat penduduk asli disana dilukiskan lebih mengerikan lagi. Ketika salah satu dari mereka menderita gangguan (jiwa(?)), dituturkan oleh penyihir bahwa mereka tak dapat ditolong atau disembuhkan, sehingga (yang menderita gangguan tersebut) mereka buat mati lemas, lalu didandani dan mereka memakan dagingnya; argumen yang digunakan untuk membenarkan praktek ini (menurut masyarakat lokal), bahwa jika itu (tidak dimakan), maka orang tersebut akan menderita dikarenakan jasadnya akan rusak dan membiakkan cacing, sehingga, ini (orang gangguan jiwa tersebut) harus segera binasa, dan dengan kematian tersebut dianggap akan membuat jiwa almarhum menjadi (selamat(?)) dari siksaan yang besar. Mereka juga membunuh dan melahap orang asing yang tertangkap di antara mereka, karena tidak dapat membayar uang tebusan.

Lambri: diperkirakan merupakab sebuah korupsi kata dari istilah Jambi, tetapi keadaan terkait tidak membenarkan analogi tersebut. Dikatakan untuk menghasilkan kapur barus, yang tidak ditemukan selatan garis ekuinoks; dan juga verzino, atau kayu merah (meskipun saya menduga benzuin adalah kata yang dimaksud), bersama dengan tanaman yang dia beri nama birci, seharusnya bakam orang Arab, atau kayu secang dari pulau timur, benih yang dia bawa bersamanya ke Venesia. Di pegunungan, sebagian adalah laki-laki dengan ekor sepanjang telapak tangan; juga badak, dan hewan liar lainnya.

Terakhir, Fanfur atau Fansur, yang sesuai lebih cocok ditujukan ke Kampar daripada ke pulau Panchur, yang dimiliki beberapa orang seharusnya itu. Di sini, kamper terbaik diproduksi, nilainya sama dengan beratnya dalam emas. Penduduknya hidup dari beras dan imbang minuman keras dari pohon tertentu dengan cara yang telah dijelaskan sebelumnya. Di sana juga pohon yang menghasilkan jenis makanan. Mereka adalah dari ukuran besar, memiliki kulit kayu tipis, di bawahnya terdapat kayu keras setebal tiga inci, dan di dalamnya inti, dari mana, dengan cara seduhan dan saring, tepung (atau sagu) diperoleh, yang sering dia makan dengan nikmat.

Setiap kerajaan-kerajaan di Sumatra ini konon memiliki bahasanya yang khas. Berangkat dari Lambri, dan kemudi ke utara dari Jawa Minor ("Sumatra") ratus lima puluh mil, mereka mencapai sebuah pulau kecil bernama Necuram atau Norcueran (mungkin Nancowry, salah satu pulau di Kepulauan Nicobar), Dan setelah itu sebuah pulau bernama Angaman ("Andaman"), dari sana, mengemudi ke arah selatan dari barat seribu mil, mereka tiba di Zeilan atau Seilam, salah satu spot yang paling penting di dunia. Edisi yang dikonsultasikan terutama adalah bahasa Italia dari Ramusio, 1583, bahasa Latin dari Muller, 1671, dan bahasa Prancis dari Bergeron, 1735, sangat bervariasi satu sama lain dalam ortografi yang tepat nama.

Odoricus

Odoricus, seorang biarawan, yang memulai perjalanannya pada tahun 1318 dan meninggal di Padua pada tahun 1331, telah mengunjungi banyak tempat di Timur. Dari bagian selatan pantai Koromandel dia melanjutkan dengan suatu navigasi dua puluh hari ke negara bernama Lamori (mungkin merupakan suatu korupsi kata "Al-rami" dalam bahasa Arab), di sebelah selatannya kerajaan lain bernama Sumoltra, dan tidak jauh dari sana sebuah kerajaan kepulauan agung yang bernama Jawa. Akunnya, yang disampaikan secara lisan ke orang yang menulisnya, sangat sedikit dan tidak memuaskan.

Mandeville

Mandeville, yang melakukan perjalanan pada abad keempat belas, tampaknya telah mengadopsi akun Odoricus ketika dia berkata, "Selain itu, pulau Lemery adalah pulau lain yang merupakan belahan Sumobor; dan cepat di samping pulau besar yang membelah Jawa."

Nicolo Di Conti

Nicolo di Conti, dari Venesia, kembali dari perjalanan orientalnya pada tahun 1449 dan dikomunikasikan kepada sekretaris Paus Eugenius IV a laporan yang jauh lebih konsisten dan memuaskan tentang apa yang telah dilihatnya daripada para pendahulunya. Setelah memberikan gambaran tentang kayu manis dan produksi Zeilam lainnya katanya dia berlayar ke a pulau besar bernama Sumatera, disebut oleh orang dahulu seperti Taprobana, dimana dia ditahan satu tahun. Kisahnya tentang tanaman merica, tentang buah durian, dan kebiasaan yang luar biasa, sekarang juga dipastikan, dari orang Batek atau Batak, buktikan dia punya telah menjadi pengamat yang cerdas.

Itinerarium Portugallensium

Sebuah karya kecil berjudul Itinerarium Portugallensium, dicetak di Milan pada 1508, setelah berbicara tentang Pulau Sayla, mengatakan itu di sebelah timur ini ada lagi yang disebut Samotra, yaitu kita namanya Taprobane, jauhnya dari kota Calechut ("Kalkota" di India) sekitar tiga pelayaran berbulan-bulan. Informasi itu tampaknya telah diperoleh dari seorang India dari Cranganore, di pantai Malabar, yang mengunjungi Lisbon pada tahun 1501.

Ludovico Barthema

Ludovico Barthema (Vartoma) dari Bologna, memulai perjalanannya 1503, dan pada 1505, setelah mengunjungi Malaka, yang ia gambarkan sebagai menjadi resor dari jumlah pengiriman yang lebih besar daripada yang lain pelabuhan di dunia, diteruskan ke Pedir di Sumatera, yang dia menyimpulkan menjadi Taprobane. Produksi pulau, dia mengatakan, terutama diekspor ke Catai atau Tiongkok. Dari Sumatra dia dilanjutkan ke Banda dan Maluku, dari sana dikembalikan oleh Jawa dan Malaka di sebelah barat India, dan tiba di Lisboa di 1508.

Odoardus Barbosa

Odoardus Barbosa, dari Lisbon, yang menyimpulkan jurnalnya pelayaran pada tahun 1516, berbicara dengan sangat tepat tentang Sumatra. Dia menyebutkan banyak tempat, baik di pantai maupun di pedalaman, oleh nama yang sekarang mereka pakai, di antaranya dia menganggap Pedir'- sebagai orang penting, membedakan antara penduduk Muhammadanisme ("Muslim") dari pantai dan orang-orang kafir di pedalaman; dan menyebutkan perdagangan ekstensif dilakukan oleh mantan dengan Cambaia di barat dari India.

Antonio Pigafetta

Dalam kisah yang diberikan oleh Antonio Pigafetta, pendamping dari Ferdinand Magellan, dari pelayaran keliling yang terkenal dilakukan oleh bangsa Spanyol pada tahun 1519 sampai 1522, yaitu menyatakan bahwa, dari ketakutan mereka jatuh dengan Kapal Portugis, mereka mengejar rute barat mereka dari pulau Timor, di tepi Laut Kidol ("laut selatan" dalam bahasa Jawa), terus berlanjut tangan kanan mereka pulau Zamatra (tertulis di bagian lain dari jurnal, Somatra) atau Taprobana dari zaman dahulu. Sebutkan adalah juga dibuat dari penduduk asli pulau itu yang berada di kapal, yang bertugas mereka berguna sebagai juru bahasa di banyak tempat mereka dikunjungi; dan kami di sini dilengkapi dengan spesimen paling tua bahasa Melayu.

Ekspedisi Portugis

Namun sebelumnya untuk navigasi Spanyol ini dari laut Hindia, melalui Amerika Selatan, ekspedisi dari Portugis di sekitar Tanjung Harapan telah membuat pulau itu terkenal, baik dalam hal keadaan lokalnya maupun tata krama penghuninya.

Emanuel Raja Portugal

Dalam sepucuk surat dari Emanuel King of Portugal to Pope Leo the Kesepuluh, tertanggal tahun 1513, dia berbicara tentang penemuan Zamatra oleh rakyatnya; dan tulisan-tulisan Juan de Barros, Castaneda, Osorius, dan Maffaeus, merinci operasi Diogo Lopez de Sequeira di Pedir dan Pase pada tahun 1509, dan orang-orang hebat Alfonso de Alboquerque di tempat yang sama, pada tahun 1511, segera sebelum penyerangannya ke Malaka. Debarros juga menyebutkan nama dari dua puluh tempat utama pulau dengan presisi yang cukup, dan mengamati bahwa semenanjung atau memiliki julukan chersonesus aurea yang diberikan padanya karena kelimpahan emas dibawa ke sana dari Monancabo ("Minangkabau") dan Barros ("Barus"), suatu negara-negara di pulau Camatra ("Sumatra").

Setelah memperhatikan apa yang telah ditulis oleh orang-orang yang benar-benar mengunjungi bagian Hindia ini pada periode awal, atau diterbitkan dari komunikasi lisan mereka oleh orang-orang sezaman, itu tidak akan dianggap perlu untuk melipatgandakan otoritas dengan mengutip karya komentator dan ahli geografi berikutnya, yang harus telah membentuk penilaian mereka dari bahan asli yang sama.

Nama Sumatera

Sehubungan dengan nama Sumatera, kami melihatnya demikian tidak diketahui baik oleh para musafir Arab maupun oleh Marco Polo, yang memang tidak mungkin mendapatkannya dari pribumi biadab pulau tersebut. Sebutan Java Minor ("Jawa kecil") yang ia berikan untuk pulau tersebut nampaknya cukup sewenang-wenang, dan tidak didasarkan pada otoritas apa pun, baik Eropa ataupun Timur, kecuali kita bisa misalkan dia telah menentukannya sebagai Iʼazadith nesos Ptolemeus; tetapi dari bagian lain hubungannya tidak demikian tampaknya dia mengenal karya agung itu ahli geografi, dia juga tidak bisa menggunakannya dengan praktik apa pun keuntungan. Di semua acara itu tidak bisa membawanya ke pembedaan Jawa yang lebih besar dan lebih kecil; dan kita mungkin lebih suka menyimpulkan bahwa, setelah mengunjungi (atau mendengar) pulau besar disebut dengan benar, dan tidak bisa mempelajari nama aslinya lain, yang dari situasi dan ukurannya mungkin bisa dipertimbangkan sebagai saudara pulau, dia menerapkan hal yang sama untuk keduanya, dengan julukan relatif mayor dan minor. Jaba-dib ("Jawa dwipa"; "pulau Jawa") atau Ptolemeus itu ia maksudkan dengan samar-samar, namun untuk pulau Jawa (sesungguhnya), tidak bisa diragukan. Itu pasti sudah diketahui oleh para pedagang Arab, dan dia tak kenal lelah dalam pertanyaannya; tetapi pada saat yang sama itu mereka mengomunikasikan nama yang mungkin tidak memenuhi syarat menggambarkan posisi geografisnya.

Dalam narasi kasar Odoricus, kami melihat yang pertama mendekati nama modern dalam kata Sumoltra. Orang-orang yang segera mengikutinya menulisnya dengan sedikit, dan sering tidak konsisten, variasi ortografi, Sumotra, Samotra, Zamatra, dan Sumatera. Tetapi tidak satu pun dari para turis ini yang memberi tahu kami dari siapa mereka mempelajarinya; baik dari penduduk asli maupun dari orang yang memiliki kebiasaan sering mengunjunginya dari dari subbenua India; yang terakhir saya pikir lebih mungkin. Reland, seorang sarjana oriental yang ahli, yang mengarahkan perhatiannya pada bahasa pulau-pulau, mengatakan itu mendapatkan sebutannya dari ketinggian tanah tertentu yang disebut sebagai Samadra, yang menurutnya berarti "negara semut besar" secara linguistik; akan tetapi nyatanya tidak ada spot bernama demikian di pulau ini; dan meskipun ada beberapa kemiripan dengan istilah untuk "semut"; nama yang dimaksud memiliki etimologi yang cukup fantastis. Yang lain memprediksi bahwa mereka menemukan turunan yang mudah dalam kata Samatra, ditemui dalam beberapa bahasa Spanyol atau Portugis kamus, sebagai menandakan badai angin dan hujan yang tiba-tiba, dan dari mana pelaut kita mungkin meminjam ungkapan itu; tetapi jelas bahwa urutan derivasi di sini terbalik, dan bahwa ungkapan tersebut diambil dari nama tanah di lingkungan di mana badai seperti itu terjadi. Dalam karya Persia dari tahun 1611 nama Shamatrah muncul sebagai salah satu tempat tersebut di mana Portugis memantapkan diri; dan hal tersebut, saya memiliki korespondensi kepada kata Melayu modern, yakni kata Samantara yang digunakan (bersama dengan yang lain yang lebih biasa, yang akan terjadi selanjutnya disebutkan) untuk menunjuk pulau ini (berkemunginan merujuk kepada istilah Jawa kuno "Nusantara").

Kemungkinan Berasal Dari Bahasa Sanskerta

Ini, memang benar, tidak sepenuhnya bebas dari kecurigaan setelah menemukan jalan mereka ke Persia dan Melayu melalui media pergaulan Eropa; tetapi untuk orang yang fasih dengan bahasa-bahasa di benua India pasti sudah jelas bahwa nama itu, bagaimanapun tertulis, memiliki kemiripan yang kuat dengan kata-kata dalam bahasa Sansekerta: ini juga tidak boleh muncul luar biasa ketika kita mempertimbangkan (apa yang sekarang diakui sepenuhnya) bahwa sebagian besar bahasa Melayu berasal dari sumber itu, dan nama-nama tersebut banyak dipergunakan di wilayah sini dan sekitarnya (seperti Indrapura dan Indragiri di Sumatera, Singapura di ujung semenanjung, dan Sukapura maupun gunung Mahameru di Jawa) tidak diragukan lagi berasal dari pengistilahan religiusitas Hinduisme. Bukan itu niat saya bagaimanapun untuk menetapkan etimologi yang tepat; tetapi dalam urutan untuk menunjukkan analogi umum dengan istilah Sanskerta yang dikenal diizinkan untuk contoh Samuder, nama kuno ibukota Carnatik ("Karnatak"), kemudian disebut Bider; Samudra-duta, yang terjadi di Hetopadesa, menandakan duta laut; itu majemuk berupa su- ("baik"), dan matra ("meter; ukuran"); dan banyak lagi kata Sanskerta yang berkaitan, terutama kata Samantara, yang menyiratkan batas, menengah, atau apa yang ada di antara, mungkin dianggap berlaku untuk situasi aneh dari sebuah pulau perantara antara dua samudra dan dua selat.

Tidak Sepenuhnya Tidak Diketahui Para Native

Ketika pada kesempatan sebelumnya hal itu ditegaskan (dan dengan terlalu banyak kepercayaan diri) bahwa nama Sumatera tidak dikenal oleh penduduk asli, yang tidak mengetahui keberadaannya sebagai pulau, dan tidak memiliki nama umum untuk itu, ekspresi seharusnya terbatas pada mereka penduduk asli dengan siapa saya memiliki kesempatan untuk berbicara, di bagian selatan pantai barat, di mana banyak keasliannya sopan santun berlaku, dengan sedikit semangat komersial perusahaan atau komunikasi dengan negara lain. Tapi bahkan di situasi yang lebih menguntungkan untuk memperoleh pengetahuan, saya percaya itu akan ditemukan bahwa penduduk pulau-pulau yang sangat besar, dan apalagi jika dikelilingi oleh yang lebih kecil, terbiasa menganggap mereka sendiri sebagai terra firma, dan tidak melihat yang lain perbedaan geografis dibandingkan dengan distrik atau negara yang mereka miliki. Dengan demikian kami menemukan bahwa lebih umum nama umumnya telah diberikan oleh orang asing, dan, sebagai Orang Arab memilih untuk menyebut pulau ini Al-rami atau Lameri, sedangkan orang Hindustan tampaknya menamakannya sebagai Sumatra atau Samantara.

Nama Pulau Melayu

Namun sejak periode itu, menjadi jauh lebih baik berkenalan dengan sastra Melayu, dan membaca tulisan-tulisan dari berbagai bagian semenanjung dan pulau-pulau tempat bahasa itu berada diucapkan dan dibudidayakan, saya dimungkinkan untuk mengatakan bahwa Sumatera itu dikenal baik di antara orang-orang timur dan yang lebih tahu tentang itu pribumi sendiri dengan dua nama Indalas ("Andalas") dan Pulo Percha ("Pulau Perca"), yang atau dalam dialek selatan (kemungkinan bahasa Palembang) disebut sebagai Pritcho ("Prico"(?)).

Indala

Dari arti atau analogi dari yang pertama, yang sepertinya ada telah diterapkan untuk itu terutama oleh orang-orang tetangga Jawa, I- tidak memiliki makna khusus apapun, dan hanya mengamati kemiripannya (tidak diragukan lagi kebetulan) ke denominasi Arab Spanyol atau Andalusia. Dalam satu bagian saya menemukan Selat Malaka disebut laut Indalas, yang di atasnya, kami diberi tahu dengan serius, ada jembatan dilemparkan oleh Aleksander Agung.

Percha

Nama terakhir dan yang lebih umum berasal dari kata Melayu menandakan fragmen atau compang-camping, dan aplikasinya adalah secara aneh dijelaskan oleh kondisi layar kapal di mana pulau itu dijelajahi untuk pertama kalinya; Tetapi mungkin dengan lebih masuk akal dianggap menyinggung yang rusak atau tanah berpotongan yang pantai timurnya begitu luar biasa. Memang akan terlihat di peta bahwa di sekitar apa disebut Selat Rupat ada tempat khusus ini deskripsi bernama Pulo Percha ("Pulau Perca"), atau Broken Islands ("Kepulauan yang berpecah"). Untuk sebutan Pulo Ber-api ("Pulau Gunung Marapi"; Gunung Marapi terletak di Sumatra Barat), yang juga memiliki terjadi, itu terlalu terbatas untuk nama yang tepat di wilayah dunia di mana fenomena itu sama sekali tidak langka atau aneh, dan sebaiknya dianggap sebagai julukan deskriptif.

Besarnya

Dalam hal besarnya, pulau ini menempati peringkat di antara pulau-pulau terbesar di dunia; tetapi lebarnya seluruhnya ditentukan dengan demikian akurasi kecil bahwa setiap upaya untuk menghitung superficies nya harus bertanggung jawab atas kesalahan yang sangat besar. Seperti Inggris Raya itu terluas di ujung selatan, menyempit secara bertahap ke utara; dan ke pulau ini ukurannya mungkin lebih mendekati sekutu daripada dalam bentuk.

Gambaran Umum Negara

Gunung

Rangkaian pegunungan membentang di seluruh bentangannya, pegunungan berada di banyak bagian ganda dan treble, tetapi terletak secara umum jauh lebih dekat ke barat daripada pantai seberang, berada di mantan jarang sejauh dua puluh mil dari laut, sementara di sisi timur luasnya negara tingkat, di bagian yang lebih luas pulau yang dilalui sungai-sungai besar di Siak, Indragiri, Jambi, dan Palembang, tidak boleh kurang dari seratus dan lima puluh. Ketinggian gunung-gunung ini, meskipun sangat tinggi, adalah tidak cukup untuk membuat mereka tertutup salju selama setiap bagian dari tahun, seperti yang di Amerika Selatan antara tropis ditemukan. Gunung Ophir,* atau Gunong Pasaman, terletak tepat di bawah garis ekuinoks, seharusnya menjadi yang tertinggi terlihat dari laut, puncaknya ditinggikan tiga belas ribu delapan ratus empat puluh dua kaki di atasnya tingkat; yang tidak lebih dari dua pertiga dari ketinggian Astronom Perancis telah dianggap berasal dari Andes yang paling tinggi, tapi agak melebihi Puncak Tenerife.

(*Footnote. Berikut adalah hasil dari pengamatan yang dilakukan oleh Mr Robert Nairne dari ketinggian Gunung Ophir:

Tinggi puncak di atas permukaan laut, dalam kaki: 13.842.
Mil bahasa Inggris: 2,6216.
Mil laut: 2,26325.
Pedalaman, hampir: 26 mil laut.
Jarak dari Massang Point: 32 mil laut.
Jarak di laut sebelum puncak tenggelam di bawah cakrawala: 125 mil laut.
Lintang puncak: 0 derajat 6 menit ke utara.
Sebuah gunung berapi, di selatan Ophir, tidak setinggi itu oleh: 1377 kaki.
Pedalaman, hampir 29 mil laut.
Untuk membentuk perbandingan, saya menggabungkan ketinggian, seperti yang dihitung oleh ahli matematika, gunung lain di berbagai bagian dunia:
Chimborazo, yang tertinggi di Andes, 3220 kaki atau 20.633 kaki Inggris. Ini sekitar 2400 kaki dari puncak tertutup dengan salju abadi.
Carazon, dinaikkan oleh para astronom Prancis: 15.800 kaki Inggris.
Puncak Tenerife. Feuille: 2270 kaki atau 13.265 kaki.
Gunung Blanc, Savoy. Sr.G. Shuckburgh: 15.662.
Gunung Etna, Sr. G. Shuckburgh: 10.954.

Di antara pegunungan ini terdapat dataran luas, sangat tinggi di atas permukaan tanah laut, di mana udaranya sejuk; dan dari keuntungan ini mereka dihargai bagian negara yang paling memenuhi syarat, akibatnya adalah paling baik dihuni dan paling bersih dari hutan, yang di tempat lain pada umumnya di seluruh Sumatera meliputi baik perbukitan maupun lembah naungan abadi. Di sini juga banyak ditemukan yang berukuran besar dan indah danau-danau yang membentang secara berkala melalui jantung negara, dan memfasilitasi banyak komunikasi antara yang berbeda bagian, tetapi dimensi, situasi, atau arahnya, sangat sedikit diketahui, meskipun penduduk asli sering menyebutkannya catatan perjalanan mereka. Yang terutama dibicarakan adalah: salah satu situasi yang sangat luas tetapi tidak pasti di Batta negara; satu di negara Korinchi, baru-baru ini dikunjungi oleh Mr. C. Campbel; dan satu lagi di negeri Lampong, memanjang ke arah Pasummah, dilayari dengan perahu-perahu besar berlayar, dan membutuhkan siang dan malam untuk mempengaruhi bagian yang melintasinya; yang mungkin terjadi di musim hujan, seperti di bagian pulau itu yang dilalui aliran Sungai Tulang Bawang genangan yang luas, menyebabkannya berkomunikasi dengan sungai dari Palembang. Dalam perjalanan yang dilakukan bertahun-tahun sejak oleh seorang putra sultan dari tempat terakhir, untuk mengunjungi residen Inggris di Croee, dia dikatakan telah melewati jalan danau itu. Dia banyak yang harus disesali bahwa situasi begitu penting a fitur dalam geografi pulau harus pada hari ini subjek dugaan yang tidak pasti.

Air Terjun

Air terjun dan kaskade bukanlah hal yang aneh, seperti yang diduga di negara yang permukaannya tidak rata seperti di pantai barat. Yang luar biasa turun dari sisi utara Gunung Pugong. Pulau Mansalar, berbaring dan memberikan perlindungan kepada teluk Tappanuli, menyajikan pemandangan jatuh yang sangat mencolok penampilan, reservoir yang ditegaskan oleh penduduk asli (dalam bahasa mereka menyukai yang luar biasa) menjadi cangkang besar spesies disebut kima (Chama gigas) ditemukan dalam jumlah besar di teluk itu, serta di New Guinea dan bagian timur lainnya.* Di dasar kapal musim gugur ini kadang-kadang mengambil air mereka tanpa perlu mendaratkan tong mereka; Tetapi upaya semacam itu dapat menimbulkan bahaya yang ekstrim. Sebuah kapal dari Inggris (Elgin) tertarik dengan penampilan dari lautan tapi kecil kaskade indah turun tegak lurus dari curam tebing, itu, seperti benteng yang sangat besar, melapisi pantai di dekatnya Manna, mengirim perahu untuk mendapatkan air bersih; tapi dia hilang dalam ombak, dan kru tenggelam.

(*Catatan kaki. Yang terbesar yang pernah saya lihat berasal dari Tappanuli oleh Mr. James Moore dari Arno's Vale di utara Irlandia. Diameter terpanjangnya adalah 3 kaki 3 1/2 inci, dan 2 kaki 1 1/4 inci. Salah satu metode untuk membawa mereka masuk air yang dalam adalah dengan menyodorkan bambu panjang di antara katup as mereka terbuka, ketika, dengan penutupan segera yang mengikuti, mereka dibuat cepat. Substansi cangkangnya putih sempurna, setebal beberapa inci, dikerjakan oleh penduduk asli menjadi cincin lengan, dan di tangan artis kami ditemukan untuk mengambil semir yang setara ke marmer patung terbaik.)

Sungai

Tidak ada negara di dunia yang persediaan airnya lebih baik daripada negara tersebut pesisir barat pulau. Mata air ditemukan di mana pun mereka berada dicari, dan sungai-sungai tak terhitung jumlahnya; tapi mereka masuk umum terlalu kecil dan cepat untuk tujuan navigasi. Itu sekitar pegunungan ke sisi pulau itu limpahan anak sungai ini, dan pada saat yang sama ketidaksempurnaan yang menyertai mereka, dengan tidak memberi mereka ruang untuk itu menumpuk ke ukuran yang cukup besar. Di pantai timur jarak jangkauan perbukitan tidak hanya memberikan ruang lingkup yang lebih besar untuk aliran sungai sebelum bermuara, sajikan a permukaan yang lebih besar untuk wadah hujan dan uap, dan memungkinkan mereka untuk menyatukan lebih banyak aliran anak perusahaan, tetapi juga membuat fluks lebih stabil dan seragam sejauh ruang tingkat daripada tempat torrent mengalir lebih cepat pegunungan. Tetapi tidak dapat dipahami bahwa di barat sisi tidak ada sungai besar. Kataun, Indrapura, Tabuyong, dan Sinkel mengklaim gelar itu, meskipun ukurannya lebih rendah dari Palembang, Jambi, Indragiri, dan Siak. Yang terakhir berasal juga a keuntungan material dari tempat tinggal yang diberikan kepada mereka oleh semenanjung Malaka, dan Kalimantan, Banca, dan pulau-pulau lain di Nusantara, yang mematahkan kekuatan laut, mencegah ombak membentuk jeruji yang mencekik pintu masuk sungai barat daya, dan membuat mereka tidak praktis untuk perahu aliran air yang cukup besar. Tenaga kerja ini juga di bawah ini ketidaknyamanan tambahan yang hampir tidak ada kecuali lari terbesar ke laut dalam kursus langsung. Aksi ombak yang terus-menerus, lebih kuat dari kekuatan arus biasa, dilemparkan ke mulut mereka bank pasir, yang dalam banyak hal memiliki efek mengalihkan jalur mereka ke arah yang sejajar dengan pantai, antara tebing dan pantai, hingga menumpuk perairan panjang lebar memaksa jalan mereka di mana pun ditemukan resistensi terlemah. Di musim selatan, saat ada ombak biasanya tertinggi, dan sungai, dari kekeringan cuaca, paling cepat, jalur paralel ini adalah yang terbesar cakupan; dan Sungai Moco-moco mengambil jalur, kadang-kadang, dua atau tiga mil dengan cara ini, sebelum bercampur dengan laut; tetapi sebagai sungai membengkak dengan hujan mereka secara bertahap menghilangkan penghalang dan memulihkan saluran alami mereka.

Udara

Panasnya udara sama sekali tidak sekuat yang mungkin terjadi diharapkan di negara yang menempati tengah zona terik. Dia lebih beriklim daripada di banyak daerah tanpa daerah tropis, termometer, pada jam paling panas, yaitu sekitar dua menit sore hari, umumnya berfluktuasi antara 82 dan 85 derajat. Saya bersedia tidak ingat pernah melihatnya lebih tinggi dari 86 di tempat teduh, di Benteng Marlborough; meskipun di Natal, di garis lintang 34 menit utara, tidak jarang pada 87 dan 88 derajat. Saat matahari terbit itu biasanya serendah 70; sensasi dingin namun banyak lebih besar dari ini tampaknya menunjukkan, seperti yang terjadi menggigil dan gemeretak gigi; diragukan lagi dari relaksasi tubuh yang lebih besar dan keterbukaan pori-pori di dalamnya iklim; untuk suhu yang sama di Inggris akan dihargai a tingkat kehangatan yang cukup besar. Pengamatan ini pada keadaan udara hanya berlaku untuk distrik dekat pantai laut, di mana, dari situasi mereka yang relatif rendah, dan lebih besar kompresi atmosfer, sinar matahari beroperasi lebih banyak dengan kuat. Di pedalaman, saat negara naik, tingkat panasnya menurun dengan cepat, sedemikian rupa sehingga melampaui kisaran pertama perbukitan penduduk merasa perlu menyalakan api di pagi hari, dan lanjutkan mereka sampai hari itu lanjut, untuk tujuan menghangatkan diri; sebuah praktek yang tidak diketahui di bagian lain dari pulau; dan dalam jurnal ekspedisi Letnan Dare itu tampak bahwa selama satu malam berhenti di puncak gunung, di musim hujan, dia kehilangan beberapa partainya dari keparahan cuaca, sementara termometer tidak lebih rendah dari 40 derajat. Untuk dingin juga mereka mengaitkan keterbelakangan dalam pertumbuhan pohon kelapa, yang kadang-kadang dua puluh atau tiga puluh tahun menuju kesempurnaan, dan sering gagal menghasilkan buah. Situasi secara seragam lebih dingin sebanding dengan mereka ketinggian di atas permukaan laut, kecuali jika setempat keadaan, seperti lingkungan dataran berpasir, berkontribusi untuk menghasilkan efek sebaliknya; tapi di Sumatera kesejukan udara dipromosikan oleh kualitas tanah, yang adalah tanah liat, dan kehijauan yang konstan dan kuat yang berlaku, yang, dengan menyerap sinar matahari, mencegah pengaruhnya cerminan. Keadaan pulau menjadi sangat sempit berkontribusi juga pada suhu umumnya, seperti angin secara langsung atau baru-baru ini dari laut jarang memiliki kekerasan apapun tingkat panas, biasanya diperoleh dengan melewati saluran besar tanah di iklim tropis. Frost, salju, dan hujan es saya percaya tidak diketahui oleh penduduk. Orang-orang bukit di negara Lampong memang berbicara tentang sejenis hujan yang turun di sana, yang menurut beberapa orang adalah apa yang kita sebut hujan es; tapi faktanya tidak cukup ditetapkan. Suasananya lebih umum berawan daripada di Eropa, yang dapat dirasakan dari jarangnya malam terang bintang. Ini dapat dilanjutkan dari penghalusan udara yang lebih besar menyebabkan awan turun lebih rendah dan menjadi lebih buram, atau hanya karena panas yang lebih kuat menghembuskan nafas dari darat dan laut yang lebih kental dan lebih banyak uap air. Kabut, yang disebut kabut oleh penduduk asli, diamati bangun setiap pagi di antara bukit-bukit yang jauh, padat hingga a gelar mengejutkan; ujung-ujungnya, bahkan ketika dekat, didefinisikan dengan sempurna; dan jarang diamati untuk membubarkan sampai sekitar tiga jam setelah matahari terbit.

Spot Air

Fenomena luar biasa itu, puting beliung, sangat terkenal ke dan dijelaskan oleh navigator, sering muncul di bagian ini, dan kadang-kadang di pantai. Saya telah melihat banyak di laut; tapi yang terbesar dan paling berbeda (dari kedekatannya) itu Saya memiliki kesempatan untuk mengamati, muncul dengan sendirinya kepada saya sementara menunggang kuda. Saya begitu dekat dengannya sehingga saya bisa melihat apa tampaknya merupakan perputaran ke dalam, berbeda dari volumenya mengelilinginya atau badan tabung; tetapi saya sadar bahwa ini mungkin telah menjadi tipuan penglihatan, dan itu adalah bagian luarnya yang benar-benar berputar - seperti tubuh yang diam bagi orang-orang di dalamnya gerak cepat, untuk surut ke arah yang berlawanan. Seperti yang lain puting beliung itu kadang tegak lurus dan kadang melengkung, seperti pipa kepala diam, jalurnya mengarah ke satu arah dari Teluk Bencoolen melintasi semenanjung tempat Inggris tegakan permukiman; tetapi sebelum mencapai laut di sisi lain sisi itu berkurang secara bertahap, seolah-olah dari kekurangan persediaan yang harus dilengkapi dengan elemen yang tepat, dan dikumpulkan dirinya sendiri ke dalam awan dari mana ia bergantung, tanpa apapun akibat jatuhnya air atau efek destruktif. Keseluruhan operasi kita dapat menganggap sifat angin puyuh, dan gejolak hebat di bagian laut yang lebih rendah ujung tabung poin menjadi efek yang sesuai dengan agitasi daun atau pasir di pantai, yang dalam beberapa kasus diangkat ke ketinggian yang sangat tinggi; tetapi dalam pembentukan puting beliung gerakan rotasi angin tidak hanya berlaku pada permukaan tanah atau laut, tetapi juga di atas awan yang menggantung, dan sepertinya menariknya ke bawah.

Guntur Dan Petir

Guntur dan kilat sangat sering terjadi untuk menarik perhatian orang-orang lama tinggal di negara itu. Selama monsun barat laut, ledakannya luar biasa brutal; petir bercabang menembak ke segala arah, dan seluruh langit tampak terbakar, sementara tanah bergolak dalam a derajat sedikit lebih rendah dari gerakan gempa ringan. Di dalam monsun tenggara petir lebih konstan, tapi koruskasi kurang ganas atau cerah, dan gunturnya hampir tidak terdengar. Tampaknya konsekuensi dari ini meteor yang mengerikan tidak begitu fatal di sana seperti di Eropa, beberapa contoh terjadi hilangnya nyawa atau bangunan yang dihancurkan oleh ledakan, meskipun konduktor listrik tidak pernah dipekerjakan. Mungkin kekurangan penduduk sebanding dengan luasnya negara dan bahan rumah yang tidak penting dapat berkontribusi untuk pengamatan ini. Saya telah melihat beberapa pohon, namun, yang telah hancur di Sumatera oleh aksi petir.*

(*Footnote. Sejak di atas ditulis akun memiliki telah diterima bahwa sebuah majalah di Fort Marlborough, berisi empat ratus barel mesiu, ditembakkan oleh petir dan ditiup sampai pada tanggal 18 Maret 1782.)

Muson

Penyebab yang menghasilkan berbagai musim berturut-turut di bagian bumi tanpa daerah tropis, tidak ada hubungan atau sehubungan dengan wilayah zona terik, urutan yang berbeda diambil tempat di sana, dan tahun dibedakan menjadi dua bagian, biasanya disebut musim hujan dan kemarau atau musim, dari cuaca khas masing-masing. Di beberapa bagian India ini monsun diatur oleh berbagai undang-undang khusus terkait dengan waktu dimulainya, jangka waktu, keadaan menghadiri perubahan mereka, dan arah angin yang berlaku menurut sifat dan keadaan tanah dan pantainya dimana pengaruhnya terasa. Semakin jauh semenanjung India, di mana kerajaan Siam berada, mengalami sekaligus efek dari musim yang berlawanan; sisi barat, di Teluk Benggala, terkena hujan terus-menerus selama setengah tahun, sementara di sisi timur cuaca terbaik dinikmati; dan sebagainya di berbagai pantai Indostan, musim hujan mengerahkan kekuatannya mempengaruhi secara bergantian; yang tersisa tenang dan tidak terganggu sementara yang lain gelisah oleh badai. Di sepanjang pantai Koromandel perubahan, atau putusnya monsun sebagaimana adanya disebut, sering disertai dengan angin kencang yang paling dahsyat angin.

Di pesisir barat Sumatera, di sebelah selatan titik balik matahari, monsun tenggara atau musim kemarau dimulai sekitar bulan Mei dan mengendur pada bulan September: monsun barat laut dimulai November, dan hujan deras berhenti sekitar bulan Maret. Musim hujan untuk sebagian besar memulai dan berhenti secara bertahap di sana; bulan April dan Mei, Oktober dan November umumnya memberikan cuaca dan angin bervariasi dan tidak pasti.

Penyebab Muson

Penyebab angin periodik ini telah diselidiki oleh beberapa naturalis yang cakap, yang sistemnya, bagaimanapun, tidak sepenuhnya sesuai baik dalam prinsip-prinsip yang ditetapkan atau dalam mereka aplikasi untuk efek diketahui diproduksi di berbeda bagian dunia. Saya akan secara singkat menyebutkan apa yang tampak yang paling jelas, atau paling tidak mungkin, di antara hukum-hukum umum, atau kesimpulan, yang telah disimpulkan dari pemeriksaan Subjek ini. Jika laut benar-benar tidak terganggu dan bebas dari pengaruh tanah yang tidak teratur, angin timur yang abadi akan menang di semua ruang yang dipahami antara dua puluh delapan atau tiga belas derajat lintang utara dan selatan. Hal ini terutama disebabkan oleh revolusi diurnal dari bumi pada porosnya dari barat ke timur; tapi apakah melalui operasi matahari, bergerak ke arah barat, di atas atmosfer cairan, atau kecepatan revolusi benda padat, yang meninggalkan cairan yang mengelilinginya, dan dengan demikian menyebabkannya surut ke arah yang berlawanan; atau apakah prinsip-prinsip ini bekerja sama, atau bertentangan secara tidak seimbang lain, seperti yang telah diperdebatkan dengan cerdik, saya tidak akan mengambilnya saya untuk memutuskan. Cukup dikatakan bahwa efek seperti itu muncul menjadi hukum umum pertama dari angin tropis. Apapun mungkin menjadi tingkat pengaruh matahari terhadap atmosfer di nya perjalanan diurnal sementara, tidak dapat diragukan lagi tetapi itu, di sehubungan dengan posisinya di jalur ekliptika, kekuatannya adalah besar. Menuju wilayah udara yang dijernihkan oleh semakin cepat kehadiran panas, semakin dingin dan lebih padat bagian secara alami akan mengalir. Akibatnya dari sekitar, dan beberapa derajat di luar, daerah tropis, di kedua sisi, udara cenderung menuju ekuator; dan, menggabungkan dengan timur umum saat ini sebelum disebutkan, menghasilkan (atau akan, jika permukaannya seragam) angin timur laut di divisi utara, dan a tenggara di selatan; bervariasi dalam tingkat perjalanannya karena matahari kebetulan kurang lebih jauh pada saat itu. Ini didenominasikan angin perdagangan, dan merupakan subjek dari pengamatan umum kedua. Jelas bahwa, sehubungan dengan ruang tengah antara daerah tropis, bagian-bagian yang menjadi satu musim tahun terletak di sebelah utara matahari, adalah, selama yang lain, di sebelah selatannya; dan tentu saja itu sebuah perubahan efek yang terakhir dijelaskan harus terjadi, sesuai dengan situasi relatif termasyhur; atau di lain kata-kata, bahwa prinsip yang menyebabkan pada satu waktu utara-timur angin yang berlaku di tempat tertentu di garis lintang itu harus, ketika keadaan berubah, sesekali angin tenggara. Seperti itulah garis besar angin periodik, yang tidak diragukan lagi tergantung pada arah alternatif matahari ke utara dan ke selatan; dan ini saya nyatakan sebagai jenderal ketiga hukum. Tetapi meskipun ini mungkin sesuai dengan pengalaman di lautan luas, namun, di sekitar benua dan besar pulau, penyimpangan dikatakan bahwa hampir tampaknya menjungkirbalikkan prinsip. Sepanjang pantai barat Afrika dan di beberapa bagian laut India, angin berkala, atau monsun sebagaimana adanya disebut yang terakhir, bertiup dari barat-barat laut dan barat daya, sesuai dengan situasi, luas, dan sifat tanah terdekat; yang pengaruhnya terhadap atmosfer incumbent, ketika dipanaskan oleh matahari pada musim-musim di mana ia vertikal, luar biasa, dan mungkin lebih unggul dari penyebab lainnya yang berkontribusi pada produksi atau arah angin. Ke lacak pengoperasian prinsip tidak teratur ini melalui beberapa angin lazim di India, dan kegagalan berkala mereka dan perubahan, akan terbukti rumit tetapi, menurut saya, tidak berarti tugas yang mustahil.* Namun itu asing bagi saya saat ini tujuan, dan saya hanya akan mengamati bahwa monsun timur laut berubah, di pantai barat Sumatera, ke barat laut atau barat-laut-barat oleh pengaruh daratan. Selama monsun tenggara angin ditemukan bertiup di sana, antara itu titik dan selatan. Sementara matahari terus berada di dekat khatulistiwa angin adalah variabel, juga arahnya tidak tetap sampai dia memilikinya maju beberapa derajat ke arah tropis: dan ini adalah penyebab musim hujan biasanya terjadi, seperti yang telah saya amati, sekitar bulan Mei dan November, bukan bulan ekuinoks.

(*Catatan kaki. Telah dicoba, dan dengan banyak penalaran yang cerdik, oleh Mr. Semeyns dalam jilid ketiga dari Transaksi Haerlem yang baru-baru ini jatuh ke tangan saya tangan.)

Angin darat dan laut

Demikianlah cukup untuk angin berkala. SAYA akan melanjutkan untuk memberikan laporan tentang mereka yang dibedakan oleh sebutan angin darat dan angin laut, yang menuntut dari saya a investigasi kecil, baik karena, sebagai lebih lokal, mereka lebih khusus milik subjek saya, dan bahwa sifat mereka memiliki sampai sekarang kurang diperlakukan secara khusus oleh para naturalis.

Di pulau ini, serta semua negara lain di antara tropis dalam batas yang cukup besar, angin berhembus secara seragam dari laut ke darat selama beberapa jam dalam empat dan dua puluh, lalu berubah dan berhembus sebanyak mungkin dari darat ke laut; kecuali hanya saat musim hujan mengamuk kekerasan yang luar biasa, dan bahkan pada saat seperti itu angin jarang berhenti untuk memiringkan beberapa poin, sesuai dengan upaya dari klausa bawahan, yang tidak memiliki kekuatan, di bawah ini keadaan, untuk menghasilkan seluruh perubahan. Di pantai barat Sumatera angin laut biasanya masuk, setelah satu atau dua jam tenang, sekitar jam sepuluh pagi, dan berlanjut sampai mendekati pukul enam malam. Sekitar pukul tujuh angin darat berhembus, dan menang sepanjang malam sampai menjelang pukul delapan pagi, saat itu perlahan-lahan

Hal ini terutama disebabkan oleh revolusi diurnal dari bumi pada porosnya dari barat ke timur; tapi apakah melalui operasi mati.

Penyebab Darat Dan Angin Laut

Ini bergantung pada prinsip umum yang sama yang menyebabkan dan mengatur semua angin lainnya. Panas yang bekerja pada udara langka itu, oleh yang menjadi lebih ringan, dan dipasang ke atas. Itu bagian yang lebih padat dari atmosfer yang mengelilinginya begitu tipis, bergegas ke kekosongan dari bobot superior mereka; berusaha, sebagai hukum gravitasi membutuhkan, untuk mengembalikan keseimbangan. Dengan demikian di gedung-gedung bundar tempat pabrik kaca dibawa pada, panas tungku di tengah menjadi intens, a arus udara yang keras dapat dianggap memaksa masuk, melalui pintu atau celah, di sisi berlawanan dari rumah. Sebagai angin umum disebabkan oleh pengaruh LANGSUNG dari matahari sinar atas atmosfer, bahwa penyimpangan tertentu dari arus dibedakan dengan nama angin darat dan angin laut disebabkan oleh pengaruh sinar REFLEKSI nya, kembali dari bumi atau laut tempat mereka menyerang. Permukaan bumi adalah lebih tiba-tiba dipanaskan oleh sinar matahari daripada laut, dari kepadatan dan keadaan istirahatnya yang lebih besar; akibatnya itu memantulkan sinar itu lebih cepat dan dengan lebih banyak kekuatan: tetapi, juga karena untuk kerapatannya, panasnya lebih dangkal daripada yang diserap laut, yang menjadi lebih hangat karena transparansi dan dengan gerakannya, terus-menerus menghadirkan permukaan baru ke matahari. Sekarang saya akan berusaha untuk menerapkan prinsip-prinsip ini. Pada saat matahari terbit telah naik ke ketinggian tiga puluh atau empat puluh derajat di atas cakrawala bumi telah memperoleh, dan tercermin pada badan udara yang terletak di atasnya, suatu tingkat panas yang cukup untuk menipiskannya dan menghancurkan keseimbangannya; akibatnya badan udara di atas laut, tidak sama, atau hampir tidak sama semua, dijernihkan, bergegas menuju tanah dan penyebab yang sama beroperasi selama matahari terus berada di atas cakrawala, a angin laut konstan, atau arus udara dari laut ke darat, berlaku selama waktu itu. Dari sekitar satu jam sebelum matahari terbenam permukaan bumi mulai kehilangan panas yang diperolehnya dari yang lebih sinar tegak lurus. Pengaruh itu tentu saja berhenti, dan menjadi tenang berhasil. Kehangatan yang diberikan ke laut, tidak sekeras itu tanah tetapi lebih dalam menyerap, dan akibatnya lebih permanen, sekarang bertindak pada gilirannya, dan dengan penghalusan yang ditimbulkannya menarik ke wilayahnya udara darat, tumbuh lebih dingin, lebih padat, dan lebih berat, yang terus mengalir kembali ke bumi, oleh renovasi panasnya di pagi hari, sekali lagi memperoleh kekuasaan. Begitulah aturan umum, selaras dengan pengalaman, dan didirikan, menurut saya, dalam hukum gerak dan sifat benda. Pengamatan berikut akan berfungsi untuk menguatkan apa yang telah saya tingkatkan, dan untuk memberikan tambahan cahaya pada subjek untuk informasi dan bimbingan dari setiap penyelidik masa depan.

Angin berkala yang seharusnya bertiup selama enam bulan dari barat laut dan banyak dari tenggara jarang amati keteraturan ini, kecuali di jantung musim hujan; miring, hampir setiap saat, beberapa titik ke arah laut, dan tidak jarang bertiup dari barat daya atau berbaris tegak lurus dengan pantai. Ini harus dikaitkan dengan pengaruh prinsip itu yang menyebabkan terjadinya angin darat dan laut membuktikan pada kesempatan ini lebih kuat dari prinsip angin berkala; yang dua tampaknya di sini untuk bertindak di sudut kanan satu sama lain; dan karena pengaruh keduanya lazim angin menarik menuju jalur tegak lurus atau sejajar dengan garis pantai. Kecuali saat badai atau lainnya yang tiba-tiba perubahan cuaca, di mana iklim ini khususnya bertanggung jawab, menghasilkan ketidakteraturan, kecenderungan angin darat di malam hari hampir selalu ada korespondensi dengan angin laut hari sebelumnya atau berikutnya; tidak bertiup ke suatu arah tepat di seberangnya (yang akan terjadi jika yang pertama adalah, seperti yang diduga oleh beberapa penulis, hanyalah efek dari akumulasi dan redundansi yang terakhir, tanpa positif sebab) tetapi membentuk sudut yang sama dan bersebelahan, di mana pantai adalah sisi umum. Jadi, jika pantai dianggap berjalan utara dan selatan, pengaruh yang sama, atau kombinasi dari pengaruh, yang menghasilkan angin laut di barat laut menghasilkan a angin darat di timur laut; atau mengadaptasi kasus ke Sumatera, yang terletak di barat laut dan tenggara, angin laut di selatan didahului atau diikuti oleh angin darat di timur. Komentar ini tidak boleh diambil dalam arti yang terlalu ketat, tetapi hanya sebagai akibat umum pengamatan. Jika angin darat, sepanjang malam, berputar dari timur ke utara, hal itu akan dipandang sebagai ramalan yang tidak dapat salah dari angin barat atau barat laut keesokan harinya. Berdasarkan prinsip ini, penduduk asli meramalkan arah angin dengan suara ombak di malam hari, yang jika terdengar dari utara dianggap sebagai cikal bakal angin utara, dan sebaliknya. Seperempat dari mana kebisingan terdengar tergantung pada arah angin darat, yang membawa suara bersamanya, dan menenggelamkannya ke bawah angin - angin darat memiliki korespondensi dengan angin laut hari berikutnya - dan dengan demikian ramalan diperhitungkan.

Efek angin laut tidak dirasakan pada jarak lebih dari tiga atau empat liga dari pantai yang sama, dan untuk sebagian besar redup sebanding dengan jarak. Kapan itu pertama kali muncul di dalamnya tidak dimulai pada ujung yang lebih jauh dari batasnya tetapi sangat dekat dengan pantai, dan secara bertahap meluas dengan sendirinya lebih jauh ke laut, seiring berjalannya hari; mungkin memakan waktu lebih lama atau lebih pendek saja karena siang hari lebih atau kurang panas. Saya punya sering mengamati layar kapal pada jarak empat, enam, atau delapan mil, cukup terhenti, sementara angin laut segar pada saat bertiup di pantai. Dalam satu jam setelahnya mereka telah merasakan efeknya.*

(*Catatan kaki. Pengamatan ini serta banyak lainnya I telah dibuat pada subjek yang saya temukan dikuatkan dalam Risalah sebelum dikutip dari Haerlem Transactions yang belum pernah saya lihat saat karya ini pertama kali diterbitkan.)

Melewati pantai sekitar pukul enam sore waktu angin laut melakukan upaya terakhirnya, saya telah merasakannya untuk meniup dengan cukup panas, karena panas laut telah diperoleh pada saat itu, yang akan segera dimulai mengalihkan arus udara ke arahnya saat pertama kali diatasi vis inertiae yang mempertahankan gerak dalam tubuh setelah kekuatan pendorong telah berhenti beroperasi. Saya juga pernah masuk akal dari tingkat kehangatan saat lewat, dalam waktu dua jam setelahnya matahari terbenam, ke bawah angin danau air tawar; yang membuktikan pernyataan air menyerap panas yang lebih permanen daripada bumi. Di dalam siang hari angin sepoi-sepoi akan terasa sejuk saat melintasi danau yang sama.

Mendekati pulau yang letaknya agak jauh dari yang lain tanah, saya dikejutkan dengan munculnya awan sekitar pukul sembilan di pagi hari yang kemudian membentuk lingkaran sempurna di sekelilingnya, the tengah menjadi biru jernih, dan menyerupai apa yang disebut para pelukis sebuah kemuliaan. Ini saya perhitungkan dari pantulan sinar matahari menipiskan atmosfer langsung di atas pulau, dan secara merata di semua bagian, yang menyebabkan pertemuan udara tetangga, dan dengan di sekitar awan. Yang terakhir ini, cenderung seragam pusat, dikompresi satu sama lain pada jarak tertentu darinya, dan, seperti batu-batu di lengkungan batu, mencegah masing-masing pendekatan lain yang lebih dekat. Pulau itu, bagaimanapun, tidak mengalami perubahan angin darat dan laut, juga kecil, dan terlalu tinggi, serta terletak di garis lintang tempat perdagangan atau angin abadi menang dengan kekuatan maksimalnya. Di berpasir negara, efek sinar matahari menembus dalam, a lebih banyak panas permanen dihasilkan, konsekuensinya seharusnya menjadi kelanjutan yang lebih panjang dari angin laut di malam hari; Dan setuju dengan anggapan ini saya telah diberitahu bahwa pada pantai Koromandel jarang mati sebelum jam sepuluh malam. SAYA hanya akan menambahkan tentang hal ini bahwa angin darat di Sumatera adalah dingin, dingin, dan lembap; karena itu paparannya berbahaya untuk kesehatan, dan tidur di dalamnya hampir pasti kematian.

Tanah

Tanah di sisi barat Sumatera boleh dikatakan umumnya sebagai tanah liat kemerahan yang kaku, ditutupi dengan lapisan atau lapisan jamur hitam, tidak terlalu dalam. Dari sini ada muncul rerumputan yang kuat dan abadi, semak belukar, atau kayu-pohon, menurut negara telah tinggal lebih lama atau lebih pendek waktu tidak terganggu oleh konsekuensi dari populasi, yang, karena di banyak tempat sangat tipis, maka a sebagian besar pulau, dan terutama ke selatan, adalah hutan yang tahan air.

Permukaan Yang Tidak Merata

Di sepanjang pantai barat pulau, dataran rendah, atau luas daratan yang terbentang dari tepi pantai sampai ke kaki laut pegunungan, berpotongan dan dibuat tidak rata menjadi mengejutkan derajat oleh rawa-rawa yang jalurnya tidak teratur dan berliku di beberapa tempat tempat dilacak dalam rantai terus-menerus selama bermil-mil sampai mereka melepaskan diri baik ke laut, beberapa danau tetangga, atau fen yang sangat umum ditemukan di dekat tepian sungai sungai yang lebih besar dan menerima luapannya di musim hujan musim hujan. Bintik-bintik tanah yang dicakup oleh rawa-rawa ini menjadi begitu banyak pulau dan semenanjung, terkadang rata di atas, dan seringkali punggungan belaka; memiliki di beberapa tempat kemiringan yang lembut, dan masuk yang lain turun hampir tegak lurus ke kedalaman a seratus kaki. Di beberapa bagian negara Bencoolen, atau dari distrik utara yang berdekatan dengannya, bisa menjadi ruang yang lumayan rata empat ratus yard persegi ditandai. Saya sering, dari situasi yang lebih tinggi, di mana jangkauan yang lebih luas menjadi sasaran mata, disurvei dengan kekaguman wajah biasa yang diasumsikan oleh alam, dan membuat pertanyaan dan menghadiri dugaan tentang penyebab ketidaksetaraan ini. Beberapa memilih untuk mengaitkannya dengan gegar otak berturut-turut dari gempa bumi melalui proses abad. Tapi mereka tampaknya bukan akibat dari penyebab seperti itu. Tidak ada celah yang tiba-tiba; cekungan dan pembengkakan adalah untuk sebagian besar rata dan landai sehingga tidak terlihat jarang penampilan amfiteater, dan memang begitu berpakaian hijau dari puncak ke tepi rawa. Dari keadaan terakhir ini juga terbukti bahwa mereka memang demikian tidak, seperti dugaan orang lain, disebabkan oleh turunnya hujan lebat yang membanjiri negara selama setengah tahun; yang demikian pula untuk disimpulkan dari banyak dari mereka yang tidak jelas outlet dan mulai di mana tidak ada torrent yang dapat dibayangkan beroperasi. Cara akuntansi paling ringkas untuk ini ketidakrataan permukaan yang luar biasa menyimpulkan bahwa, di konstruksi asli bola dunia kita, Sumatra dibentuk oleh tangan yang sama yang membentangkan dataran berpasir Arabia, dan mengangkat pegunungan Alpen dan Andes di luar wilayah awan. Tetapi ini adalah mode solusi yang, jika diadopsi secara umum, akan menjadi penghalang yang tidak dapat diatasi untuk semua kemajuan dalam pengetahuan alam oleh meredam rasa ingin tahu dan menahan penelitian. Alam, kita tahu dari pengalaman yang cukup, tidak hanya berbalik dari aslinya saja oleh industri manusia, tetapi juga kadang-kadang cek dan melintasi karirnya sendiri. Apa yang terjadi dalam beberapa kasus itu tidak adil untuk mengira mungkin terjadi pada orang lain; juga bukan praduga untuk menelusuri sebab-sebab antara dari peristiwa-peristiwa yang merupakan diri mereka sendiri berasal dari satu prinsip pertama, universal, dan abadi.

Penyebab Ketidaksetaraan Ini

Bagi saya tampaknya mata air yang dengannya ini bagian pulau berlimpah dalam tingkat operasi yang tidak biasa secara langsung, meskipun tidak jelas, untuk menghasilkan ketidakteraturan ini permukaan bumi. Mereka mendapatkan nomor mereka dan porsi aktivitas yang luar biasa dari ketinggian pegunungan yang menempati pedalaman negara, dan mencegat dan mengumpulkan uap mengambang. Diendapkan ke hujan pada ketinggian seperti itu, air memperolehnya saat turun celah atau pori-pori pegunungan ini memiliki kekuatan yang cukup besar yang mengerahkan dirinya ke segala arah, lateral dan tegak lurus, untuk mendapatkan ventilasi. Keberadaan ini berlebihan mata air terbukti di fasilitas yang sumurnya ada di mana-mana tenggelam; tidak memerlukan pilihan tanah tetapi karena mungkin menghormati kenyamanan pemilik; semua situasi, apakah tinggi atau rendah, menjadi pemborosan elemen berharga ini. Dimana pendekatan laut telah membuat tebing tiba-tiba, rills yang tak terhitung banyaknya, atau lebih tepatnya kelembaban yang berkelanjutan, terlihat mengalir melalui dan menetes ke bawah curam. Dimana sebaliknya laut telah berhenti dan membuang tepian pasir dalam kemundurannya I telah memperhatikan aliran air, pada tingkat tertentu dan umumnya antara batas-batas air pasang, mempengaruhi mereka melewati penghalang longgar dan lemah yang menentang mereka. Di dalam singkatnya, setiap bagian dari dataran rendah mengandung mata air kerja itu untuk kelahiran; dan perjuangan terus-menerus ini, ini aktivitas kekerasan perairan bawah tanah, harus bertahap merusak dataran di atas. Bumi digali tanpa terasa, permukaan mengendap, dan karenanya ketidaksetaraan yang kita bicarakan. Operasinya lambat tapi tak henti-hentinya, dan, menurut saya, sepenuhnya mampu memberikan efek.

Produksi Mineral

Bumi Sumatera kaya akan mineral dan produksi fosil lainnya.

Emas

Tidak ada negara yang lebih terkenal di segala zaman karena emas, dan, meskipun sumber dari mana itu diambil mungkin dianggap masuk beberapa ukuran habis oleh keserakahan dan industri usia, belum pada hari ini jumlah yang diperoleh sangat besar, dan tidak diragukan lagi mungkin jauh meningkat adalah tenaga kerja sederhana dari peramu dibantu oleh pengetahuan tentang seni mineralogi.

Tembaga, Besi, Timah, Belerang

Ada juga tambang tembaga, besi, dan timah. Belerang adalah berkumpul dalam jumlah besar tentang banyak gunung berapi.

Saltpetre

Saltpetre yang diperoleh penduduk asli dengan proses mereka sendiri bumi yang ditemukan diresapi dengannya; terutama di gua-gua luas yang telah, sejak awal waktu, adalah menghantui spesies burung tertentu, yang kotorannya adalah tanah terbentuk.

Batu Bara

Batubara, yang sebagian besar tersapu oleh banjir, dikumpulkan beberapa bagian, khususnya di Kataun, Ayer-rammi ("Air Rami" di Mukomuko"), dan Bencoolen ("Bengkulu"). Itu ringan dan tidak terlalu bagus; tapi saya diberitahu bahwa ini adalah kasus dengan semua batubara yang ditemukan di dekat permukaan bumi, dan, seperti pembuluh darah yang diamati berjalan miring arah sampai lubang memiliki beberapa kedalaman, fosil harus dari kualitas yang acuh tak acuh. Pulau kecil Pisang, dekat kaki Gunung Pugong, seharusnya sebagian besar merupakan hamparan batu kristal, tetapi setelah pemeriksaan spesimen yang diambil dari sana mereka terbukti menjadi spar berkapur.

Sumur Panas

Mineral dan mata air panas telah ditemukan di banyak tempat distrik. Secara rasa, airnya sebagian besar mirip dengan Harrowgate, mual ke langit-langit.

Minyak Bumi

Oleum terrae, atau minyak tanah, digunakan terutama sebagai pengawet melawan kerusakan yang merusak dari semut putih, dikumpulkan di Ipu ("Ipuh" di Mukomuko) dan di tempat lain.*

(*Catatan kaki. Air mancur Nafta atau balsam cair ditemukan di Pedir, begitu banyak dirayakan oleh para penulis Portugis tak diragukan lagi oleum terrae ini, atau meniak tanah, demikian sebutannya Melayu.)

Batu Lembut

Hampir tidak ada spesies batuan keras yang dapat ditemukan di dalamnya bagian rendah pulau dekat pantai. Selain tepian karang, yang tertutup oleh air pasang, yang umumnya berlaku adalah napal, seperti yang disebut oleh penduduk, membentuk dasar tebing merah, dan tidak jarang dasar sungai. Padahal napal ini berpenampilan seperti batu ia sebenarnya memiliki soliditas yang sangat kecil sehingga sulit untuk dilakukan ucapkan apakah itu batu lunak atau hanya tanah liat yang mengeras. Permukaannya menjadi halus dan sedikit mengkilap gesekan, dan untuk disentuh menyerupai sabun, yang paling banyak karakteristik yang mencolok; tetapi tidak larut dalam air dan membuat tidak ada buih dengan asam. Warnanya abu-abu, coklat, atau merah, sesuai dengan sifat bumi yang berlaku di dalamnya komposisi. Napal merah memiliki proporsi terkecil pasir, dan tampaknya memiliki semua kualitas steatit atau sabun-bumi ditemukan di Cornwall dan negara-negara lain. Spesimen dari batu yang saya bawa dari perbukitan di sekitar Bencoolen ("Bengkulu") diucapkan oleh beberapa ahli mineral, yang saya tunjukkan mereka pada saat itu, menjadi granit; tetapi pada yang lebih khusus pemeriksaan mereka tampaknya menjadi spesies perangkap, yang terdiri dari terutama dari feldspar dan hornblende, berwarna keabu-abuan dan hampir mirip dengan batu gunung Wales Utara.

Petrifaksi

Di mana perambahan laut telah menggerogoti daratan tebing dibiarkan tiba-tiba dan telanjang, di beberapa tempat menjadi sangat tinggi yang cukup besar. Dalam banyak fosil penasaran ini ditemukan, seperti kayu yang membatu, dan berbagai kerang macam. Hipotesis tentang hal ini telah didukung dengan sangat baik dan diserang dengan sangat kuat sehingga saya tidak berani mengganggu diri saya sendiri dalam daftar. Saya hanya akan mengamati bahwa, karena begitu dekat dengan laut, banyak yang akan ragu untuk mengizinkan penemuan semacam itu menjadi bobot apa pun dalam membuktikan perubahan kekerasan telah terjadi di permukaan dunia terraqueous; sementara, di sisi lain, itu tidak dapat dipertanggungjawabkan bagaimana, dalam perjalanan umum peristiwa alam, hal asing seperti itu harus dimasukkan ke dalam strata di tingginya mungkin lima puluh kaki di atas permukaan air, dan sebagai banyak di bawah permukaan tanah.

Tanah Berwarna

Di sini juga ditemukan berbagai spesies tanah yang mungkin diterapkan untuk tujuan yang berharga, sebagai warna pelukis, dan jika tidak. Yang paling umum adalah kuning dan merah, mungkin oker, dan putih, yang menjawab deskripsi dari milenum orang dahulu.

Gunung Bergunung

Ada sejumlah gunung berapi di sini, seperti di hampir semua semua pulau lain di Nusantara bagian timur. Mereka disebut dalam bahasa melayu gunong-api, atau lebih tepatnya gunong ber-api. Lava telah terlihat mengalir dari yang cukup dekat Priamang; tetapi saya belum pernah mendengar bahwa itu menyebabkan kerusakan lain dibanding pembakaran kayu. Namun ini mungkin karena ketipisan populasi, yang tidak membuatnya perlu untuk penduduk untuk menetap dalam situasi yang menghadapkan mereka bahaya semacam ini. Satu-satunya gunung berapi yang saya punya kesempatan mengamati terbuka di sisi gunung, sekitar dua puluh mil pedalaman Bencoolen, seperempat jalan dari puncaknya, sedekat I bisa menilai. Hampir tidak pernah gagal mengeluarkan asap; tapi kolom hanya terlihat selama dua atau tiga jam di pagi hari, jarang bangkit dan mempertahankan bentuknya, di atas tepi atas bukit, yang tidak berbentuk kerucut tetapi memanjang dengan bertahap kemiringan.

Gempa Bumi

Pohon-pohon tinggi yang menutupi negara di sekitarnya, mencegah kawah terlihat dari kejauhan; dan ini membuktikan bahwa tempat itu tidak terlalu terangkat atau sebaliknya terkena dampak gempa bumi yang sangat sering dirasakan di sana. Kadang-kadang ia mengeluarkan asap pada saat-saat ini, dan pada saat-saat lainnya kasus tidak. Namun selama gempa pintar yang terjadi beberapa tahun sebelum kedatangan saya dikatakan untuk mengirimkan api, yang jarang diketahui dilakukannya.* Kekhawatiran orang Eropa penduduk bagaimanapun agak lebih bersemangat ketika melanjutkan apapun panjang waktu tanpa kecenderungan letusan, karena mereka bayangkan itu menjadi lubang di mana materi yang mudah terbakar melarikan diri yang jika tidak akan menghasilkan keributan ini dari bumi. Dibandingkan dengan deskripsi yang saya baca gempa bumi di Amerika Selatan, Calabria, dan negara lain, yang terjadi di Sumatera umumnya sangat sedikit; dan cara bangunan yang biasa membuat mereka tidak terlalu tangguh penduduk asli.

(*Catatan kaki. Beberapa pria yang menyangkal faktanya setelah setiap saat memancarkan nyala api, tebak apa yang dipamerkan munculnya asap lebih mungkin uap yang timbul dari a mata air panas yang cukup besar. Penduduk asli menyebutnya sebagai a gunung berapi.)

Efek Gempa Bumi Yang Luar Biasa

Yang paling parah yang saya tahu terutama dialami distrik Manna pada tahun 1770. Sebuah desa dihancurkan oleh rumah-rumah yang runtuh dan terbakar, dan beberapa nyawa hilang.* Tanah itu di satu tempat sewa seperempat mil, lebar dua depa, dan kedalaman empat atau lima depa. Sebuah bitumen materi digambarkan telah membengkak di sisi rongga, dan bumi untuk waktu yang lama setelah guncangan diamati berkontraksi dan melebar secara bergantian. Banyak bagian bukit yang jauh pedalaman bisa dibedakan telah memberi jalan, dan a Konsekuensi dari ini adalah selama tiga minggu Sungai Manna mengalir begitu banyak diresapi dengan partikel tanah liat yang bisa dilakukan penduduk asli tidak mandi di dalamnya. Saat ini terbentuk di dekat mulut Padang Guchi, sungai tetangga di selatan bekas, besar polos, panjang tujuh mil dan lebar setengah mil; di mana ada sebelumnya hanya pantai yang sempit. Jumlah tanah yang dibawa turun pada kesempatan ini begitu besar sehingga bukit di atasnya dari mana rumah penduduk Inggris itu berdiri tanda yang tak terbantahkan, kurang setinggi lima belas kaki dari sebelumnya sebelum acara.

(*Catatan kaki. Saya diberitahu bahwa pada tahun 1763 seluruh desa ditelan oleh gempa bumi di Pulo Nias, salah satunya pulau-pulau yang terletak di lepas pantai barat Sumatera. Di Juli atau Agustus tahun yang sama yang dirasakan parah Benggala.)

Gempa bumi telah dikatakan oleh beberapa orang sebagai hal yang biasa terjadi perubahan cuaca yang tiba-tiba, dan terutama setelah panas yang hebat; tetapi saya tidak menjamin ini berdasarkan pengalaman saya sendiri, yang telah terjadi cukup banyak. Mereka didahului oleh suara gemuruh rendah seperti guntur jauh. Ternak dan unggas domestik masuk akal gerakan supranatural, dan tampak sangat khawatir; yang terakhir membuat teriakan yang biasa mereka lakukan saat mendekati burung mangsa. Rumah yang terletak di tanah berpasir rendah paling tidak terpengaruh, dan mereka yang berdiri di bukit-bukit yang berbeda paling menderita akibat guncangan karena semakin jauh dari pusat gerak semakin besar agitasi; dan konteks yang longgar dari satu fondasi, membuat lebih sedikit perlawanan daripada soliditas subjek lainnya bangunan untuk mengurangi kekerasan. Kapal berlabuh di jalan, meskipun beberapa mil jauhnya dari pantai, sangat kuat masuk akal dari gegar otak.

Tanah Baru Terbentuk

Selain daratan baru yang terbentuk akibat kejang-kejang di atas dijelaskan, laut dengan reses bertahap di beberapa bagian menghasilkan efek yang sama. Banyak contoh semacam ini, tidak ada yang berarti sejauh mana bagaimanapun telah diamati dalam memori orang sekarang hidup. Tapi menurut saya sebidang tanah yang luas itu disebut Pulo Point, membentuk teluk nama, dekat Silebar, dengan banyak negara yang berdekatan dengan demikian telah ditinggalkan oleh menarik atau terlempar ke atas oleh gerakan laut. Mungkin titik mungkin pada awalnya adalah sebuah pulau (dari mana itu sebutan Pulo) dan bagian-bagian yang lebih pedalaman lambat laun bersatu untuk itu. * Berbagai keadaan cenderung menguatkan seperti itu pendapat, dan untuk menunjukkan kemungkinan bahwa ini bukan sebuah bagian asli dari tanah utama tetapi baru, setengah terbentuk. Semua rawa dan tanah berawa yang terletak di dalam pantai, dan dekat ekstremitas ada sedikit lagi, diketahui, sebagai akibat dari survei berulang, lebih rendah dari ketinggian air; itu tepian pasir saja mencegah genangan. Negara tidak hanya cukup bebas dari bukit atau ketidaksetaraan apapun, tetapi telah hampir tidak ada lereng yang terlihat. Sungai Silebar yang bermuara sendiri ke Pulo Bay, sama sekali tidak seperti di bagian lain dari pulau. Gerakan alirannya hampir tidak terlihat; dia tidak pernah terkena banjir; jalannya ditandai, bukan oleh bank ditutupi dengan hutan kuno dan terhormat tetapi oleh barisan bakau dan air lainnya bermunculan dari cairan, dan sempurna reguler. Beberapa mil dari mulut itu terbuka menjadi indah dan danau yang luas, beraneka ragam dengan pulau-pulau kecil, datar, dan menghijau dengan terburu-buru saja. Ujung Pulo ditumbuhi pohon arau (casuarina) atau bajingan-pinus, sebagaimana beberapa orang menyebutnya, yang tidak pernah tumbuh tetapi di lautdan naik dengan cepat.

(*Catatan kaki. Sejak saya membuat dugaan ini, saya punya telah diberitahu bahwa tradisi seperti itu tidak ada tanggal yang sangat kuno yang berlaku di antara penduduk.)

Perambang Laut

Tidak ada yang ditemukan di Sungei-Lamo dan wilayah lainnya pantai ke utara Marlborough Point, di mana, sebaliknya, Anda merasakan efek penyusutan yang terus-menerus oleh lautan. Itu pohon-pohon hutan tua yang ada setiap tahun rusak dan, jatuh, menghalangi musafir; sedangkan di sekitar Pulo terdapat pohon arau terus bermunculan lebih cepat daripada mereka dapat ditebang atau sebaliknya dihancurkan. Alam tidak akan mudah dipaksa darinya kursus. Terakhir kali saya mengunjungi bagian itu ada yang indah tumbuhnya rerimbunan pohon-pohon ini, membangun kepemilikan di dalamnya tanah yang tepat. Negara, juga segera di sini tentang a jarak yang cukup jauh ke daratan, adalah seluruh hamparan pasir tanpa campuran tanah liat atau cetakan apa pun, yang saya tahu sia-sia mencari bermil-mil jauhnya ke sungai tetangga. Ke di sebelah utara Padang ada dataran yang ternyata, di dahulu kala, sebuah teluk. Jejak pantai rak ada di sana dapat dibedakan pada jarak seratus lima puluh yard dari batas laut saat ini.

Tetapi berdasarkan hipotesis apakah laut itu dapat dipertanggungjawabkan harus melakukan penghancuran di pantai utara, yang di sana adalah token yang paling jelas setinggi setidaknya Ipu, dan mungkin ke Indrapura, tempat berlindung tetangga pulau dapat menghentikan mereka, dan itu harus memulihkan mendarat ke selatan dengan cara yang telah saya jelaskan? saya sadar bahwa menurut gerak umum pasang surut dari timur ke barat pantai ini harus menerima aksesi terus menerus sebanding dengan kerugian yang orang lain, terkena arah dari gerakan ini, harus dan memang dipertahankan; dan kemungkinan bahwa itu tidak mendapatkan keuntungan secara keseluruhan. Tetapi sifat pekerjaan saya mengharuskan saya untuk melakukannya lebih memperhatikan efek daripada penyebab, dan mencatat fakta meskipun mereka harus berbenturan dengan sistem yang paling adil dalam teori, dan paling terhormat dalam hal otoritas.

Pulau Dekat Pantai Barat

Rangkaian pulau yang sejajar dengan pantai barat Sumatera mungkin pernah menjadi bagian dari yang utama dan pernah ada dipisahkan darinya, baik oleh upaya alam yang keras, atau erosi laut secara bertahap. Saya harus hampir tidak memperkenalkan penyebutan dugaan yang tampaknya samar-samar ini tetapi itu suatu keadaan menampilkan dirinya di pantai yang memberi warna lebih kuat bukti daripada biasanya dapat diperoleh dalam kasus tersebut. Dalam berbagai tempat, dan khususnya tentang Pally, kami mengamati potongan-potongan terpisah tanah berdiri sendiri-sendiri, seperti pulau-pulau, pada jarak satu atau dua ratus yard dari pantai, yang merupakan tanjung titik berlari ke laut dalam mengingat penduduk. Bagian atas terus ditutupi dengan pohon atau semak; Tetapi sisi-sisinya telanjang, tiba-tiba, dan tegak lurus. Kemajuan dari isolasi di sini jelas dan tak terbantahkan, dan mengapa tidak pulau-pulau yang lebih besar, pada jarak yang lebih jauh, telah terbentuk di revolusi zaman oleh kecelakaan yang sama? Kemungkinannya adalah ditinggikan dengan arah pulau Nias, Batu, Mantawei, Pagi, Mego, dll, kesamaan batuan, tanah, dan produksi, dan keteraturan sounding antara mereka dan main, sementara tanpa mereka kedalamannya tak terduga.

Batu Karang

Di mana pantainya datar atau rak pantai Sumatera, as dari semua pulau tropis lainnya, dipertahankan dari serangan laut dengan karang atau langkan batu karang tempat ombak bekerja kekerasan mereka tanpa efek lebih lanjut daripada mempertahankannya permukaannya rata, dan mereduksi menjadi bubuk tonjolan yang indah itu dan percabangan yang telah begitu banyak objek dari keingintahuan naturalis, dan yang dimiliki beberapa pria cerdik dianalisis mereka berpendapat menjadi karya serangga. Bubuk karang di tempat-tempat tertentu terakumulasi di pantai dalam jumlah besar jumlah, dan muncul, jika tidak diperiksa dengan cermat, seperti denda pasir putih.

Berselancar

Gelombang (sebuah kata yang tidak dapat ditemukan, saya yakin, di kamus) digunakan di India, dan oleh navigator pada umumnya, untuk mengungkapkan gelombang aneh dan pecahnya laut di pantai; fenomena yang sampai sekarang tidak banyak diiklankan oleh penulis saya akan menjadi lebih mendalam dalam deskripsi saya dari mereka.

Gelombang ombak terkadang terbentuk hanya dalam satu rentangan di sepanjang pantai. Di lain waktu ada suksesi dua, tiga, empat, atau lebih, di belakang satu sama lain, memanjang mungkin setengah mil laut. Jumlah rentang umumnya sebanding dengan ketinggian dan kekerasan ombak.

Gelombang mulai mengambil bentuknya agak jauh dari tempat di mana itu rusak, secara bertahap terakumulasi saat bergerak maju sampai mencapai ketinggian, secara umum, lima belas sampai dua puluh kaki,* ketika menggantung di atas dan jatuh seperti riam, hampir tegak lurus, melibatkan dirinya saat turun. Kebisingan yang dibuat oleh kejatuhannya luar biasa, dan selama keheningan malam mungkin didengar bermil-mil jauhnya di negeri ini.

Apakah ombak merupakan efek angin kencang di laut, yang tidak terjadi meluas ke pantai tetapi menyebabkan agitasi kekerasan di sepanjang saluran perairan yang cukup besar, yang bergerak, berkomunikasi dengan bagian yang kurang jauh, dan bertemu panjang lebar dengan perlawanan dari pantai, menyebabkan laut membengkak dan pecah dengan cara yang dijelaskan? Untuk ini saya keberatan bahwa sepertinya tidak ada korespondensi reguler antara besarnya dan yang tampak agitasi air tanpa mereka: angin kencang itu, kecuali pada periode tertentu, sangat jarang terjadi di laut Hindia, di mana navigasi terkenal sangat aman, sementara ombak hampir terus menerus; dan angin kencang tidak ditemukan menghasilkan efek ini di lautan luas lainnya. Pantai barat dari Irlandia berbatasan dengan laut yang hampir seluas dan jauh lebih liar daripada pantai Sumatera, dan belum ada, meski saat berhembus kencang ombak di pantai tinggi dan berbahaya, tidak ada apa-apa yang menyerupai ombak India.

Kemungkinan Penyebab Surf

Ini, sangat umum di garis lintang tropis, di atas hipotesis paling mungkin yang bisa saya bentuk, setelah lama pengamatan dan banyak pemikiran dan penyelidikan, konsekuensi dari perdagangan atau angin abadi yang berlaku pada jarak dari pantai antara kesejajaran tiga puluh derajat utara dan selatan, yang tindakan yang seragam dan tidak berubah-ubah menyebabkan gelombang yang panjang dan konstan, yang ada bahkan dalam cuaca paling tenang, tentang garis, menuju yang arahnya cenderung dari kedua sisi. Ini membengkak atau librasi laut begitu luar biasa panjang, dan masuk akal efek tingginya, tentu saja, sangat berkurang tidak sering diperhatikan; lereng bertahap mengasyikkan hampir seluruh cakrawala ketika mata tidak terlalu tinggi di atasnya permukaan: tetapi orang-orang yang telah berlayar di bagian itu mungkin ingat bahwa, meskipun laut tampaknya paling tenang dan datar, a perahu atau benda lain yang jauh dari kapal akan disembunyikan dari pandangan satu melihat ke arah itu dari dek bawah untuk ruang menit bersama. Ini membengkak, ketika badai terjadi atau angin menyegarkan, untuk sementara waktu akan memiliki anak perusahaan lain gelombang pada luas permukaannya, sering pecah ke suatu arah bertentangan dengannya, dan yang akan mereda lagi sebagai ketenangan kembali tanpa menghasilkan efek yang terlihat padanya. Sumatra, meskipun tidak terus-menerus terkena angin pasat tenggara, adalah tidak begitu jauh tetapi pengaruhnya dapat dianggap meluas untuk itu, dan karenanya di Pulo Pisang, dekat selatan ujung pulau, laut selatan konstan diamati bahkan setelah angin barat laut yang keras. Ini tak henti-hentinya dan kuat gelombang besar yang bergulung dari samudra, terbuka bahkan ke kutub, tampak seperti sebuah agen yang memadai untuk efek luar biasa yang dihasilkan di pantai; sementara ukurannya sangat berkontribusi untuk diabaikan. Dia merekonsiliasi hampir semua kesulitan yang tampak dari fenomena itu untuk menyajikan, dan khususnya menyumbang penurunan berselancar selama monsun barat laut, angin lokal kemudian menangkal operasi yang umum; dan itu dikuatkan oleh pengamatan saya telah membuat bahwa ombak di Pesisir Sumatera pernah mulai pecah di ujung selatannya, the gerak gelombang tidak tegak lurus terhadap arah pantai. Cara menjelaskan asal usul mereka ini tampaknya berlaku banyak alasan dengan itu; tetapi ada satu keberatan yang saya tidak bisa melupakannya, dan hal yang berkaitan dengan kebenaran mengharuskan saya untuk menyatakannya. Angin pasat sangat stabil dan seragam, dan gelombang besar dihasilkan oleh mereka adalah sama. Ombaknya justru sebaliknya, jarang bertahan selama dua hari dalam tingkat kekerasan yang sama; sering gunung tinggi di pagi hari dan hampir surut pada malam hari. Kenapa penyebab yang seragam menghasilkan efek yang begitu tidak stabil, kecuali oleh intervensi penyebab sekunder, yang sifat dan operasi yang tidak kami ketahui?

Jelas bagi saya bahwa ombak seperti yang dijelaskan di atas khas untuk iklim-iklim yang terletak dalam batas-batas terpencil angin perdagangan, meskipun di lintang yang lebih tinggi gelombang besar dan pecahnya laut yang tidak teratur harus dihadapi setelahnya cuaca riuh. Mungkin penyebab berikut dapat dinilai bersekongkol, dengan yang telah saya tentukan, menuju menyebabkan perbedaan ini. Wilayah sebelumnya sedang diekspos pengaruh langsung dari dua tokoh besar, air, dari dorongan langsung mereka, rentan terhadap agitasi yang lebih keras daripada lebih dekat ke kutub di mana kekuatan mereka hanya dirasakan secara tidak langsung komunikasi. Bagian ekuator bumi melakukan mereka revolusi diurnal dengan kecepatan lebih besar dari yang lain, lebih besar lingkaran yang digambarkan dalam waktu yang sama, perairan di sekitarnya, dari gaya sentrifugal yang lebih kuat, mungkin seharusnya terasa kurang menahan diri dari prinsip materi yang lamban; untuk memiliki lebih sedikit gravitasi; dan karena itu menjadi lebih patuh pada dorongan eksternal dari segala jenis, baik dari angin atau penyebab lainnya.

Palu

Pasang mata air di pesisir barat Sumatera diperkirakan sebesar naik pada umumnya tidak lebih dari empat kaki, karena terbuka, situasi tak terbatas, yang mencegah akumulasi dari pasang, seperti halnya di laut sempit. Airnya selalu tinggi di sana ketika bulan berada di cakrawala, dan akibatnya pada pukul enam jam hampir, pada hari-hari konjungsi dan oposisi sepanjang tahun, di bagian yang tidak jauh dari garis khatulistiwa.* Ini, menurut teori Newton, terjadi sekitar tiga jam kemudian daripada jalannya alam yang tidak terputus, karena yang sudah jelas halangan air bertemu dengan berputar dari ke arah timur.

(*Catatan kaki. Karena keseragaman ini menjadi sebuah hal yang mudah bagi penduduk asli untuk memastikan ketinggian air pasang setiap jam bulan terlihat. Sementara dia tampaknya naik air terjun dan sebaliknya; pasang surut terendah terjadi ketika dia berada di meridiannya. Aturan vulgar untuk menghitung pasang surut juga diberikan kepada orang Eropa dengan lebih sederhana dan praktis dari penyebab yang sama. Ada hanya perlu menambahkan bersama-sama epak, nomor bulan, dan hari bulan; jumlah yang, jika di bawah tiga puluh, memberikan usia bulan--the berlebihan, jika lebih. Luangkan empat puluh delapan menit untuk setiap hari atau, yang mana sama, ambil empat perlima dari usia, dan itu akan memberi Anda jumlah jam setelah pukul enam saat air tinggi terjadi. Kesiapan pada perhitungan ini sangat berguna di negara di mana laut-pantai adalah jalan umum bepergian.)

Bab 2

PERBEDAAN PENGHUNI.
ETNIS REJANG DIPILIH UNTUK DESKRIPSI UMUM.
ORANG DAN KOMPLEKSI KULIT.
PAKAIAN DAN PERHIASAN.

CATATAN UMUM PENDUDUK

Dengan memamerkan pandangan umum pulau tersebut secara alami, aku kini berniat untuk mendeskripsikan orang-orang yang menghuni dan menanaminya, dan mendorong pembedaan beberapa spesies atau kelas dari mereka dalam bentuk penjelasan terbaik, dan untuk memberikan gagasan materi yang jelas.

BERBAGAI MODE DIVISI

Pembagian yang paling jelas, dan yang biasanya dibuat oleh para penulis pelayaran, adalah penduduk penganut Muhammadinisme ("Muslim") di wilayah pesisir, dan orang-orang yang tak beragama di pedalaman. Pembagian ini, meskipun bukan tanpa tingkat kepatutannya, tidak jelas dan tidak sempurna; bukan hanya karena setiap deskripsi orang sangat berbeda di antara mereka sendiri, tetapi bahwa penduduk pedalaman, di beberapa tempat, adalah Muslim, dan di pantai, di tempat lain, apa yang mereka sebut sebagai Pagan. Bukan hal yang aneh jika orang-orang yang tidak tinggal di bagian Timur ini menyebut penduduk pulau-pulau itu tanpa pandang bulu dengan sebutan "orang Melayu". Ini adalah kesalahan yang lebih besar, dan menghasilkan kebingungan yang lebih besar daripada yang pertama. Dengan mencoba mereduksi hal-hal menjadi terlalu umum, kita mengalahkan tujuan akhir yang kita usulkan pada diri kita sendiri dalam mendefinisikannya sama sekali: kita menciptakan ketidakjelasan di tempat yang ingin kita soroti.

Di sisi lain, untuk mencoba memperkiran dan mendeskripsikan keragaman, hampir tak ada habisnya, dari kedaulatan kecil dan negara-negara di mana pulau ini terbagi, banyak di antaranya tidak berbeda secara pribadi atau perilaku dari tetangga mereka, akan menjadi tugas yang tidak dapat diatasi dan tidak berguna. Saya akan mengarahkan pada jalan tengah, dan karenanya akan memperlakukan penduduk Sumatra di bawah perbedaan ringkasan berikut, mengambil kesempatan karena mungkin menawarkan untuk menyebutkan subdivisi utama. Dan pertama-tama perlu dibedakan kerajaan Menangkabau dan Melayu; selanjutnya orang Aceh; lalu orang Batak; orang Rejang; dan di sebelah selatannyanya adalah orang Lampung.*

(*Catatan kaki. Selama penyelidikan saya mengenai penduduk asli atau para pribumi pulau itu, saya telah diberitahu tentang dua spesies manusia yang tersebar di hutan dan menghindari semua komunikasi dengan penduduk lainnya. Ini mereka sebut sebut orang Kubu dan orang Gugu. Yang pertama dikatakan cukup banyak, terutama di bagian negara yang terletak antara Palembang dan Jambi. Beberapa kadang-kadang ditangkap dan dijadikan budak di Labun; dan seorang laki-laki dari tempat itu sekarang menikah dengan seorang gadis Kubu yang lumayan tampan yang dibawa pergi oleh rombongan yang menemukan gubuk mereka. Mereka memiliki bahasa yang sangat khas bagi diri mereka sendiri, dan mereka makan apa saja yang tersedia di hutan, seperti rusa, gajah, badak, babi hutan, ular, atau monyet. Populasi Gugu jauh lebih jarang (atau sedikit) daripada ini, mereka memiliki perawakan sedikit berbeda tetapi mirip dengan orang utan di Kalimantan; tubuh mereka ditutupi dengan rambut yang panjang. Tidak ada lebih dari dua atau tiga contoh di mana mereka ditemui oleh orang-orang Labun (dari siapa informasi saya berasal) dan salah satunya terperangkap bertahun-tahun yang lalu dengan cara yang sama seperti tukang kayu di Fabel Pilpay menangkap monyet. Dia memiliki anak dari seorang wanita Labun yang juga lebih berbulu dari ras pada umumnya; tetapi generasi ketiga tidak dapat dibedakan dari yang lain. Pembaca akan memberikan ukuran iman apa yang dia pikirkan karena hubungan ini, yang kebenarannya tidak saya jamin. Itu mungkin memiliki dasar kebenaran tetapi dilebih-lebihkan dalam keadaan.)

Minangkabau menjadi kedaulatan utama pulau itu, yang sebelumnya memahami keseluruhan, dan masih menerima bayang-bayang penghormatan dari kerajaan lain yang paling kuat yang muncul dari reruntuhannya, tampaknya mengklaim hak untuk didahulukan dalam deskripsi, tetapi saya memiliki alasan yang cukup untuk menundanya ke bagian pekerjaan selanjutnya; yaitu bahwa orang-orang kerajaan ini, dengan konversi mereka ke Muhammadinisme ("Islam") dan konsekuensi perubahan perilaku, telah kehilangan dalam tingkat yang lebih besar dari beberapa suku tetangga yang masih membawa karateristik pribumi khas Sumatra, yang merupakan objek langsung dari penyelidikan saya ini.

MELAYU

Mereka berbeda dari penduduk lain dari pulau tersebut yang disebut orang Malayo atau Melayu, namun mereka memiliki hal umum dengan orang-orang di pesisir Semenanjung dan kebanyakan pulau lainnya; dan nama ini ditujukan kepada setiap Mussulman ("Muslim") yang berbicara dengan bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa sehari-harinya, dan pada wilayah pedalaman diklaim sebagai keturunan dari Minangkabau; sementara tempat kediamannya yang berada di luar Bencoolen ("Bengkulu") sampai wilayah selatan yang tak dipertemukan dengan pengecualian seperti yang memiliki ijin kesana, dan orang-orang Eropa dengan bayaran. Di sisi timur pulau tersebut, mereka menghuni nyaris seluruh sungai ternavigasi, yang mereka huni untuk tujuan perdagangan dan pembajakan. Harus diamati bahwa dalam pengucapan umum istilah Melayu, seperti Moor di subbenua India, nyaris bersinonim dengan Muhammadanis ("Muslim"); dan ketika penduduk pribumi dari belahan wilayah lainnya mampu membaca abjad Arab, bersedia untuk disunat, dan mempraktekkan upacara agama Islam, mereka seringkali dikatakan masuk Melayu ("menjadi Melayu"), alih-alih demikian, penyebutan yang lebih benar yakni sudah masuk Islam, memegang keyakinan Muhammadinisme. Kekhasan tersebut akan nampak kuat dari keadaan ini, ketika sultan Anak Sungei (Mukomuko), berambisi meniru sultan Menangkabau, menggelari dirinya sendiri dan orang-orang dekatnya dengan sebutan Melayu, tetangganya, Pangeran Sungei Lamo, pemimpin Rejang, seorang Muslim yang sangat beradab, dan yang para leluhurnya untuk beberapa generasi memiliki keyakinan yang sama, nampak menawarkan, dalam perbincanganku dengannya, aku menyebutnya (seperti yang biasanya dianggap) orang Melayu, dan dijawab dengan emosi, Malayo tidah, sir; orang ulu betul sayo ("saya bukan Melayu tuan; saya pribumi, penduduk daerah asli (orang Ulu bermakna orang Bengkulu)"). Dua bahasa yang ia tulis dan bicarakan (aku tidak tahu apakah ia masih hidup) dengan fasilitas yang sama, namun aku mengira Rejang adalah bahasa ibunya.

Upaya untuk menelusuri orang-orang Sumatra yang menghuni di daerah lain dilakukan. Semenanjung terdekat (disebut oleh orang-orang Eropa dan orang-orang asing lainnya sebagai Semenanjung Melayu) mempersembahkan sumber populasi paling handal; dan dikatakan bahwa pada emigran dari sana mensuplai daerah tersebut dan pulau lain di Kepulauan timur dengan penduduk. Melalui opini ini, yang diadaptasi tanpa pengujian, aku nampaknya keliru dan, pada kesempatan awal, membicarakan kemungkinan koloni dari semenanjung yang bermukim di pantai barat pulau tersebut; namun sejak itu aku memahami dari catatan-catatan sejarah dan tradisi-tradisi penduduk asli kedua daerah tersebut menunjukkan hal yang sebaliknya, dan bahwa para pendiri kerajaan-kerajaan terkemuka Johor, Singapura, dan Malaka adalah para petualang dari Sumatra. Bahkan sampai saat ini, para penduduk daerah pedalaman semenanjung tersebut merupakan sebuah ras yang sepenuhnya berbeda dari orang-orang dari dua pantai tersebut.

Sehingga perlu dibutuhkan, dalam rangka menghindari ambiguitas, untuk berkata dalam contoh pertama mengenai orang-orang Melayu, yang pada catatan paling menonjol akan diberikan dalam bagian-bagian selanjutnya dari karya ini.

Karena banyak ketidakmiripan di kalangan kelas lainnya yang saya bagi, para penduduk harus memiliki banyak penekanan dari kesamaan satu sama lain, dan banyak adat, kebiasaan, dan upacara mereka, secara umum, menjadi bijaksana, dalam rangka menghindari ketegangan dan pengulangan tak berguna, untuk mengeluarkan satu kelas dari mereka yang perilakunya harus dilakukan investigasi sebagian dan menyeluruh, dan dijadikan sebagai stnadar untuk semua orang; pembagian dalam kelas lainnya dilakukan setelah itu, dan kekhasan pemakaian paling tunggal dan menekan ditambahkan.

ETNIS REJANG DIADOPSI SEBAGAI STANDAR DESKRIPSI

Berbagai peristiwa yang teramati oleh saya pada kesempatan ini memberikan pendahuluan mengenai orang-orang Rejang, melalui sebuah etnis selain catatan kecil dalam skala politik di pulau tersebut. Mereka menghuni di apa yang kemungkinan berada dalam situasi sentral, bukan secara geografis, namun berkaitan dengan perilaku dan opini asing yang diperkenalkan oleh orang-orang Melayu dari utara (Sumatra Utara), dan orang-orang Jawa dari selatan (Lampung); yang memberikan mereka klaim pemimpin asli atas sebagian daerah lainnya. Mereka adalah orang-orang yang membentuk pemerintahan dan hukumnya tersebar dengan sangat sedikit raham atas bagian menonjol di pulau tersebut, dan utamanya bagian soal hubungan dari kebohongan Inggris. Terdapat tradisi mengenai awalnya mereka mengirim koloni-koloni ke wilayah selatan; dan di daerah Passummah, wilayah desa-desa mereka masih tertonjolkan; yang akan menunjang mereka yang dulunya lebih dianggap ketimbang yang dapat mereka gembar-gemborkan pada masa sekarang. Mereka memiliki bahasa asli dan penulisan abjad yang sempurna. Ini memajukan penekanan orang-orang Rejang sebagai standar deskripsi yang layak; dan motif yang secara setara kuat yang mendorongku untuk memajukan mereka sebagaimana halnya situasi dan hubunganku di pulau tersebut yang membuatku lebih intim dan selaras dengan hukum dan kebiasaan mereka ketimbang kalangan lainnya. Namun aku harus katakan bahwa kebiasaan pribumi yang mereka jalankan kurang lebih sama dengan setiap belahan Sumatra, ini akan sepenuhnya tak memungkinkan untuk mendiskriminasikan keseluruhan akurasi orang-orang yang berasal dari orang-orang yang menurunkannya; dan secara keseluruhan aku harus katakan bahwa orang-orang Rejang akan diterapkan pada sebagian besar wilayah tak hanya Sumatra pada umumnya namun terkadang pada pengetatan dari orang-orang Melayu sendiri, dan mereka mengajarkan hal yang lebih tinggi dari orang daerah.

SITUASI DAERAH REJANG

Daerah orang-orang Rejang terbagi menjadi wilayah barat laut dari kerajaan Anak Sungei (yang menjadikan Mukomumo sebagai ibukotanya) melalui sungai kecil Uri, dekat Kattaun; yang terakhir, dengan daerah Labun di tepinya, membatasinya pada bagian utara atau bagian pedalaman. Daerah Musi, yang dilewati Sungai Palembang, membentuk batasnya di wilayah timur. Sungai Bencoolen ("Bengkulu"), yang sebelumnya disebutkan, menjadikannya batas di bagian tenggara; meskipun penduduk daerah tersebut yang disebut Lemba, tersebar dari sana sampai Silebar, sepenuhnya merupakan suku yang sama dalam hal kebiasaan dan bahasa. Sungai-sungai utama selain yang telah disebutkan adalah eLaye, Pally, dan Sungeilamo; yang semuanya memiliki pabrik-pabrik Inggris, pemukim atau pemimpin ditempatkan di Laye.

ORANG-ORANG PENETAP

Orang-orang penetap di pulau tersebut, meskipun berbeda dalam hal daerah satu sama lain, pada umumnya selaras dengan deskripsi berikut; kecuali orang-orang Aceh, yang bercampur dengan orang-orang Moor dari barat India membedakan mereka dari orang-orang Sumatra lainnya.

GAMBARAN UMUM

Mereka agak di bawah perawakan menengah; sebagian besar mereka proporsional; anggota tubuh mereka sebagian besar kecil, tetapi bentuknya bagus, dan terutama kecil di pergelangan tangan dan pergelangan kaki. Secara keseluruhan mereka berperawakan menawan, dan saya hampir tidak ingat pernah melihat satu orang cacat di antara penduduk asli Sumatra.*

(*Catatan kaki. Ghirardini, seorang pelukis Italia, yang mendarat di Sumatra dalam perjalanannya ke Cina pada tahun 1698 mengamati orang Melayu sebagai:

Orang yang terlatih
Betapa banyak pelukis industri dan jari.
Dia berbicara dalam istilah tinggi sebagai negeri yang indah.)

Namun para wanita memiliki kebiasaan yang tidak masuk akal untuk meratakan hidung, dan menekan kepala anak yang baru lahir, sementara tengkoraknya masih bertulang rawan, yang meningkatkan kecenderungan alami mereka ke bentuk itu. Saya tidak pernah bisa melacak asal usul praktik tersebut, atau mempelajari alasan lain untuk membentuk fitur pada penampilan kasar ini, tetapi itu adalah cara membentuk keaestetikan rupa menurut kepercayaan mereka. Kapten Cook memperhatikan operasi serupa di pulau Ulietea. Mereka juga menarik-narik telinga bayi untuk membuatnya berdiri miring dari kepala. Mata mereka seragam gelap dan jernih, dan di antara beberapa, terutama wanita selatan, memiliki kemiripan yang kuat dengan orang Cina, dalam kekhasan formasi yang umumnya diamati pada orang-orang itu. Rambut mereka kuat dan hitam berkilau; peningkatan kualitas keduanya mungkin sangat bergantung pada penggunaan minyak kelapa sejak awal dan terus-menerus, yang membuatnya tetap lembab. Para pria sering memotong pendek rambut mereka, dan mereka tidak menampakkan kesombongan akan hal itu; para wanita mendorong mereka cukup lama, dan saya telah mengetahui banyak contoh yang mencapai tanah. Laki-laki tidak berjanggut dan memiliki dagu yang sangat halus sehingga, jika bukan karena para pendeta menunjukkan jumbai kecil, kita cenderung menyimpulkan bahwa alam telah menolak mereka sebagai tanda kejantanan. Sama halnya dengan bagian tubuh lainnya dengan kedua jenis kelamin; dan perhatian khusus pada pribadi mereka ini mereka hargai sebagai hal yang halus, dan sebaliknya merupakan pengabaian yang tidak dapat diampuni. Anak laki-laki saat mereka mendekati usia pubertas menggosok dagu, bibir atas, dan bagian tubuh yang terkena rambut berlebihan dengan chunam (kapur) yang diperbuat dari cangkang, yang mana olesan ramuan tersebut akan menghancurkan akar janggut yang baru jadi. Beberapa pilae yang muncul kemudian dicabut dari waktu ke waktu dengan pinset, yang selalu mereka bawa untuk tujuan itu. Jika bukan karena otoritas yang sangat banyak dan sangat terhormat yang darinya kami yakin bahwa penduduk asli Amerika secara alami tidak berjanggut, saya harus berpikir pendapat umum tentang hal itu telah diadopsi dengan gegabah, dan penampilan mereka pada usia dewasa hanya konsekuensi dari praktik awal, mirip dengan yang diamati di antara orang Sumatra. Bahkan sekarang saya harus mengakui bahwa itu akan menghilangkan sedikit keraguan dari pikiran saya dapatkah dipastikan bahwa tidak ada kebiasaan seperti itu yang berlaku.*

(*Catatan kaki. Para turis atau pendatang Eropa layakna orang Patagonia diperbolehkan memiliki jambul rambut di bibir atas dan dagu. Kapten Carver mengatakan bahwa di antara suku-suku yang dia kunjungi, orang-orang melakukan praktik rutin untuk menghilangkan janggut mereka dengan penjepit. Di Brussel dilestarikan, bersama dengan berbagai baju zirah kuno dan aneh, dari Montezuma, raja Meksiko, yang pelindungnya, atau topeng untuk wajahnya, memiliki kumis yang sangat besar; sebuah ornamen yang tidak dapat ditiru oleh orang-orang Amerika kecuali jika alam telah memberikan modelnya kepada mereka. Lihat makalah di Philosophical Transactions tahun 1786, yang membuat hal ini tidak diragukan lagi. Dalam kamus bahasa Prancis dari bahasa Huron, yang diterbitkan pada tahun 1632, saya mengamati istilah yang sesuai dengan "arracher la barbe")

Kulit mereka benar-benar kuning, agak menampakkan semburat merah yang serupa warna kuning kecoklatan atau tembaga. Mereka pada umumnya memiliki kompleksi kulit yang lebih terang daripada orang Mestees, atau keturunan campuran di seluruh India; orang-orang dari kelas atas yang tidak terkena sinar matahari, dan khususnya wanita berpangkat tinggi, mendekati tingkat kecerahan yang tinggi. Apakah kecantikan terdiri dari kualitas yang satu ini, beberapa di antaranya akan melampaui berambut cokelat kita di Eropa. Sebagian besar betina jelek, dan banyak dari mereka bahkan menjijikkan, namun ada di antara mereka yang penampilannya sangat cantik; apa pun komposisi orang, fitur, dan corak yang mungkin dihasilkan dari sentimen itu.

WARNA KULIT PRIBUMI SUMATRA TIDAK TERGANTUNG IKLIM

Kecerahan kulit orang Sumatera secara komparatif dibandingkan dengan orang Hindia ("Indonesia") lainnya, yang terletak di bawah matahari tegak lurus di mana tidak ada musim dalam setahun yang memberikan alternatif dingin, menurut saya merupakan bukti yang tidak dapat dibantah bahwa perbedaan warna pada berbagai penghuni bumi bukanlah pengaruh iklim secara langsung. Anak-anak orang Eropa yang lahir di pulau Sumatra ini sama putihnya dengan mereka yang lahir di negara orang tuanya. Saya telah mengamati hal yang sama dari generasi kedua, di mana percampuran dengan orang-orang di negara itu telah dihindari. Di sisi lain keturunan dan semua keturunan Guinea dan budak Afrika lainnya yang diimpor ke sana pada contoh terakhir tetap hitam sempurna seperti pada stok aslinya. Saya tidak bermaksud memasukkan manfaat dari pertanyaan yang secara alami berhubungan dengan pengamatan ini; tetapi hanya akan berkomentar bahwa wajah pucat dan berdebu yang begitu umum diperoleh oleh orang Eropa yang telah lama tinggal di iklim panas lebih disebabkan oleh efek distemper empedu, yang hampir semuanya tunduk pada tingkat yang lebih besar atau lebih kecil, daripada paparan mereka terhadap pengaruh cuaca, yang hanya dapat dialami oleh sedikit orang kecuali pelaut, dan yang kesannya jarang permanen. Dari keadaan ini saya telah dituntun untuk berspekulasi perbedaan umum warna kulit di negara yang berbeda MUNGKIN karena sekresi yang kurang lebih berlebihan atau redundansi jus itu, membuat kulit lebih atau kurang gelap sesuai dengan kualitas empedu yang berlaku. dalam konstitusi masing-masing. Tetapi saya khawatir hipotesis seperti itu tidak akan tahan uji eksperimen, karena dapat diharapkan untuk mengikuti bahwa, setelah pembedahan, isi kantong empedu negro, atau setidaknya empedu yang ekstravasasi, secara seragam akan ditemukan hitam. Orang yang ahli dalam anatomi akan menentukan apakah mungkin kualitas sekresi hewan apa pun sejauh ini dapat memengaruhi kerangka sehingga konsekuensinya dapat ditransmisikan ke anak cucu dengan kekuatan penuhnya.*

(*Catatan kaki. Dalam Essay on the Causes of the Variety of Complexion and Figure in the Human Species yang diterbitkan di Filadelfia pada tahun 1787, efek permanen dari sekresi empedu dalam menentukan warna sangat ditekankan.)

Ukuran kecil penghuninya, dan terutama wanita, mungkin dalam beberapa hal karena komunikasi awal antara jenis kelamin; meskipun, karena kecenderungan yang mengarah pada hubungan seksual ini didorong di sini oleh alam lebih cepat daripada di iklim dingin, tidak adil untuk menganggap, yang proporsional dengan periode kedewasaan, ini juga lebih cepat dicapai, dan akibatnya penghentian lebih awal dari pertumbuhan orang-orang ini sesuai dengan hukum konstitusi mereka, dan tidak disebabkan oleh nafsu makan yang prematur dan tidak teratur.

Orang-orang berpangkat tinggi mendorong pertumbuhan (memanjangkan) kuku tangan mereka, terutama jari depan dan kelingking, hingga panjang yang luar biasa; dan sering mewarnainya menjadi merah dengan air perasan semak yang mereka sebut inei ("inai"), yang merupakan hena khas orang Arab; seperti yang mereka lakukan pada kuku kaki mereka, yang selalu terbuka, mereka memperhatikan tangan mereka. Tangan pribumi, dan bahkan keturunan campuran, selalu dingin saat disentuh; yang tidak dapat saya jelaskan selain dengan anggapan bahwa, dari tingkat elastisitas yang lebih rendah pada padatan yang disebabkan oleh panasnya iklim, tindakan internal tubuh yang menggerakkan cairan menjadi kurang kuat, sirkulasi adalah secara proporsional lesu, dan tentu saja efek yang berkurang paling terlihat di ekstremitas, dan kedinginan adalah konsekuensi alami.

HILL PEOPLE SUBJECT TO WENS

The natives of the hills through the whole extent of the island are subject to those monstrous wens from the throat which have been observed of the Vallaisans and the inhabitants of other mountainous districts in Europe. It has been usual to attribute this affection to the badness, thawed state, mineral quality, or other peculiarity of the waters; many skilful men having applied themselves to the investigation of the subject. My experience enables me to pronounce without hesitation that the disorder, for such it is though it appears here to mark a distinct race of people (orang-gunong), is immediately connected with the hilliness of the country, and of course, if the circumstances of the water they use contribute thereto, it must be only so far as the nature of the water is affected by the inequality or height of the land. But in Sumatra neither snow nor other congelation is ever produced, which militates against the most plausible conjecture that has been adopted concerning the Alpine goitres. From every research that I have been enabled to make I think I have reason to conclude that the complaint is owing, among the Sumatrans, to the fogginess of the air in the valleys between the high mountains, where, and not on the summits, the natives of these parts reside. I before remarked that, between the ranges of hills, the kabut or dense mist was visible for several hours every morning; rising in a thick, opaque, and well-defined body with the sun, and seldom quite dispersed till afternoon. This phenomenon, as well as that of the wens, being peculiar to the regions of the hills, affords a presumption that they may be connected; exclusive of the natural probability that a cold vapour, gross to a uncommon degree, and continually enveloping the habitations, should affect with tumors the throats of the inhabitants. I cannot pretend to say how far this solution may apply to the case of the goitres, but I recollect it to have been mentioned that the only method of curing the people is by removing them from the valleys to the clear and pure air on the tops of the hills; which seems to indicate a similar source of the distemper to what I have pointed out. The Sumatrans do not appear to attempt any remedy for it, the wens being consistent with the highest health in other respects.

PERBEDAAN ANTARA ORANG MELAYU DENGAN PENDUDUK SUMATRA LAINNYA

Perbedaan pribadi antara orang Melayu pesisir dan penduduk pedalaman tidak terlalu mencolok, akan tetapi membutuhkan beberapa masa pengalaman untuk membedakan mereka. Namun yang terakhir memiliki keunggulan yang jelas dalam hal ukuran dan kekuatan, dan berkulit lebih cerah, yang mungkin disebabkan oleh situasi mereka, di mana atmosfer lebih dingin; dan secara umum diamati bahwa orang yang tinggal di dekat pantai, dan terutama ketika terbiasa dengan navigasi, lebih gelap dari tetangga pedalaman mereka. Beberapa mengaitkan perbedaan dalam kekuatan konstitusional dengan penggunaan opium yang lebih sering di kalangan orang Melayu, yang dianggap melemahkan kerangka; tetapi saya telah mencatat bahwa pedagang emas Limun dan Batang Asei, yang merupakan koloni dari ras tersebut yang menetap di jantung pulau, dan yang tidak dapat hidup sehari tanpa opium, sangat sehat dan gemuk; yang saya tahu diamati dengan tingkat kecemburuan oleh para perokok opium di pemukiman kami. Penduduk Passummah juga digambarkan lebih kuat daripada para penanam di wilayah dataran rendah.

BUSANA

Busana asli orang-orang Sumatra sama dengan yang ditemukan oleh para navigator di kalangan penduduk Kepulauan Laut Selatan, dan umumnya disebut dengan nama busana Otaheitea. Busana tersebut masih dipakai di kalangan orang-orang Rejang untuk busana kerja mereka, dan aku memiliki satu yang aku milik yang didapatkan dari orang-orang tersebut yang terdiri dari jaket, laci pendek, dan penutup kepala. Busana tersebut terbuat dari kulit pohon dalam dari jenis pohon tertentu, yang memiliki tingkat kemurnian, yang memberikan kesempurnaan lainnya karena mirip dengan jenis kulit hewan yang lebih lembut, beberapa nyaris sama dengan kulit anak yang sangat halus; yang sifatnya berbeda dari busana Laut Selatan, karena lebih mirip dengan kertas, atau olahan mesin tenun. Orang-orang daerah kini nyaman dengan sejumlah besar busana Melayu, sehingga aku harus mendeskripsikan di tempat ini, mengamati bahwa lebih banyak kesederhanaan masih timbul di kalangan penduduk, yang memandang orang-orang lainnya menutupi seluruh bagian mereka pada punggung mereka, sementara mereka sebaliknya dipandang oleh orang-orang Melayu sebagai orang-orang tak terjamak.

MAN'S DRESS

A man's dress consists of the following parts. A close waistcoat, without sleeves, but having a neck like a shirt, buttoned close up to the top, with buttons, often of gold filigree. This is peculiar to the Malays. Over this they wear the baju, which resembles a morning gown, open at the neck, but generally fastened close at the wrists and halfway up the arm, with nine buttons to each sleeve. The sleeves, however, are often wide and loose, and others again, though nearly tight, reach not far beyond the elbow, especially of those worn by the younger females, which, as well as those of the young men, are open in front no farther down than the bosom, and reach no lower than the waist, whereas the others hang loose to the knees, and sometimes to the ankles. They are made usually of blue or white cotton cloth; for the better sort, of chintz; and for great men, of flowered silks. The kain-sarong is not unlike a Scots highlander's plaid in appearance, being a piece of party-coloured cloth about six or eight feet long and three or four wide, sewed together at the ends; forming, as some writers have described it, a wide sack without a bottom. This is sometimes gathered up and slung over the shoulder like a sash, or else folded and tucked about the waist and hips; and in full dress it is bound on by the belt of the kris (dagger), which is of crimson silk and wraps several times round the body, with a loop at the end in which the sheath of the kris hangs. They wear short drawers reaching halfway down the thigh, generally of red or yellow taffeta. There is no covering to their legs or feet. Round their heads they fasten, in a particular manner, a fine, coloured handkerchief, so as to resemble a small turban; the country people usually twisting a piece of white or blue cloth for this purpose. The crown of their head remains uncovered except on journeys, when they wear a tudong or umbrella-hat, which completely screens them from the weather.

WOMAN'S DRESS

The women have a kind of bodice, or short waistcoat rather, that defends the breasts and reaches to the hips. The kain-sarong, before described, comes up as high as the armpits, and extends to the feet, being kept on simply by folding and tucking it over at the breast, except when the tali-pending, or zone, is worn about the waist, which forms an additional and necessary security. This is usually of embroidered cloth, and sometimes a plate of gold or silver, about two inches broad, fastening in the front with a large clasp of filigree or chased work, with some kind of precious stone, or imitation of such, in the centre. The baju, or upper gown, differs little from that of the men, buttoning in the same manner at the wrists. A piece of fine, thin, cotton cloth, or slight silk, about five feet long, and worked or fringed at each end, called a salendang, is thrown across the back of the neck, and hangs down before; serving also the purpose of a veil to the women of rank when they walk abroad. The handkerchief is carried either folded small in the hand, or in a long fold over the shoulder. There are two modes of dressing the hair, one termed kundei and the other sanggol. The first resembles much the fashion in which we see the Chinese women represented in paintings, and which I conclude they borrowed from thence, where the hair is wound circularly over the centre of the head, and fastened with a silver bodkin or pin. In the other mode, which is more general, they give the hair a single twist as it hangs behind, and then doubling it up they pass it crosswise under a few hairs separated from the rest on the back of the head for that purpose. A comb, often of tortoise-shell and sometimes filigreed, helps to prevent it from falling down. The hair of the front and of all parts of the head is of the same length, and when loose hangs together behind, with most of the women, in very great quantity. It is kept moist with oil newly expressed from the coconut; but those persons who can afford it make use also of an empyreumatic oil extracted from gum benzoin, as a grateful perfume. They wear no covering except ornaments of flowers, which on particular occasions are the work of much labour and ingenuity. The head-dresses of the dancing girls by profession, who are usually Javans, are very artificially wrought, and as high as any modern English lady's cap, yielding only to the feathered plumes of the year 1777. It is impossible to describe in words these intricate and fanciful matters so as to convey a just idea of them. The flowers worn in undress are for the most part strung in wreaths, and have a very neat and pretty effect, without any degree of gaudiness, being usually white or pale yellow, small, and frequently only half-blown. Those generally chosen for these occasions are the bunga-tanjong and bunga-mellur: the bunga-chumpaka is used to give the hair a fragrance, but is concealed from the sight. They sometimes combine a variety of flowers in such a manner as to appear like one, and fix them on a single stalk; but these, being more formal, are less elegant than the wreaths.

DISTINGUISHING ORNAMENTS OF VIRGINS

Among the country people, particularly in the southern countries, the virgins (anak gaddis, or goddesses, as it is usually pronounced) are distinguished by a fillet which goes across the front of the hair and fastens behind. This is commonly a thin plate of silver, about half an inch broad: those of the first rank have it of gold, and those of the lowest class have their fillet of the leaf of the nipah tree. Beside this peculiar ornament their state is denoted by their having rings or bracelets of silver or gold on their wrists. Strings of coins round the neck are universally worn by children, and the females, before they are of an age to be clothed, have what may not be inaptly termed a modesty-piece, being a plate of silver in the shape of a heart (called chaping) hung before, by a chain of the same metal, passing round the waist. The young women in the country villages manufacture themselves the cloth that forms the body-dress, or kain-sarong, which for common occasions is their only covering, and reaches from the breast no lower than the knees. The dresses of the women of the Malay bazaars on the contrary extend as low as the feet; but here, as in other instances, the more scrupulous attention to appearances does not accompany the superior degree of real modesty. This cloth, for the wear both of men and women, is imported from the island of Celebes, or, as it is here termed, the Bugis country.

KEBIASAAN MENGIKIR GIGI

Baik laki-laki maupun perempuan memiliki kebiasaan mengikir dan merombak hal lainnya terhadap gigi mereka, yang secara alami lebih putih dan indah dari kesederhanaan makanan mereka. Untuk pengikiran, mereka memakai batu asah kecil dari tingkat kemurnian berbeda, dan para pasien membaringkan punggung mereka saat operasi. Kebanyakan orang, terutama wanita daerah Lampung, memiliki gigi yang digosok ke bawah bahkan sampai ke gusi; yang lainnya dibentuk runcing; dan beberapa pengikiran tak lebih dari bagian luar dan ujung, dalam rangka agar mereka lebih baik menerima dan mempertahankan warna kehitamannya hampir secara keseluruhan. Warna hitam yang dipakai pada kebiasaan tersebut adalah minyak empireumatik dari cangkang kelapa. Ketika pengikiran diterapkan, dengan menghancurkan apa yang kami sebut enamel, menghilangkan keputihan gigi, namun pemakaian sirih membuatnya hitam jika luka tak ditindak untuk mencegahnya. Pria dewasa terkadang memakai emas, dengan memasangkannya dengan plakat logam, di bawah baris gigi; dan ornamen ini, berseberangan dengan pewarna hitam, dapat sangat menyilaukan ketika didekati lentera atau lilin. Ini terkadang ditujukan untuk membentuk gigi, namun biasanya sangat datar. Mereka tak dapat melepaskannya saat bersantap atau tidur.

Pada usia sekitar delapan atau sembilan tahun, telinga mereka dilobangi dan gigi anak perempuan mereka dikikir; yang merupakaan upacara yang dibutuhkan untuk menggelar perkawinan mereka. Mereka menyebut pelubangan telinga dengan sebutan betende, dan pengikiran gigi dengan sebutan bedabong; dan operasi tersebut dianggap dalam keluarga sebagai kesempatan perayaan. Mereka tak melakukannya disini, sebagaimana di beberapa pulau sekitar (terutama Nias), meningkatkan pelubangan telinga sampai berukuran besar, sehingga sebagaimana dalam beberapa contoh untuk memperbesarnya menggunakan tangan, bagian bawah diperlebar sampai menyentuh pundak. Anting mereka kebanyakan berbahan emas, dan dilakukan tidak dengan jepit, namun dengan bahan paku atau kacang yang dimasukkan ke bagian dalam.

Bab 3

DESA.
BANGUNAN.
ALAT MAKAN DOMESTIK.
MAKANAN.

Desa-desa

Aku kini harus mengupayakan deskripsi desa-desa dan bangunan-bangunan Sumatra, dan mengamati kebiasaan ekonomi domestik mereka, dan seni rupa sederhana saat mengolah makanan mereka dan kebutuhan lainnya. Tak ada yang meminati bahan-bahan spekulasi filsafat. Dalam hal pemakaian seni rupa dari orang-orang tersebut terhubungkan dengan tuntutan primer alam, mereka membawa kesukaan keasilan yang lebih besar, karena tuntutan-tuntutan tersebut harus diuruskan dari masa permulaan keberadaan orang-orang itu sendiri. Atau jika keaslian penuh dianggap sebagai gagasan visioner, diwarnai dengan penghirauan dan ketidakjelasan peristiwa-peristiwa pedalaman, seni semacam itu harus diperbolehkan untuk setidaknya memiliki klaim keantikan terjelas. Seni akomodasi, dan secara khusus kemewahan, umumnya merupakan dampak peniruan, dan disarankan oleh penunjangan suku-suku lainnya yang membuat kemajuan yang lebih besar terhadap peradaban. Hal tersebut memberikan unsur-unsur karakteristik dan penekanan yang kurang dalam menggambarkan gambaran umat manusia, dan, meskipun mereka dapat menambahkan keindahan, terpisah dari keasilan karya. Kami seharusnya tak melirik tanda-tanda umum ketidakvokalan, yang mendarah daging, dalam rangka untuk menyimpulkannya, telah disilangkan oleh perpaduan asing. Seluruh seni kebutuhan primer selaras dengan dua kekhasan: orang-orang yang melindungi kami dari kerentanan cuaca dan musibah di luar perkiraan lainnya; dan orang-orang yang bertugas dalam mengamankan alat-alat penting. Keduanya bersifat esensial bagi kelanjutan hidup, dan orang-orang secara sukarela dan langsung menunjang kami dengan seruan alam, bahkan dalam keadaan liar dan keberadaan tak tertanam yang paling memungkinkan. Dalam iklim yang mirip Sumatra, hal ini tak mendorong penyebaran lebih jauh. Mesin manusia digerakkan dengan upaya kecil yang sangat selaras dengan alatnya. Mata air bersih yang diperlukan disana kemudian kehilangan kekuatannya, dan kemudian roda-roda reka cipta yang bergantung padanya gagal untuk menunjukkan lebih dari sedikit revolusi sederhana. Di daerah-daerah yang kurang bersahabat, motif asli ini pada industri dan pengantaran orang-orang dalam jumlah besar diterapkan kepada kesenian dalam kesempatan-kesempatan hidup; dan keseluruhan dalam ruang waktu yang sama memiliki kesempurnaan yang lebih besar ketimbang para penduduk wilayah tropis, yang menemukan keinginan langsung mereka disuplai dengan fasilitas, dan merujuk kesenangan tindakan negatif untuk kegembiraan dari setiap kemudahan yang harus dibeli dengan pengerahan kekuatan dan tenaga kerja. Penganggapan ini mungkin ditujukan untuk merekonsiliasikan kekhasan besar secara universal yang diijinkan pada suku-suku Asiatik, dengan perjuangan terbatas terhadap seni rupa dan ilmu pengetahuan di kalangan mereka, yang mereka wujudkan oleh orang-orang yang berbanding dengan mereka selain waktu paling terkini.

Namun, orang-orang Sumatra dalam pembangunan pemukiman mereka menjalani lebih banyak tingkat di luar langkah pembangunan yang yang dideskripsikan oleh para penulis mengenai para penduduk beberapa daerah India lainnya yang bergantung pada pengadopsian dalam rangka melatari diri mereka sendiri dari pengaruh langsung unsur-unsur sekitarnya. Rumah-rumah mereka tak hanya permanen namun rentan, dan dibangun di pinggiran satu sama lain yang mereka nikmati laju-laju bantuan dan perlindungan saling menguntungkan yang dihasilkan dari keadaan masyarakat.*

(*Catatan kaki. Di beberapa pulau kecil dekat Sumatra (termasuk kepulauan Nicobar), yang para penduduk pada umumnya berada dalam tingkat perdaban yang sangat rendah, rumah dibangun melingkar. Vid Asiatic Researches volume 4 laman 129.)

DESA-DESA

Dusun-dusun atau desa-desa (untuk sejumlah kecil penduduk yang berkumpul satu sama lain yang tak dapat disebutkan sebagai kota) biasanya berada di tepi sungai atau danau untuk mendi dan membawakan barang-barang. Kesulitan aksen biasanya dibuat untuk alasan keamanan. Akses ke mereka dilakukan lewat jalan kaki, sempit dan liar, dimana terdapat hunian lebih dari dua; satu untuk desa dan lainnya untuk air; yang untuk air di banyak tempat ditempatkan untuk memotong perjalanan di tebing atau batu. Dusun-dusun, yang dikelilingi dengan pohon-pohon buah, beberapa memiliki batang yang tinggi, seperti durian, kelapa dan kacang besar, dan daerah tetangga untuk ruang yang kecil yang dalam beberapa tingkat bebas dari pohon untuk penanaman padi dan lada, desa-desa tersebut nampak dari kejauhan seperti gumpalan-gumpalan, tanpa penampilan kota atau tempat hunian apapun. Barisan rumah umumnya berbentuk persegi, dengan perlintasan atau baris di bagian dalam antar bangunan, dimana di desa-desa paling menonjol dihuni penduduk kelas bawah, dan dimana juga rumah-rumah padi atau penggilingan didirikan. Di tengan persegi didirikan balei atau balai kota, sebuah ruang berukuran sekitar lima puluh sampai seratus kaki dan lebar dua puluh atau tiga puluh kaki, tanpa pembagian, dan terbuka di setiap sisi, kecuali pada saat acara tertentu, tempat tersebut digantung dengan tikar atau rajutan; namun terlindung dalam arah lateral dengan atap yang menjorok ke dalam.

TEMPAT 19. SEBUAH RUMAH DESA DI SUMATRA.
W. Bell delt. J.G. Stadler sculpt.
Diterbitkan oleh W. Marsden, 1810.

TEMPAT 19a. SEBUAH RUMAH PENANAMAN DI SUMATRA.
W. Bell delt. J.G. Stadler sculpt.)

BANGUNAN

Pada bangunan mereka, entah berbahan batu, bata maupun tanah liat, kebanyakan daerah membangunnya menggunakan kayu, dan kehangatan iklim membuat udara bebas masuk alih-alih sebaliknya: namun di Sumatra, kekuatan gempa-gempa sendiri mempengaruhi penduduk asli dari mengadopsi gaya bangunan substansial. Lapisan rumah terbuat dari kayu, bagian bawahnya ditempatkan dengan tiang-tiang setinggi sekitar enam atau delapan kaki, yang memiliki sejenis penguat namun tanpa dasar, dan lebih besar bagian atas ketimbang bagian bawah. Orang-orang nampaknya tak memiliki gagasan arsitektur sebagaimana ilmu pengetahuan, meskipun kebanyakan ketidakaslian seringkali nampak dalam kebiasaan mengerjakan bahan-bahannya, dan mereka memiliki, setidaknya orang-orang Melayu, hal-hal teknis yang berkaitan dengan seluruh hal yang dikerjakan oleh tukang kayu rumah mereka. Dasar pembagian mereka sangat kaku, seringkali meninggalkan bagian-bagian lapisan yang terbesar dengan dukungan yang sangat bercelah, dan menopang kekuatan atas tekanan tak memadai. Untuk tangga, mereka menggunakan bambu (spesies rotan terkenal) berdiameter empat atau liam inchi, berdekatan satu sama lain, dan menempatkannya pada ujung kayu. Sepanjang tingkatan bambu, yang memiliki lebar satu inchi dan panjang satu ruangan, yang diikatkan dengan rajutan rotan; dan biasanya memiliki jenis yang berbeda. Jenis tangganya memiliki sifat elastis bagi orang-orang asing ketika mereka mula-mula menaikinya. Sisi-sisi rumah umumnya ditutup dengan palupo, yang merupakan bambu terbuka dan datar yang ditonjolkan atau dipisah dengan bagian melingkar pada bagian luar, merekatkan bagian terpisah di dalamnya, dan nmembentangkannya untuk dikeringkan di bawah matahari, ditekan dengan berat. Ini terkadang dipaku pada bagian depan kayu atau bambu, namun di bagian-bagian daerah tersebut, ini lebih umum dirajut, atau dipasangkan, dalam sambungan enam inchi, dan potongan, atau lembar, wajib dibentuk satu ukuran. Di beberapa tempat, mereka pakai untuk keperluan yang sama, skulitkayu, atau coolicoy, sebagaimana yang diucapkan oleh orang-orang Eropa, yang memakainya pada badan kapal sebagai tempat penyimpanan lada atau kargo lainnya. Ini adalah kulit pohon yang diolah dari beberapa pohon tertentu, yang bunut dan ibu adalah jenis yang paling umum dipakai. Ketika mereka siap untuk mengambilnya, bagian luarnya mula-mula dikerok atau dipotong; bagian dalamnya, yang dijadikan bahan, kemudian ditandai dengan prang, pateel, atau alat lainnya, yang ukurannya diwajibkan, biasanya tiga kubit per satu; setelah dipukul beberapa kali dengan batang keras untuk menghaluskannya dari tangkai, dan dibentangkan di bawah matahari untuk dikeringkan, agar tidak bengkok. Jenis ketipisan atau ketebalan dari spesies kulitkayu yang sama memiliki perbedaan saat diambil berdekatan atau berkejauhan dari akat. Bahan tersebut dipakai dalam pembangunan yang nyaris memiliki tekstur dan kekerasan kayu. Kulit pohon yang dibuat menjadi busana terbuat dari sebuah pohon yang disebut alawi, sebuah spesies dari pohon sukun.

Cara paling umum menutupi rumah adalah dengan atap, yang berbahan daun spesies kelapa yang disebut nipah. Bahan tersebut, yang sebelumnya dibentangkan, dibentuk menjadi lembar-lembaran yang memiliki panjang sekitar lima kaki dan sepanjang daun yang dipakai, yang digandakan pada satu ujung pada selip atau bilah bambu; bahan tersebut kemudian dibuang dari atap sehingga satu lembar harus terbentang di atas lembar lainnya, dan diikat dengan bambu yang dipakai untuk para perakit. Terdapat berbagai jenis penutup lain dan lebih tahan lama yang dipakai. Kulitkayu, yang sebelumnya dideskripsikan, terkadang dipakai untuk keperluan ini: galumpei--ini merupakan jenis bambu belah sempit, memiliki panjang enam kaki, ditempatkan dalam lapisan biasa, masing-masing memiliki ukuran dua kaki dari ujungnya, yang dibentuk menjadi penutup: iju--ini adalah produksi sanyur yang sangat nyaris mirip rambut kuda karena sulit untuk membedakannya. Bahan tersebut menunjang lapisan dari spesies kelapa yang disebut anau, yang menghasilkan arak kelapa atau toddy terbaik, dan dipakai oleh penduduk asli untuk berbagai keperluan. Bahan tersebut diikat sebagaimana mereka memperlakukan jerami, dan tidak tak sesering galumpei; dalam kasus atap yang tak pernah diperbaharui, iju menjadi bahan sayur yang paling rentan terhadap pembusukan, dan karena alasan ini, ini merupakan praktek umum untuk menutup bagiannya yang melingkar di ujung kayu atau pos yang selaras di tanah. Aku melihat rumah sekitar dua puluh mil dari Sungai Manna, yang masuk Dupati Bandar Agung, atapnya berdiri selama liam puluh tahun. Rumah-rumah yang lebih besar memiliki tiga ujung atap; satu di bagian tengah, di bawah pintu yang ditempatkan, yang lebih rendah ketimbang dua ujung lainnya. Di rumah-rumah yang lebih kecil, terdapat dua ujung, yang selalu memiliki tinggi yang tak setara, dan bagian utamanya lebih kecil, yang menutupi semacam aula atau ruang masak.

Terdapat jenis rumah lainnya, kebanyakan didirikan untuk keperluan sementara, atapnya datar dan ditutupi dengan bahan yang sangat tak umum, sederhana dan terampil. Bambu besar dipotong sepanjang sesuai dengan ukuran rumah, dan, dibelah menjadi dua dan sama-sama dipukul, lapisan pertama dari mereka dibuang dalam rangka penutupan, dengan bagian dalam atau lubang di bagian samping; setelah itu pada lapisan kedua, dengan sisi luar atau cembung, ditempatkan bahan lainnya dalam cara agar setiap cembung jatuh dalam dua potongan cekung yang berdekatan, menutupi tepian mereka; yang dijadikan sebagai tampungan untuk mengalirkan air yang jatuh pada lapisan luar atau cembung.*

(*Catatan. Aku menemukan bahwa penduduk asli Kepulauan Filipina menutupi bangunan mereka dengan cara yang sama.)

Gaya khas rumah-rumah tersebut adalah potongan kayu atau bambu yang dipotong, yang tak dapat dilakukan oleh orang Eropa, khususnya cara memasangkannya secara cepat. Bahan tersebut adalah kayu berbahan ringan menakjubkan yang para penulis Portugis lama menyebutkannya dipakai oleh orang-orang Achin dalam peperangan mereka dengan bangsa tersebut. Ini mungkin pencegahan bahaya dari hewan-hewan liar yang menyebabkarn mereka mengadopsi dan meneruskan pengasahan kasar tersebut, dalam langkah yang lebih biasa dan luas. Bangunan-bangunan terpisah di daerah tersebut, di dekat penanaman mereka, yang disebut talang, mereka meningkatkannya sampai ketinggian sepuluh atau dua belas kaki dari tanah, dan menciptakan praktek menempatkan tangga pada malam hari untuk menjaga diri mereka sendiri dari serangan harimau. Aku meranggapan, namun tak yakin sendiri atas kebenaran cerita tersebut, bahwa seekor gajah, yang berniat melintasi di bawah salah satu rumah tersebut, yang berdiri pada empat atau enam pos, mengalami macet, namun, memutuskan untuk mundur, membawanya, dengan keluarga yang ada di dalamnya, pada punggungnya sampai kejauhan.

Pada bangunan-bangunan dusun, terutama ketika kebanyakan keluarga terhormat bermukim, pengerjaan kayu di bagian depan diukir dengan gaya bas-relief, dalam ragam ornamen kasar dan gambar-gambar aneh, yang nampak seperti hieroglif Mesir, namun tanpa pengartian mistis atau sejarah.

PERABOTAN

Perabotan rumah-rumah mereka, sesuai dengan kebiasaan hidup mereka, sangat sederhana, dan hanya terdiri dari beberapa hal. Kasur mereka adalah tikar, biasanya bertekstur sempurna, dan dibuat untuk keperluan tersebut, dengan sejumlah bantal, yang dikerjakan pada bagian ujung dan diisi dengan bahan lembut yang mirip lembaran. Sebuah jenis kanopi atau kelambu, dibentuk dari berbagai potongan kain berwarna, digantung di atas. Alih-alih meja, mereka memiliki apa yang mirip dengan potongan kayu, dengan kaki yang disebut dulang, yang dapat dikelilingi tiga atau empat orang; dan di atasnya dilapisi talam atau alat kuningan yang menenteng cangkir berisi kari, dan sepiring dedaunan atau bungkus berkain yang diisi dengan beras. Cara duduk mereka bukan dengan menyilangkan kaki, sebagaimana yang dilakukan penduduk Turki dan penjahit kami, namun di atas paha atau kaki kiri, didukung oleh tangan kiri pada kaki yang dimiringkan ke sisi kanan; membuat tangan tersebut selalu bebas, dari jenis-jenis santapan lezat; yang kiri dipakai untuk hal-hal kurang bersih. Pisau, sendok maupun alat lainnya disediakan mereka; mereka mengambil nasi dan hal lainnya antara jempol dan jari-jari lainnya; dan melemparkannya ke mulut lewat pergerakan jempol, sering mencelupkan tangan mereka ke air ketika mereka bersantap.

ALAT MASAK

Mereka memiliki perangkat Tionghoa kecil, yang diimpor dari timur, yang memberikan barang kemewahan. Dalam memasak, mereka memakai jenis wadah besi yang dikenal di India dengan nama quallie atau tauch, yang memiliki bentuk mirip dengan panci yang dipakai di beberapa pabrik kami, yang berbadan lebar dan bagian bawah yang sempir. Barang tersebut nampaknya dibawa dari wilayah timur. Priu dan balanga, sebuah jenis dari pipkin tanah, lebih umum dipakai, dibuat dalam jumlah kecil di bagian berbeda dari pulau tersebut, terutama di Lampong, yang memberikan mereka jenis pemanas; namun sejumlah besar dari barang tersebut diimpor dari Bantam. Wadah Sumatra asli untuk menanak nasi, dan masih banyak dipakai untuk keperluan tersebut, adalah bambu, yang bahan pembuatannya umum di alam yang menyuplai orang-orang malas. Pada waktu nasi ditanak, alat masak tersebut nyaris dihancurkan oleh api, namun tahan api selama ada kelembapan di dalamnya.

API

Api diinginkan di kalangan orang-orang tersebut namun jarang, dan hanya ketika mereka memasak makanan mereka, tak terlalu banyak perhatian yang dilakukan di bangunan mereka untuk menyediakan penghangat untuknya. Rumah mereka tak memiliki cerobong, dan tempat api mereka tak lebih dari kumpulan bata atau batu, yang dibuang pada suatu waktu dan seringkali di tempat sebelah pintu. Bahan bakar yang dibuat hanya dari kayu, batubara yang dihasilkan di pulau tersebut tak pernah dipakai oleh para penduduk untuk keperluan tersebut. Batu api dan baha untuk menyalakan api umum di daerah tersebut, namun praktek tersebut hanya dilakukan oleh sedikit orang, karena jenis batu tersebut tak berasal dari tanah tersebut. Barang tersebut umumnya merupakan bagian dari kiriman perjalanan mereka, dan khususnya dengan orang-orang yang disebut risau (orang-orang yang beralih menjadi bajak laut), yang mereka sendiri seringkali menempatkan hunian mereka di hutan atau tempat sepi. Namun, mereka juga seringkali membuat api dari gesekan dua tongkat.

CARA MENYALAKANNYA

Mereka memilih kayu kering berporos, dan dipotong halus dalam arah horizontal. Mereka kemudian memakai potongan yang lebih kecil, bahan yang lebih keras, dengan ujung tumpul, dalam posisi tegak lurus, dan menggosoknya dengan cepat, antara dua tangan, seperti halnya menggiling coklat, menekannya ke bawah pada saat yang sama. Lubang kemudian terbentuk oleh gerakan tersebut dari batang yang lebih kecil; namun tak mengenai batang yang lebih besar yang menyulut api. Aku juga melihat dampak yang sama yang dihasilkan lebih sederhana lewat gosokan potongan bambu dengan ujung lancip pada potongan lainnya.*

(*Catatan kaki. Cara menyalakan api ini tak hanya dilakukan di Sumatra: kami membaca praktek yang sama di Afrika dan bahkan di Kamtschatka. Ini mengejutkan, namun dikonfirmasikan otoritas terkait, yang banyak bangsa di bumi melakukannya pada masa tertentu, yang menghiraukan pemakaian api. t is surprising, but confirmed by abundant authority, that many nations of the earth have at certain periods, been ignorant of the use of fire. Pada anggapan awal kami, keberadaan manusia nampaknya tak mungkin terjadi seperti itu. Setiap seni rupa, setiap kebaikan, setiap kebutuhan hidup, kini berada dalam perilaku paling intim yang menghubungkannya: dan Tionghoa, Mesir, Foenisia dan Yunani mengetahui tradisi terkait penemuan pertamanya di negara mereka masing-masing. Namun pada kenyataannya jika mereka dapat memajukan seorang manusia, atau masyarakat, yang tak dapat membuat dan menggunakan unsur tersebut, aku tak melihat kesulitan dalam menunjang kemungkinan dukungan kehidupan mereka tanpanya; aku artikan dalam iklim tropis; dan berabad-abad berlalu sebelum seharusnya mereka datang dengan penemuan penting tersebut. Adalah benar bahwa petir dan dampaknya, gunung berapi, pembakaran bahan-bahan kering dengan cara penggosokan, atau kelembaban, melalui fermentasi, dapat memberikan mereka gagasan hal menghancurkan dan merusaknya; namun sejauh ini, untuk menyesuaikan dan menerapkannya, mereka akan, sebaliknya, takut dan menghindarinya, bahkan dalam penampilannya yang kurang terbentuk. Hal ini membuat mereka menyembahnya sebagai dewa mereka, namun tak memujanya sebagai bagian dalam mereka. Terdapat beberapa alasan yang menyatakan bahwa manusia yang mula-mula kurang menentangnya dan mengalihkannya untuk keperluan hidup menghasilkannya dari menubrukkan dua batu api; namun nyala api kemudian dihasilkan, entah tak disengaja atau disengaja, teramati beberapa kali tanpa memandang pemakaian bermanfaatnya. Di negara-negara yang orang-orang belum menemeukannya untuk diri mereka sendiri, paling mungkin, asal usulnya dalam menggosok batang-batang kering bersamaan, dan dalam pengerjaannya, bahan dan alatnya dipertemukan, api, dengan bahan dan pemakaiannya, menjadi lebih sering nampak. Sebagaimana ketiadaan gagasan sebelumnya yang memberikan prinsip laten ini, dan kemudian tidak ada pencarian yang dilakukan, tidak ada dorongan yang dilakukan, untuk menyalakannya, aku tak melihat ketidakmungkinan pemeloporan sepanjang dilakukan dari umat manusia sebagaimana bahan batu muatan atau kualitas bubuk mesiu.)

Air dialirkan dari mata air dalam bambu, yang dipotong untuk keperluan tersebut, dengan panjang lima atau enam kaki dan dibawa di pundak, atau dalam jumlah tunggal yang dikumpulkan dalam keranjang. Tumbuhan tersebut menghasilkan buah yang disebut labu disini, yang mirip dengan calabash dari Hindia Barat, sebuah lubang dibuat di sisi leher dan lainnya di bagian atas untuk lubang angin. Saat diminum, mereka umumnya menyaipakn wadah dari kejauhan di atas mulut mereka dan menadahkan aliran tersebut ketika turun; cairan yang turun ke lambung tanpa menelannya. Keranjang (bronong, bakul) dianggap sebagai bagian penting dari perabotan rumah seseorang, dan jumlahnya yang nampak digantung merupakan tanda barang dari pemiliknya; karena itu, panen beras atau ladanya dikumpulkan dan dibawa ke rumah; tidak ada gerobak yang dipakai di bagian perdalaman pulau tersebut yang kini aku aku deskripsikan. Barang tersebut terbuat dari selipan bambu yang dihubungkan dengan cara rotan terpisah; dan biasanya dibawa wanita, di punggung, didukung oleh tali atau ikat di kepala.

MAKANAN

Meskipun orang-orang Sumatra hidup dengan menyantap sejumlah besar sayuran, mereka tak dibatasi oleh wacana dari pantangan lainnya, dan pada acara-acara tertentu, daging kerbau, kambing dan unggas disajikan. Hidangan mereka nyaris selalu disajikan dengan gaya hiasan yang mereka beri nama karu (dari kata Hindostanik), dan yang kini dikenal secara luas di Eropa. Hidangan tersebut disebut gulei dalam bahasa Melayu, dan berbahan jenis-jenis bahan pangan, namun umumnya adalah daging atau unggas, dengan berbagai jenis bahan tambahan dan sayuran, direbus dengan bahan tertentu, yang oleh kami sebut bubuk kari, ketika dicampur dan diaduk bersama. Bahan-bahan tersebut meliputi cabai rawit atau lada, kunyit, sarei atau serai, kapulaga, bawang putih, dan olahan kelapa yang dicampur dengan susu yang mirip dengan kacang tanah, yang hanya terbuat dari cairan. Ini berbeda dari kari Madras dan Bengal, yang memiliki ragam rempah-rempah yang lebih banyak, dan meliputi kelapa. Olahan tersebut tak sedikit mengingatkan pada lada umum, bahan utama yang menjadi komoditas utama dan pokok yang diproduksi di wilayah tersebut, tak pernah dicampur pada makanan oleh penduduk asli. Mereka menganggapnya pemanas darah, dan menyebut dampak berlawanan dengan cabai rawit; yang dapat aku katakan, pengalamanku sendiri menjadi benar. Sejumlah besar ragam kari biasanya disajikan bersamaan, dalam wadah kecil, yang masing-masing diberi rasa dengan cara berbeda; dan ini diletakkan pada seluruh meja mewah. Ketika sejumlah besar atau beragam daging disajikan, bahan utama dari makanan mereka adalah nasi, yang disantap dalam jumlah besar pada setiap hidangan, dan sangat sering tanpa tambahan lainnya selain garam dan lada. Olahan tersebut diolah dengan cara direbus seperti halnya yang dilakukan di India; kesempurnaannya, disamping kebersihan dan keputihannya, ketika dihias dan dilembutkan dengan hati, pada saat yang sama secara keseluruhan dan terpisah, sehingga tidak ada biji yang dicampur bersamaan. Cara efektif ini dilakuakn dengan menempatkannya dalam wadah berbahan tanah atau lainnyayang direbus dengan air yang layak untuk menutupinya, dididihkan dengan api pelan, air dikeluarkan pada tingkat datar atau sendok agar biji mengering, dan menghilangkannya ketika pembakaran. Pada acara-acara mereka, para tamu dihidangkan dengan nasi yang juga disajikan dalam beragam gaya, dengan menggorengkannya menjadi kue atau merebusnya dan dicampur dengan biji kelapa dan minyak murni, dalam potongan bambu kecil. Olahan tersebut disebut lemmang. Sebelum disajikan, mereka memotong bagian luar bambu dan bagian dalam yang lembut disantap oleh orang yang menyantapnya.

DAGING

Mereka mengolah daging tak lama usai menyembelihnya, dalam keadaan masih panas, yang sesuai dengan praktek orang-orang kuno yang tercatat di Homer dan tempat lain, dan dalam keadaan ini, mereka dikatakan menyantapnya ketika berjaga seharian: tak lagi bergantung pada iklim, ketika disajikan dalam cara yang disebut dinding. Ini adalah daging kerbau yang dipotong menjadi bistik tipis kecil dan dihangatkan matahari pada cuaca yang mendukung, umumnya pada atap rumah mereka, sampai menjadi sangat kering dan keras agar tak membusuk tanpa penambahan garam. Ikan disajikan dengan cara yang sama, dan kargo-kargo dari keduanya dikirim dari wilayah pantai dalam jumlah besar di tempat-tempat yang menawarkannya. Ini nampak merupakan penghangatan yang aneh, yang dalam hal tertentu mempromosikan pembusukan, yang seharusnya dilakukan untuk mencegahnya; namun harus dikatakan bahwa kelembapan juga menimbulkan dampak tersebut, dan hal ini diserap dalam keadaan tipis oleh sinar matahari sebelum memunculkan belatung.

Blachang, sebuah sajian, sebagaimana diistilahkan, dari jenis sebaliknya, diperkiraan merupakan kekhasan di kalangan orang-orang Melayu, dan diekspor oleh mereka ke barat India. Orang-orang Sumatra sendiri menyajikannya. Ini adalah spesies caviar, dan dianggap sangat aneh dan menjijikkan bagi orang-orang yang tak akrab dengannya, terutama jenis hitam, yang merupakan jenis paling umum. Jenis terbaik, atau blachang merah, telur udang, atau udang itu sendiri, yang mereka ambil di sekitaran mulut sungai. Setelah direbus, bahan tersebut dikeringkan di bawah matahari, kemudian dituangkan dalam wadah dengan garam, dilembekkan dengan sedikit air dan dibentuk menjadi kue, yang semuanya merupakan cara pengolahannya. Jenis hitam, yang dipakai oleh kelas rendah, dihasilkan dari ikan kecil, disajikan dengan cara yang sama. Di beberapa wilayah pantai timur pulau tersebut, mereka menggarami telur ikan besar dari jenis hitam, dan menyajikannya dalam keadaan kering dan memiliki rasa yang enak. Sajian tersebut disebut trobo.

Ketika penduduk asli menyembelih kerbau, yang selalu dilakukan pada pertemuan publik mereka, mereka tak melakukan penyembelihan bersamaan sebagaimana yang mereka lakukan pada kerbau, namun sejumlah kecil daging, atau bistik yang mereka sebut bantei. Penyembunyian kerbau terkadang dilepuhkan, digores, dan digantung untuk dikeringkan di rumah-rumah mereka agar menjadi layu dan benar-benar keras. Ketika ingin dipakai, potongan dipotong dan, direbus selama beberapa jam dengan sedikit air, membentuk jeli yang kaya yang, pada musimnya, menciptakan hidangan yang sangat lezat.

Sago (sagu), yang umum di Sumatra dan jarang dipakai oleh penduduk asli, bukanlah bahan pangan dari pemakaian umum semacam itu di kalangan mereka sebagaimana para penduduk di banyak kepulauan timur lainnya, yang menjadikannya sebagai pengganti nasi. Millet (randa jawa) juga ditanam untuk dimakan, namun tidak dalah jumlah besar.

Ketika beberapa bahan tidak memberikan manfaat pada bagian akar liar, herbal dan dedaunan pohon bagi orang Sumatra maka pohon-pohon tersebut ditebang di setiap musim tanpa ditanam kembali, dan kesederhanaan kebiasaan gaya makannya mengajarkanku untuk beranggapan bahwa tak ada keadaan yang sangat luar biasa dari kerja keras. Sehingga, bencana kelaparan di pulau tersebut, atau secara lebih luas, kegagalan panen, tak pernah mengakibatkan dampak mengerikan pada wilayah-wilayah yang lebih maju dan suku-suku yang paling rentan terdampak.

Bab 4

AGRICULTURE.
RICE, ITS CULTIVATION, ETC.
PLANTATIONS OF COCONUT, BETEL-NUT, AND OTHER VEGETABLES FOR DOMESTIC USE.
DYE STUFFS.

PERTANIAN

Dari ekonomi domestik, aku terpikat untuk melirik para tenaga kerja mereka di ladang, penanaman mereka dan keadaan pertanian di kalangan mereka, yang seorang penulis pribumi sebut kriteria peradaban teradil.

BERAS

Bahan penanaman paling penting, tak hanya di Sumatra namun seluruh wilayah Timur, adalah beras. Beras adalah bahan pangan besar yang disantap oleh seratus juta penduduk di dunia, dan meskipun utamanya terpisah oleh alam pada wilayah yang meliputi antara dan berbatasan di daerah tropis, penanaman ini mungkin lebih besar ketimbang gandum, yang orang-orang Eropa anggap sebagai unsur kehidupan universal. Di benua Asia, seperti kamu berjalan ke wilayah utara, kamu datang ke perbatasan dimana penanaman beras tiada dan ladang gandum diperdagangkan; dingin dirasakan pada iklim tersebut, yang terjadi di bagian tinggi daratan tersebut, tak bersahabat untuk produksi beras.

Beras (Oryza sativa) ketika berada dalam kulit disebut padi oleh orang-orang Melayu (dari bahasanya, kata tersebut nampaknya diambil dari perjalanannya ke belahan maritim benua India), bras ketika dipisahkan dari kulit, dan nasi usai direbus; selain diberi nama lainnya di berbagai negara yang menumbuhkan dan menyiapkannya. Perbedaan sebutan tersebut juga terjadi pada bahan pemakaian umum lainnya, dan terhitung pada prinsipnya: that amongst people whose general objects of attention are limited, those which do of necessity occupy them are liable to be more the subject of thought and conversation than in more enlightened countries where the ideas of men have an extensive range. The kinds of rice also (whether technically of different species I cannot pronounce) are very numerous, but divided in the first place into the two comprehensive classes of padi ladang or upland, from its growing in high, dry grounds, and padi sawah (vulgarly pronounced sawur or sour) or lowland, from its being planted in marshes; each of which is said to contain ten or fifteen varieties, distinct in shape, size, and colour of the grain, modes of growth, and delicacy of flavour; it being observed that in general the larger-grained rice is not so much prized by the natives as that which is small, when at the same time white and in some degree transparent.* To M. Poivre, in his Travels of a Philosopher, we are indebted for first pointing out these two classes when speaking of the agriculture of Cochin-China. The qualities of the ladang, or upland rice, are held to be superior to those of the sawah, being whiter, more nourishing, better tasted and having the advantage in point of keeping. Its mode of culture too is free from the charge of unhealthiness attributed to the latter, which is of a watery substance, is attended with less increase in boiling, and is subject to a swifter decay; but of this the rate of produce from the seed is much greater, and the certainty of the crops more to be depended on. It is accordingly cheaper and in more common use. The seed of each sort is kept separate by the natives, who assert that they will not grow reciprocally.

(*Footnote. The following sorts of dry-ground padi have come under my notice but as the names vary in different districts it is possible that some of these may be repetitions, where there is no striking difference of character:

Padi Ebbas, large grain, very common;
Andalong, short round grain, grows in whorls or bunches round the stalk, common;
Galu, light-coloured, scarce;
Sini, small grain, deep coloured, scarce;
Iju, light ish colour, scarce;
Kuning, deep yellow, crooked and pointed, fine rice;
Kukur-ballum, small, much crooked and resembling a dove's claw, from whence the name; light-coloured, highly esteemed for its delicate flavour;
Pisang, outer coat light brown, inner red, longer, smaller, and less crooked than the preceding;
Bringin, long, flattish, ribbed, pointed, dead yellow;
Bujut, shaped like the preceding, but with a tinge of red in the colour;
Chariap, short, roundish, reddish yellow;
Janggut or bearded, small, narrow, pale brown;
Jambi, small, somewhat crooked and pointed, light brown;
Laye, gibbous, light-coloured;
Musang, long, small, crooked and pointed, deep purple;
Pandan, small, light-coloured;
Pau, long, crooked and pointed, light yellow;
Puyuh, small, delicate, crooked and pointed, bright ochre;
Rakkun, roundish grain, resembles the andalong, but larger and deeper colour;
Sihong, much resembles the laye in shape and colour;
Sutar, short, roundish, bright, reddish brown;
Pulut gading or ivory, long, nearly straight, light yellow;
Pulut kechil, small, crooked, reddish yellow;
Pulut bram, long and rather large grain, purple, when fresh more nearly red;
Pulut bram lematong, in shape like the preceding, but of a dead pale colour.
Beside these four there is also a black kind of pulut.
Samples of most of these have been in my possession for a number of years, and still continue perfectly sound. Of the sorts of rice growing in low grounds I have not specimens. The padi santong, which is small, straight, and light-coloured, is held to be the finest. In the Lampong country they make a distinction of padi krawang and padi jerru, of which I know nothing more than that the former is a month earlier in growth than the latter.)

UPLAND RICE

For the cultivation of upland padi the site of woods is universally preferred, and the more ancient the woods the better, on account of the superior richness of the soil; the continual fall and rotting of the leaves forming there a bed of vegetable mould, which the open plains do not afford, being exhausted by the powerful operation of the sun's rays and the constant production of a rank grass called lalang. When this grass, common to all the eastern islands, is kept under by frequent mowing or the grazing of cattle (as is the case near the European settlements) its room is supplied by grass of a finer texture. Many suppose that the same identical species of vegetable undergoes this alteration, as no fresh seeds are sown and the substitution uniformly takes place. But this is an evident mistake as the generic characters of the two are essentially different; the one being the Gramen caricosum and the other the Gramen aciculatum described by Rumphius. The former, which grows to the height of five feet, is remarkable for the whiteness and softness of the down or blossom, and the other for the sharpness of its bearded seeds, which prove extremely troublesome to the legs of those who walk among it.*

(*Footnote. Gramen hoc (caricosum) totos occupat campos, nudosque colles tam dense et laete germinans, ut e longinquo haberetur campus oryza consitus, tam luxuriose ac fortiter crescit, ut neque hortos neque sylvas evitet, atque tam vehementer prorepit, ut areae vix depurari ac servari possint, licet quotidie deambulentur...Potissimum amat solum flavum arguillosum. (Gramen aciculatum) Usus ejus fere nullus est, sed hic detegendum est taediosum ludibrium, quod quis habet, si quis per campos vel in sylvis procedat, ubi hoc gramen ad vias publicas crescit, quum praetereuntium vestibus, hoc semen quam maxime inhaeret. Rumphius volume 6 book 10 chapters 8 and 13. M. Poivre describes the plains of Madagascar and Java as covered with a long grass which he calls fatak, and which, from the analogy of the countries in other respects, I should suppose to be the lalang; but he praises it as affording excellent pasturage; whereas in Sumatra it is reckoned the worst, and except when very young it is not edible by the largest cattle; for which reason the carters and drovers are in the practice of setting fire to that which grows on the plains by the roadside, that the young shoots which thereupon shoot up, may afterwards supply food to their buffaloes.)

If old woods are not at hand ground covered with that of younger growth, termed balukar, is resorted to; but not, if possible, under the age of four or five years. Vegetation is there so strong that spots which had been perfectly cleared for cultivation will, upon being neglected for a single season, afford shelter to the beasts of the forest; and the same being rarely occupied for two successive years, the face of the country continues to exhibit the same wild appearance, although very extensive tracts are annually covered with fresh plantations. From this it will be seen that, in consequence of the fertility to which it gives occasion, the abundance of wood in the country is not considered by the inhabitants as an inconvenience but the contrary. Indeed I have heard a native prince complain of a settlement made by some persons of a distant tribe in the inland part of his dominions, whom he should be obliged to expel from thence in order to prevent the waste of his old woods. This seemed a superfluous act of precaution in an island which strikes the eye as one general, impervious, and inexhaustible forest.

MODE OF CLEARING THE GROUND

On the approach of the dry monsoon (April and May) or in the course of it, the husbandman makes choice of a spot for his ladang, or plantation of upland rice, for that season, and marks it out. Here it must be observed that property in land depends upon occupancy, unless where fruit-bearing trees have been planted, and, as there is seldom any determined boundary between the lands of neighbouring villages, such marks are rarely disturbed. Collecting his family and dependents, he next proceeds to clear the ground. This is an undertaking of immense labour, and would seem to require herculean force, but it is effected by skill and perseverance. The work divides itself into two parts. The first (called tebbas, menebbas) consists in cutting down the brushwood and rank vegetables, which are suffered to dry during an interval of a fortnight, or more or less, according to the fairness of the weather, before they proceed to the second operation (called tebbang, menebbang) of felling the large trees. Their tools, the prang and billiong (the former resembling a bill-hook, and the latter an imperfect adze) are seemingly inadequate to the task, and the saw is unknown in the country. Being regardless of the timber they do not fell the tree near the ground, where the stem is thick, but erect a stage and begin to hew, or chop rather, at the height of ten or twelve, to twenty or thirty feet, where the dimensions are smaller (and sometimes much higher, taking off little more than the head) until it is sufficiently weakened to admit of their pulling it down with rattans made fast to the branches instead of ropes.* And thus by slow degrees the whole is laid low.

(*Footnote. A similar mode of felling is described in the Maison rustique de Cayenne.)

In some places however a more summary process is attempted. It may be conceived that in the woods the cutting down trees singly is a matter of much difficulty on account of the twining plants which spread from one to the other and connect them strongly together. To surmount this it is not an uncommon practice to cut a number of trees half through, on the same side, and then fix upon one of great bulk at the extremity of the space marked out, which they cut nearly through, and, having disengaged it from these lianas (as they are termed in the western world) determine its fall in such a direction as may produce the effect of its bearing down by its prodigious weight all those trees which had been previously weakened for the purpose. By this much time and labour are saved, and, the object being to destroy and not to save the timber, the rending or otherwise spoiling the stems is of no moment. I could never behold this devastation without a strong sentiment of regret. Perhaps the prejudices of a classical education taught me to respect those aged trees as the habitation or material frame of an order of sylvan deities, who were now deprived of existence by the sacrilegious hand of a rude, undistinguishing savage. But without having recourse to superstition it is not difficult to account for such feelings on the sight of a venerable wood, old, to appearance, as the soil it stood on, and beautiful beyond what pencil can describe, annihilated for the temporary use of the space it occupied. It seemed a violation of nature in the too arbitrary exercise of power. The timber, from its abundance, the smallness of consumption, and its distance in most cases from the banks of navigable rivers, by which means alone it could be transported to any distance, is of no value; and trees whose bulk, height, straightness of stem, and extent of limbs excite the admiration of a traveller, perish indiscriminately. Some of the branches are lopped off, and when these, together with the underwood, are become sufficiently arid, they are set fire to, and the country, for the space of a month or two, is in a general blaze and smoke, until the whole is consumed and the ground effectually cleared. The expiring wood, beneficent to its ungrateful destroyer, fertilises for his use by its ashes and their salts the earth which it so long adorned.

Unseasonable wet weather at this period, which sometimes happens, and especially when the business is deferred till the close of the dry or south-east monsoon, whose termination is at best irregular, produces much inconvenience by the delay of burning till the vegetation has had time to renew itself; in which case the spot is commonly abandoned, or, if partially burned, it is not without considerable toil that it can be afterwards prepared for sowing. On such occasions there are imposters ready to make a profit of the credulity of the husbandman who, like all others whose employments expose them to risks, are prone to superstition, by pretending to a power of causing or retarding rain. One of these will receive, at the time of burning the ladangs, a dollar or more from each family in the neighbourhood, under the pretence of ensuring favourable weather for their undertaking. To accomplish this purpose he abstains, or pretends to abstain, for many days and nights from food and sleep, and performs various trifling ceremonies; continuing all the time in the open air. If he espies a cloud gathering he immediately begins to smoke tobacco with great vehemence, walking about with a quick pace and throwing the puffs towards it with all the force of his lungs. How far he is successful it is no difficult matter to judge. His skill, in fact, lies in choosing his time, when there is the greatest prospect of the continuance of fair weather in the ordinary course of nature: but should he fail there is an effectual salvo. He always promises to fulfil his agreement with a Deo volente clause, and so attributes his occasional disappointments to the particular interposition of the deity. The cunning men who, in this and many other instances of conjuration, impose on the simple country people, are always Malayan adventurers, and not unfrequently priests. The planter whose labour has been lost by such interruptions generally finds it too late in the season to begin on another ladang, and the ordinary resource for subsisting himself and family is to seek a spot of sawah ground, whose cultivation is less dependent upon accidental variations of weather. In some districts much confusion in regard to the period of sowing is said to have arisen from a very extraordinary cause. Anciently, say the natives, it was regulated by the stars, and particularly by the appearance (heliacal rising) of the bintang baniak or Pleiades; but after the introduction of the Mahometan religion they were induced to follow the returns of the puisa or great annual fast, and forgot their old rules. The consequence of this was obvious, for the lunar year of the hejrah being eleven days short of the sidereal or solar year the order of the seasons was soon inverted; and it is only astonishing that its inaptness to the purposes of agriculture should not have been immediately discovered.

SOWING

When the periodical rains begin to fall, which takes place gradually about October, the planter assembles his neighbours (whom he assists in turn), and with the aid of his whole family proceeds to sow his ground, endeavouring to complete the task in the course of one day. In order to ensure success he fixes, by the priest's assistance, on a lucky day, and vows the sacrifice of a kid if his crop should prove favourable; the performance of which is sacredly observed, and is the occasion of a feast in every family after harvest. The manner of sowing (tugal-menugal) is this. Two or three men enter the plantation, as it is usual to call the padi-field, holding in each hand sticks about five feet long and two inches diameter, bluntly pointed, with which, striking them into the ground as they advance, they make small, shallow holes, at the distance of about five inches from each other. These are followed by the women and elder children with small baskets containing the seed-grain (saved with care from the choicest of the preceding crop) of which they drop four or five grains into every hole, and, passing on, are followed by the younger children who with their feet (in the use of which the natives are nearly as expert as with their hands) cover them lightly from the adjacent earth, that the seed may not be too much exposed to the birds, which, as might be expected, often prove destructive foes. The ground, it should be observed, has not been previously turned up by any instrument of the hoe or plough kind, nor would the stumps and roots of trees remaining in it admit of the latter being worked; although employed under other circumstances, as will hereafter appear. If rain succeeds the padi is above ground in four or five days; but by an unexpected run of dry weather it is sometimes lost, and the field sowed a second time. When it has attained a month or six weeks' growth it becomes necessary to clear it of weeds (siang-menyiang), which is repeated at the end of two months or ten weeks; after which the strength it has acquired is sufficient to preserve it from injury in that way. Huts are now raised in different parts of the plantation, from whence a communication is formed over the whole by means of rattans, to which are attached scarecrows, rattles, clappers, and other machines for frightening away the birds, in the contrivance of which they employ incredible pains and ingenuity; so disposing them that a child, placed in the hut, shall be able, with little exertion, to create a loud clattering noise to a great extent; and on the borders of the field are placed at intervals a species of windmill fixed on poles which, on the inexperienced traveller, have an effect as terrible as those encountered by the knight of La Mancha. Such precautions are indispensable for the protection of the corn, when in the ear, against the numerous flights of the pipi, a small bird with a light-brown body, white head, and bluish beak, rather less than the sparrow, which in its general appearance and habits it resembles. Several of these lighting at once upon a stalk of padi, and bearing it down, soon clear it of its produce, and thus if unmolested destroy whole crops.

At the time of sowing the padi it is a common practice to sow also, in the interstices, and in the same manner, jagong or maize, which, growing up faster and ripening before it (in little more than three months) is gathered without injury to the former. It is also customary to raise in the same ground a species of momordica, the fruit of which comes forward in the course of two months.

REAPING

The nominal time allowed from the sowing to the reaping of the crop is five lunar months and ten days; but from this it must necessarily vary with the circumstances of the season. When it ripens, if all at the same time, the neighbours are again summoned to assist, and entertained for the day: if a part only ripens first the family begin to reap it, and proceed through the whole by degrees. In this operation, called tuwei-menuwei from the instrument used, they take off the head of corn (the term of ear not being applicable to the growth of this plant) about six inches below the grain, the remaining stalk or halm being left as of no value. The tuwei is a piece of wood about six inches long, usually of carved work and about two inches diameter, in which is fixed lengthwise a blade of four or five inches, secured at the extremes by points bent to a right angle and entering the wood. To this is added a piece of very small bamboo from two to three inches long, fixed at right angles across the back of the wood, with a notch for receiving it, and pinned through by a small peg. This bamboo rests in the hollow of the hand, one end of the piece of wood passing between the two middle fingers, with the blade outwards; the natives always cutting FROM them.* With this in the right hand and a small basket slung over the left shoulder, they very expeditiously crop the heads of padi one by one, bringing the stalk to the blade with their two middle fingers, and passing them, when cut, from the right hand to the left. As soon as the left hand is full the contents are placed in regular layers in the basket (sometimes tied up in a little sheaf), and from thence removed to larger baskets, in which the harvest is to be conveyed to the dusun or village, there to be lodged in the tangkian or barns, which are buildings detached from the dwelling-houses, raised like them from the ground, widening from the floor towards the roof, and well lined with boards or coolitcoy. In each removal care is taken to preserve the regularity of the layers, by which means it is stowed to advantage, and any portion of it readily taken out for use.

(*Footnote. The inhabitants of Menangkabau are said to reap with an instrument resembling a sickle.)

LOW-GROUND RICE

Sawahs are plantations of padi in low wet ground, which, during the growth of the crop, in the rainy season between the months of October and March,* are for the most part overflowed to the depth of six inches or a foot, beyond which latter the water becomes prejudicial. Level marshes, of firm bottom, under a moderate stratum of mud, and not liable to deep stagnant water, are the situations preferred; the narrower hollows, though very commonly used for small plantations, being more liable to accidents from torrents and too great depth of water, which the inhabitants have rarely industry enough to regulate to advantage by permanent embankments. They are not however ignorant of such expedients, and works are sometimes met with, constructed for the purpose chiefly of supplying the deficiency of rain to several adjoining sawahs by means of sluices, contrived with no small degree of skill and attention to levels.

(*Footnote. In the Transactions of the Batavian Society the following mention is made of the cultivation of rice in Java. The padi sawa is sown in low watered grounds in the month of March, transplanted in April, and reaped in August. The padi tipar is sown in high ploughed lands in November, and reaped in March (earlier in the season than I could have supposed.) when sown where woods have been recently cut down, or in the clefts of the hills (klooven van het gebergte) it is named padi gaga. Volume 1 page 27.)

In new ground, after clearing it from the brushwood, reeds, and aquatic vegetables with which the marshes, when neglected, are overrun, and burning them at the close of the dry season, the soil is, in the beginning of the wet, prepared for culture by different modes of working. In some places a number of buffaloes, whose greatest enjoyment consists in wading and rolling in mud, are turned in, and these by their motions contribute to give it a more uniform consistence as well as enrich it by their dung. In other parts less permanently moist the soil is turned up, either with a wooden instrument between a hoe and a pickaxe, or with the plough, of which they use two kinds; their own, drawn by one buffalo, extremely simple, and the wooden share of it doing little more than scratch the ground to the depth of six inches; and one they have borrowed from the Chinese, drawn either with one or two buffaloes, very light, and the share more nearly resembling ours, turning the soil over as it passes and making a narrow furrow. In sawahs however the surface has in general so little consistence that no furrow is perceptible, and the plough does little more than loosen the stiff mud to some depth, and cut the roots of the grass and weeds, from which it is afterwards cleared by means of a kind of harrow or rake, being a thick plank of heavy wood with strong wooden teeth and loaded with earth where necessary. This they contrive to drag along the surface for the purpose at the same time of depressing the rising spots and filling up the hollow ones. The whole being brought as nearly as possible to a level, that the water may lie equally upon it the sawah is, for the more effectual securing of this essential point, divided into portions nearly square or oblong (called piring, which signifies a dish) by narrow banks raised about eighteen inches and two feet wide. These drying become harder than the rest, confine the water, and serve the purpose of footways throughout the plantation. When there is more water in one division than another small passages are cut through the dams to produce an equality. Through these apertures water is also in some instances introduced from adjacent rivers or reservoirs, where such exist, and the season requires their aid. The innumerable springs and rivulets with which this country abounds render unnecessary the laborious processes by which water is raised and supplied to the rice grounds in the western part of India, where the soil is sandy: yet still the principal art of the planter consists, and is required, in the management of this article; to furnish it to the ground in proper and moderate quantities and to carry it off from time to time by drains; for if suffered to be long stagnant it would occasion the grain to rot.

TRANSPLANTATION

Whilst the sawahs have been thus in preparation to receive the padi a small, adjacent, and convenient spot of good soil has been chosen, in which the seed-grain is sown as thick as it can well lie to the ground, and is then often covered with layers of lalang (long grass, instead of straw) to protect the grain from the birds, and perhaps assist the vegetation. When it has grown to the height of from five to eight inches, or generally at the end of forty days from the time of sowing, it is taken up in showery weather and transplanted to the sawah, where holes are made four or five inches asunder to receive the plants. If they appear too forward the tops are cropped off. A supply is at the same time reserved in the seed-plots to replace such as may chance to fail upon removal. These plantations, in the same manner as the ladangs, it is necessary to cleanse from weeds at least twice in the first two or three months; but no maize or other seed is sown among the crop. When the padi begins to form the ear or to blossom, as the natives express it, the water is finally drawn off, and at the expiration of four months from the time of transplanting it arrives at maturity. The manner of guarding against the birds is similar to what has been already described; but the low ground crop has a peculiar and very destructive enemy in the rats, which sometimes consume the whole of it, especially when the plantation has been made somewhat out of season; to obviate which evil the inhabitants of a district sow by agreement pretty nearly at the same time; whereby the damage is less perceptible. In the mode of reaping likewise there is nothing different. Upon the conclusion of the harvest it is an indispensable duty to summon the neighbouring priests to the first meal that is made of the new rice, when an entertainment is given according to the circumstances of the family. Should this ceremony be omitted the crop would be accursed (haram) nor could the whole household expect to outlive the season. This superstition has been by the Mahometans judiciously engrafted on the stock of credulity in the country people.

The same spot of low ground is for the most part used without regular intermission for several successive years, the degree of culture they bestow by turning up the soil and the overflowing water preserving its fertility. They are not however insensible to the advantage of occasional fallows. In consequence of this continued use the value of the sawah grounds differs from that of ladangs, the former being, in the neighbourhood of populous towns particularly, distinct property, and of regularly ascertained value. At Natal for example those consisting between one and two acres sell for sixteen to twenty Spanish dollars. In the interior country, where the temperature of the air is more favourable to agriculture, they are said to sow the same spot with ladang rice for three successive years; and there also it is common to sow onions as soon as the stubble is burned off. Millet (randa jawa) is sown at the same time with the padi. In the country of Manna, southward of Bencoolen, a progress in the art of cultivation is discovered, superior to what appears in almost any other part of the island; the Batta country perhaps alone excepted. Here may be seen pieces of land in size from five to fifteen acres, regularly ploughed and harrowed. The difference is thus accounted for. It is the most populous district in that southern part, with the smallest extent of sea-coast. The pepper plantations and ladangs together having in a great measure exhausted the old woods in the accessible parts of the country, and the inhabitants being therein deprived of a source of fertility which nature formerly supplied, they must either starve, remove to another district, or improve by cultivation the spot where they reside. The first is contrary to the inherent principle that teaches man to preserve life by every possible means: their attachment to their native soil, or rather their veneration for the sepulchres of their ancestors, is so strong that to remove would cost them a struggle almost equal to the pangs of death: necessity therefore, the parent of art and industry, compels them to cultivate the earth.

RATE OF PRODUCE

The produce of the grounds thus tilled is reckoned at thirty for one; from those in the ordinary mode about a hundred fold on the average, the ladangs yielding about eighty, and the sawahs a hundred and twenty. Under favourable circumstances I am assured the rate of produce is sometimes so high as a hundred and forty fold. The quantity sown by a family is usually from five to ten bamboo measures or gallons. These returns are very extraordinary compared with those of our wheat-fields in Europe, which I believe seldom exceed fifteen, and are often under ten. To what is this disproportion owing? to the difference of grain, as rice may be in its nature extremely prolific? to the more genial influence of a warmer climate? or to the earth's losing by degrees her fecundity from an excessive cultivation? Rather than to any of these causes I am inclined to attribute it to the different process followed in sowing. In England the saving of labour and promoting of expedition are the chief objects, and in order to effect these the grain is almost universally scattered in the furrows; excepting where the drill has been introduced. The Sumatrans, who do not calculate the value of their own labour or that of their domestics on such occasions, make holes in the ground, as has been described, and drop into each a few grains*; or, by a process still more tedious, raise the seed in beds and then plant it out. Mr. Charles Miller, in a paper published in the Philosophical Transactions, has shown us the wonderful effects of successive transplantation. How far it might be worth the English farmer's while to bestow more labour in the business of sowing the grain, with the view of a proportionate increase in the rate of produce, I am not competent, nor is it to my present purpose, to form a judgment. Possibly as the advantage might be found to lie rather in the quantity of grain saved in the sowing than gained in the reaping, it would not answer his purpose; for although half the quantity of seed-corn bears reciprocally the same proportion to the usual produce that double the latter does to the usual allowance of seed, yet in point of profit the scale is different. To augment this it is of much more importance to increase the produce from a given quantity of land than to diminish the quantity of grain necessary for sowing it.

(*Footnote. In an address from the Bath Agricultural Society dated 12th October 1795 it is strongly recommended to the cultivators of land (on account of the then existing scarcity of grain) to adopt the method of dibbling wheat. The holes to be made either by the common dibble, or with an implement having four or more points in a frame, at the distance of about four inches every way, and to the depth of an inch and a half; dropping TWO grains into every hole. The man who dibbles is to move backwards and to be followed by two or three women or children, who drop in the grains. A bush-hurdle, drawn across the furrows by a single horse, finishes the business. About six pecks of seed-wheat per acre are saved by this method. The expense of dibbling, dropping, and covering is reckoned in Norfolk at about six shillings per acre. Times Newspaper of 20th October 1795.)

KESUBURAN TANAH

Tak ada pernyataan yang diraih dari kesuburan dari apa yang disebut Kepulauan Melayu, yang tercatat oleh otoritas M. Poivre dan penulis tersohor lainnya, dan masih dielbihi oleh produksi biji-bijian yang luar biasa, seperti yang disebutkan di atas, aku tak dapat membantu mengatakan bahwa aku pikir tanah pantai barat Sumatra secara umum lebih steril ketimbang kaya. Sebagian besar wilayahnya mengandung tanah liat merah, yang dibakar di dekatnya untuk dijadikan bata yang memanfaatkan pengaruh matahari. Sebagian kecil wilayah tersebut yang ditanam berasal dari tanah yang sebelumnya merupakan hutan yang kini digunduli, yang dedaunannya ditanami sayuran dengan kedalaman beberapa inchi; atau lainnya diubah menjadi cetakan di dekat perbukitan yang dibasuh oleh hujan tahunan. Pada kenyataannya di berbagai wilayah pantai, antara tebing dan pantai, datarannya memiliki luas yang bervariasi dan berunsur tanah berpasir, yang mungkin terbawa oleh layu dan kurang lebih tercampur dengan tanah pada masa ketika wilayah tersebut masih belum tertutupi oleh perairan; dan hal semacam itu ditemukan pada tempat-tempat yang paling diinginkan untuk menghasilkan produksi belahan dunia lainnya. Namun terdapat yang tingkat kesuburannya sebagian dan tak layak. Setiap orang yang berniat membuat taman dari jenis apapun maupun Benteng Marlborough harus mengetahui bagaimana tenaga kerja akan beralih ke bidang tanah yang diadopsi secara acak. Hal ini dibutuhkan untuk keperluan membentu tanah buatan dari kotoran, abu, sampah, dan bahan sejenis lainnya yang dapat dihasilkan. Dari sini, ia dapat menumbuhkan suplai sayur-sayuran terkecil untuk disajikan di meja. Aku melihat banyak penanaman khusus pohon-pohon kelapa, pinang, limun, dan kopi, yang dimiliki oleh pemilik berbeda, dan tidak ada orang yang membolehkan saya untuk merekoleksinya; seperti yang nampak pada ketandusan tanah, meskipun tertutup dengan rumput panjang. Ketidaksepakatan di kalangan orang-orang Eropa nyaris secara keseluruhan berkaitan dengan pertanian. Para kolonis Tionghoa yang lebih berindustri, yang mengerhakan tanah dengan rasa sakit yang tak kenal lelah, dan tidak ada kesempatan menyelamatkan dan mengumpulkan dpupk, alih-alih lebih sukses; saya dengan bahwa salah satu penanam paling handal di kalangan masyarakat ini, yang, berkat tenaga kerja dan kegigihannya, mengembangkan apa yang diperlihatkan kepadaku sebagai taman yang indah, yang dirancang untuk keuntungan serta kesenangan, menyatakan bahwa hatiku nyaris patah dalam perjuangan melawan alam; tanahnya menjadi sangat tak berbuah, malah mendatangkan ketegangan dan kerugian, yang nampaknya membuatnya diambang kebangkrutan; dan ia kemudian meminta bantuan kepada Perusahaan Hindia Timur.*

(*Catatan kaki. Some particular plants, especially the tea, Key Sun used to tell me he considered as his children: his first care in the morning and his last in the evening was to tend and cherish them. I heard with concern of his death soon after the first publication of this work, and could have wished the old man had lived to know that the above small tribute of attention had been paid to his merits as a gardener. In a letter received from the late ingenious Mr. Charles Campbell, belonging to the medical establishment of Fort Marlborough, whose communications I shall have future occasion to notice, he writes on the 29th of March 1802: "I must not omit to say a word about my attempts to cultivate the land. The result of all my labours in that way was disappointment almost as heartbreaking as that of the unlucky Chinaman, whose example however did not deter me. After many vexations I descended from the plains into the ravines, and there met with the success denied me on the elevated land. In one of these, through which runs a small rivulet emptying itself into the lake of Dusun Besar, I attempted a plantation of coffee, where there are now upwards of seven thousand plants firmly rooted and putting out new leaves." this cultivation has since been so much increased as to become an important article of commerce. It should at the same time be acknowledged that our acquaintance with the central and eastern parts of the island is very imperfect, and that much fertile land may be found beyond the range of mountains.)

The natives, it is true, without much or any cultivation raise several useful trees and plants; but they are in very small quantities, and immediately about their villages, where the ground is fertilised in spite of their indolence by the common sweepings of their houses and streets and the mere vicinity of their buildings. I have often had occasion to observe in young plantations that those few trees which surrounded the house of the owner or the hut of the keeper considerably over-topped their brethren of the same age. Every person at first sight, and on a superficial view of the Malayan countries, pronounces them the favourites of nature where she has lavished her bounties with a profusion unknown in other regions, and laments the infatuation of the people, who neglect to cultivate the finest soil in the world. But I have scarcely known one who, after a few years' residence, has not entirely altered his opinion. Certain it is that in point of external appearance they may challenge all others to comparison. In many parts of Sumatra, rarely trodden by human foot, scenes present themselves adapted to raise the sublimest sentiments in minds susceptible of the impression. But how rarely are they contemplated by minds of that temper! and yet it is alone:

For such the rivers dash their foaming tides,
The mountain swells, the vale subsides,
The stately wood detains the wandering sight,
And the rough barren rock grows pregnant with delight.

Even when there ARE inhabitants, to how little purpose as it respects them has she been profuse in ornament! In passing through places where my fancy was charmed with more luxuriant, wild, and truly picturesque views than I had ever before met with, I could not avoid regretting that a country so captivating to the eye should be allotted to a race of people who seem totally insensible of its beauties. But it is time to return from this excursion and pursue the progress of the husbandman through his remaining labours.

MODES OF THRESHING

Different nations have adopted various methods of separating the grain from the ear. The most ancient we read of was that of driving cattle over the sheaves in order to trample it out. Large planks, blocks of marble, heavy carriages, have been employed in later times for this end. In most parts of Europe the flail is now in use, but in England begins to be superseded by the powerful and expeditious but complicated threshing machine. The Sumatrans have a mode differing from all these. The bunches of padi in the ear being spread on mats, they rub out the grain between and under their feet; supporting themselves in common for the more easy performance of this labour by holding with their hands a bamboo placed horizontally over their heads. Although, by going always unshod, their feet are extremely callous, and therefore adapted to the exercise, yet the workmen when closely tasked by their masters sometimes continue shuffling till the blood issues from their soles. This is the universal practice throughout the island.

After treading out or threshing the next process is to winnow the corn (mengirei), which is done precisely in the same manner as practised by us. Advantage being taken of a windy day, it is poured out from the sieve or fan; the chaff dispersing whilst the heavier grain falls to the ground. This simple mode seems to have been followed in all ages and countries, though now giving place, in countries where the saving of labour is a principal object, to mechanical contrivances.

In order to clear the grain from the husk, by which operation the padi acquires the name of rice (bras), and loses one half of its measured quantity, two bamboos of the former yielding only one of the latter, it is first spread out in the sunshine to dry (jumur), and then pounded in large wooden mortars (lesung) with heavy pestles (alu) made of a hard species of wood, until the outer coat is completely separated from it, when it is again fanned. This business falls principally to the lot of the females of the family, two of whom commonly work at the same mortar. In some places (but not frequently) it is facilitated by the use of a lever, to the end of which a short pestle or pounder is fixed; and in others by a machine which is a hollow cylinder or frustum of a cone, formed of heavy wood, placed upon a solid block of the same diameter, the contiguous surfaces of each being previously cut in notches or small grooves, and worked backwards and forwards horizontally by two handles or transverse arms; a spindle fixed in the centre of the lower cylinder serving as an axis to the upper or hollow one. Into this the grain is poured, and it is thus made to perform the office of the hopper at the same time with that of the upper, or movable stone, in our mills. In working it is pressed downwards to increase the friction, which is sufficient to deprive the padi of its outer coating.

The rice is now in a state for sale, exportation, or laying up. To render it perfectly clean for eating, a point to which they are particularly attentive, it is put a second time into a lesung of smaller size, and, being sufficiently pounded without breaking the grains, it is again winnowed by tossing it dexterously in a flat sieve until the pure and spotless corns are separated from every particle of bran. They next wash it in cold water and then proceed to boil it in the manner before described.

RICE AS AN ARTICLE OF TRADE

As an article of trade the Sumatran rice seems to be of a more perishable nature than that of some other countries, the upland rice not being expected to keep longer than twelve months, and the lowland showing signs of decay after six. At Natal there is a practice of putting a quantity of leaves of a shrub called lagundi (Vitex trifolia) amongst it in granaries, or the holds of vessels, on the supposition of its possessing the property of destroying or preventing the generation of weevils that usually breed in it. In Bengal it is said the rice intended for exportation is steeped in hot water whilst still in the husk, and afterwards dried by exposure to the sun; owing to which precaution it will continue sound for two or three years, and is on that account imported for garrison store at the European settlements. If retained in the state of padi it will keep very long without damaging.* The country people lay it up unthreshed from the stalk and beat it out (as we render their word tumbuk) from time to time as wanted for use or sale.

(*Footnote. I have in my possession specimens of a variety of species which were transmitted to me twelve years ago and are still perfectly sound.)

The price of this necessary of life differs considerably throughout the island, not only from the circumstances of the season but according to the general demand at the places where it is purchased, the degree of industry excited by such demand, and the aptitude of the country to supply it. The northern parts of the coast under the influence of the Achinese produce large quantities; particularly Susu and Tampat-tuan, where it is (or used to be) purchased at the rate of thirty bamboos (gallons) for the Spanish dollar, and exported either to Achin or to the settlement of Natal for the use of the Residency of Fort Marlborough. At Natal also, and for the same ultimate destination, is collected the produce of the small island of Nias, whose industrious inhabitants, living themselves upon the sweet-potato (Convolvulus batatas), cultivate rice for exportation only, encouraged by the demand from the English and (what were) the Dutch factories. Not any is exported from Natal of its actual produce; a little from Ayer Bungi; more from the extensive but neglected districts of Pasaman and Masang, and many cargoes from the country adjacent to Padang. Our pepper settlements to the northward of Fort Marlborough, from Moco-moco to Laye inclusive, export each a small quantity, but from thence southward to Kroi supplies are required for the subsistence of the inhabitants, the price varying from twelve to four bamboos according to the season. At our head settlement the consumption of the civil and military establishments, the company's LABOURERS, together with the Chinese and Malayan settlers, so much exceeds the produce of the adjoining districts (although exempted from any obligation to cultivate pepper) that there is a necessity for importing a quantity from the islands of Java and Bally, and from Bengal about three to six thousand bags annually.*

(*Footnote. This has reference to the period between 1770 and 1780 generally. So far as respects the natives there has been no material alteration.)

The rice called pulut or bras se-pulut (Oryza gelatinosa), of which mention has been made in the list above, is in its substance of a very peculiar nature, and not used as common food but with the addition of coconut-kernel in making a viscous preparation called lemang, which I have seen boiled in a green bamboo, and other juadahs or friandises. It is commonly distinguished into the white, red, and black sorts, among which the red appears to be the most esteemed. The black chiefly is employed by the Chinese colonists at Batavia and Fort Marlborough in the composition of a fermented liquor called bram or brum, of which the basis is the juice extracted from a species of palm.

COCONUT

The coconut-tree, kalapa, nior (Cocos nucifera), may be esteemed the next important object of cultivation from the uses to which its produce is applied; although by the natives of Sumatra it is not converted to such a variety of purposes as in the Maldives and those countries where nature has been less bountiful in other gifts. Its value consists principally in the kernel of the nut, the consumption of which is very great, being an essential ingredient in the generality of their dishes. From this also, but in a state of more maturity, is procured the oil in common use near the sea-coast, both for anointing the hair, in cookery, and for burning in lamps. In the interior country other vegetable oils are employed, and light is supplied by a kind of links made of dammar or resin. A liquor, commonly known in India by the name of toddy, is extracted from this as well as from other trees of the palm-kind. Whilst quite fresh it is sweet and pleasant to the taste, and is called nira. After four and twenty hours it acidulates, ferments, and becomes intoxicating, in which state it is called tuak. Being distilled with molasses and other ingredients it yields the spirit called arrack. In addition to these but of trifling importance are the cabbage or succulent pith at the head of the tree, which however can be obtained only when it is cut down, and the fibres of the leaves, of which the natives form their brooms. The stem is never used for building nor any carpenter's purposes in a country where fine timber so much abounds. The fibrous substance of the husk is not there manufactured into cordage, as in the west of India where it is known by the name of coir; rattans and eju (a substance to be hereafter described) being employed for that purpose. The shell of the nut is but little employed as a domestic utensil, the lower class of people preferring the bamboo and the labu (Cucurbita lagenaria) and the better sort being possessed of coarse chinaware. If the filaments surrounding the stem are anywhere manufactured into cloth, as has been asserted, it must be in countries that do not produce cotton, which is a material beyond all comparison preferable: besides that certain kind of trees, as before observed, afford in their soft and pliable inner bark what may be considered as a species of cloth ready woven to their hands.

This tree in all its species, stages, fructification, and appropriate uses has been so elaborately and justly described by many writers, especially the celebrated Rumphius in his Herbarium Amboinense, and Van Rheede in his Hortus Malabaricus, that to attempt it here would be an unnecessary repetition, and I shall only add a few local observations on its growth. Every dusun is surrounded with a number of fruit-bearing trees, and especially the coconut where the soil and temperature will allow them to grow, and, near the bazaars or sea-port towns, where the concourse of inhabitants is in general much greater than in the country, there are always large plantations of them to supply the extraordinary demand. The tree thrives best in a low, sandy soil, near the sea, where it will produce fruit in four or five years; whilst in the clayey ground it seldom bears in less than seven to ten years. As you recede from the coast the growth is proportionably slower, owing to the greater degree of cold among the hills; and it must attain there nearly its full height before it is productive, whereas in the plains a child can generally reach its first fruit from the ground. Here, said a countryman at Laye, if I plant a coconut or durian-tree I may expect to reap the fruit of it; but in Labun (an inland district) I should only plant for my great-grandchildren. In some parts where the land is particularly high, neither these, the betel-nut, nor pepper-vines, will produce fruit at all.

It has been remarked by some writer that the date-bearing palm-tree and the coconut are never found to flourish in the same country. However this may hold good as a general assertion it is a fact that not one tree of that species is known to grow in Sumatra, where the latter, and many others of the palm kind, so much abound. All the small low islands which lie off the western coast are skirted near the sea-beach so thickly with coconut-trees that their branches touch each other, whilst the interior parts, though not on a higher level, are entirely free from them. This beyond a doubt is occasioned by the accidental floating of the nuts to the shore, where they are planted by the hand of nature, shoot up, and bear fruit; which, falling when it arrives at maturity, causes a successive reproduction. Where uninhabited, as is the case with Pulo Mego, one of the southernmost, the nuts become a prey to the rats and squirrels unless when occasionally disturbed by the crews of vessels which go thither to collect cargoes for market on the mainland. In the same manner, as we are told by Flacourt,* they have been thrown upon a coast of Madagascar and are not there indigenous; as I have been also assured by a native. Yet it appears that the natives call it voaniou, which is precisely the name by which it is familiarly known in Sumatra, being buah-nior; and v being uniformly substituted for b, and f for p, in the numerous Malayan words occurring in the language of the former island. On the other hand the singular production to which the appellation of sea-coconut (kalapa laut) has been given, and which is known to be the fruit of a species of borassus growing in one of the Seychelles Islands,** not far from Madagascar, are sometimes floated as far as the Malayan coasts, where they are supposed to be natives of the ocean and were held in high veneration for their miraculous effects in medicine until, about the year 1772, a large cargo of them was brought to Bencoolen by a French vessel, when their character soon fell with their price.

(*Footnote. Histoire de l'isle Madagascar page 127.)

(*Footnote. See a particular description of the sea-coconut with plates in the Voyage a la Nouvelle Guinee par Sonnerat page 3.)

PINANG ATAU KACANG SIRIH

Pinang (Areca catechu L.) atau pohon kacang sirih (sebagaimana yang sering disebutkan, namun tidak benar-benar demikian. Sirih merupakan jenis tumbuhan yang berbeda) memiliki cara penumbuhan dan penampilan yang mirip dengan kelapa. Namun, tumbuhan tersebut memiliki batang yang lebih lurus, tinggi yang lebih kecil, dan lebih anggun. Buahnya, yang memiliki banyak ragam (seperti pinang betul, pinang ambun, dan pinang wangi), memiliki kulit luar yang nyaris seukuran prem; kacang tersebut terkadang lebih kecil ketimbang pala namun lebih bulat. Buah tersebut disantap dengan daun sirih (Piper betel L.) yang tumbuhan yang diklaim memiliki daun dengan rasa yang sangat harum dan tambahan merangsang lainnya; sebuah praktek yang diharuskan setelah dideskripsikan. Penduduk asli membuat penanaman besar dari kedua tumbuhan tersebut.

BAMBU

Dalam banyak pemakaian dan pemanfaatannya, bambu (Arundo bambos) memegang peringkat paling tinggi di antara tumbuhan-tumbuhan di pulau tersebut, meskipun aku tak menyadari soal dimana tumbuhan tersebut ditanam untuk tujuan domestik, yang tumbuh liar di banyak daerah dalam jumlah besar. Di daerah Batta, dan mungkin beberapa daerah pedalaman lainnya, mereka menanam spesies tertentu yang sangat tebal di sekitaran kampong-kampong atau desa-desa benteng mereka sebagai pertahanan melawan serangan musuh; lapisan pelindung yang mereka bentuk nyaris tak tertembus. Tumbuhan tersebut umum tumbuh sampai setebal kaki manusia, dan beberapa jenis setebal paha. Sambungannya dibelah dari lima belas sampai dua puluh inchi, dan panjang sekitar dua puluh sampai empat puluh kaki. Dalam seluruh bahan bangunan, bahan tersebut merupakan bahan utamanya, baik dalam keadaan menyeluruh, dan terbagi dalam bilah dan lainnya, sebagaimana yang nampak dalam pembuatan rumah-rumah penduduk asli; dan berbagai cara lainnya yang akan dipakai secara langsung atau direncanakan dalam rangkaian pengerjaan.

SUGAR-CANE

The sugar-cane (tubbu) is very generally cultivated, but not in large quantities, and more frequently for the sake of chewing the juicy reed, which they consider as a delicacy, than for the manufacture of sugar. Yet this is not unattended to for home consumption, especially in the northern districts. By the Europeans and Chinese large plantations have been set on foot near Bencoolen, and worked from time to time with more or less effect; but in no degree to rival those of the Dutch at Batavia, from whence in time of peace the exportation of sugar (gula), sugar-candy (gula batu) and arrack is very considerable. In the southern parts of the island, and particularly in the district of Manna, every village is provided with two or three machines of a peculiar construction for squeezing the cane; but the inhabitants are content with boiling the juice to a kind of syrup. In the Lampong country they manufacture from the liquor yielded by a species of palm-tree a moist, clammy, imperfect kind of sugar, called jaggri in most parts of India.*

(*Footnote. This word is evidently the shakar of the Persians, the Latin saccharum, and our sugar.)

JAGGRI

This palm, named in Sumatra anau, and by the eastern Malays gomuto, is the Borassus gomutus of Loureiro, the Saguerus pinnatus of the Batavian Transactions, and the cleophora of Gaertner. Its leaves are long and narrow and, though naturally tending to a point, are scarcely ever found perfect, but always jagged at the end. The fruit grows in bunches of thirty or forty together, on strings three or four feet long, several of which hang from one shoot. In order to procure the nira or toddy (held in higher estimation than that from the coconut-tree), one of these shoots for fructification is cut off a few inches from the stem, the remaining part is tied up and beaten, and an incision is then made, from which the liquor distils into a vessel or bamboo closely fastened beneath. This is replaced every twenty-four hours. The anau palm produces also (beside a little sago) the remarkable substance called iju and gomuto, exactly resembling coarse black horse-hair, and used for making cordage of a very excellent kind, as well as for many other purposes, being nearly incorruptible. It encompasses the stem of the tree, and is seemingly bound to it by thicker fibres or twigs, of which the natives made pens for writing. Toddy is likewise procured from the lontar or Borassus flabellifer, the tala of the Hindus.

SAGO

The rambiya, puhn sagu, or proper sago tree, is also of the palm kind. Its trunk contains a farinaceous and glutinous pith that, being soaked, dried, and granulated, becomes the sago of our shops, and has been too frequently and accurately described (by Rumphius in particular, Volume 1 chapters 17 and 18, and by M. Poivre) to need a repetition here.

NIBONG

The nibong (Caryota urens), another species of palm, grows wild in such abundance as not to need cultivation. The stem is tall, slender, and straight, and, being of a hard texture on the outer part, it is much used for posts in building the slight houses of the country, as well as for paling of a stronger kind than the bamboo usually employed. Withinside it is fibrous and soft and, when hollowed out, being of the nature of a pipe, is well adapted to the purpose of gutters or channels to convey water. The cabbage, as it is termed, or pith at the head of the tree (the germ of the foliage) is eaten as a delicacy, and preferred to that of the coconut.

NIPAH

Nipah (Cocos nypa, Lour.) sebuah spesies kelapa, sangat dihargai karena dedaunannya, yang banyak dipakai sebagai penutup pada atap rumah. Biji bulir buahnya (yang disebut buah atap) dijadikan sebagai manisan, namun secara keseluruhan tak memiliki rasa.

CYCAS

Paku bindu (Cycas circinalis) memiliki penampilan umum pohon kelapa muda, atau kerdil, dan mirip dengan pohon tersebut dan nibong menghasilkan kubis yang banyak dijadikan sebagai sayur pangan. Tunasnya yang lembut juga dimakan. Tangkainya pendek dan menonjol, bagian ujung dari setiap tangkai (jikalau dikatakan bercabang) bersifat runcing, dan menghasilkan kembang kuning. Istilah paku, yang diterapkan oleh orang-orang Melayu, menunjukkan bahwa mereka menganggapnya bagian dari jenis pakis (filix) dan Rumphius, yang dinamakan Sayor calappa dan Olus calappoides, menjelaskannya sebagai spesies tumbuhan osmunda. Tumbuhan tersebut digambarkan dalam Volume 1 tabel 22.

JAGUNG

Jagung atau turkey-corn (Zea mays), yang disebut jagong, yang sangat umum ditabur, ditanam dalam jumlah sebagaimana bahan pangan, kecuali di daerah Batta. Sepotong jagung diambil saat masih hijau, dan diaduk pada ember, disantap selagi lezat. Cabai atau lada cayenne (capsicum), yang disebut lada panjang, dan juga lada merah, sebagaimana lada umum atau hitam, dipakai dalam kari mereka dan dengan nyaris setiap bahan pangan mereka, selalu ditemukan di tempat taman alami dan buatan. Untuk menarik perhatiannya yang sangat sedikit, akibat kebebasan yang alam berikan keinginan mereka tanpa diminta. Kunyit (curcuma) adalah akar yang umum dipakai. Dari bahan pangan tersebut, terdapat dua jenis, yang satu disebut kunyit merah, sebuah bahan umum dalam hidangan kari, pilaw, dan keringan mereka; yang lainnya, kunyit tummu (sebuah ragam dengan dedaunan berwarna dan tangkai hitam yang menyebar di bagian tengah) dijadikan pewarna kuning yang baik, dan terkadang dipakai dalam pengobatan. Jahe (Amomum zinziber) ditanam dalam jumlah sedikit. Dari jahe, terdapat juga dua jenis, alia jai (Zinziber majus) dan alia padas (Zinziber minus), yang umum disebut se-pade atau se-pudde, dari kata yang menandakan rasa pedas yang menyengat pada rempah-rempah yang mereka ekspresikan dengan perasaan panas. Tummu (Costus arabicus) dan lampuyang (Amomum zerumbet) ditemukan dalam keadaan liar dan ditanam, yang dipakai dalam pengobatan; sebagaimana juga galangale (Kaempferia galanga). Ketumbar, yang disebut katumbar, dan cardamum, puah lako, tumbuh berlimpah. Dari puah (amomum), kami mencatat banyak spesies, yang umum memiliki daun yang sangat besar, mirip dengan tanaman dan memiliki rasa yang harum seperti pohon teluk. Jintan (cuminum) terkadang menjadi bahan kari. Dari morunggei atau kelor (Guilandina moringa L. Hyperanthera moringa Wilden.), sebuah perdu tinggi dengan dedaunan yang masuk ke dalam, akarnya memiliki penampilan, rasa dan kepedasan mirip lobak pedas, dan polong panjangnya dijadikan sebagai sayur pangan; seperti halnya juga pucuk muda pringgi (Cucurbita pepo), berbagai jenis lapang atau timbun, dan lobak. Inei atau henna Arabia (Lawsonia inermis) adalah perdu dengan dedaunan hijau muda kecil, yang ditanam untuk diambil sarinya yang dikeluarkan memakai paku tangan dan kaki oleh penduduk asli. Ampalas (Delima sarmentosa dan Ficus ampelos) adalah perdu dengan kembang yang memiliki penampilan dan bau mirip dengan semak kami. Dedaunannya sangat kasar, yang dikatakan dipakai untuk pemolesan bagian akhir terhadap ukiran gading kayu, terutama pegangan dan sarung keris mereka, yang dilakukan sebagian besar tenaga kerja mereka. Daun sipit, sebuah jenis ara merambat, yang juga memiliki kualitas yang sama, dipakai untuk pemakaian yang sama. Ganja (cannabis) banyak ditanam, bukan untuk keperluan membuat tali, yang tak pernah mereka terankan, namun untuk membuat rasa mabuk yang disebut bang, yang mereka hisap dalam pipa bersama dengan tembakai. Di belahan India lainnya, minuman disiapkan dengan perasan kembang, dedauann muda dan bagian tangkai yang halus. Penanaman tembakau kecil, yang disebut penduduk asli dengan sebutan tambaku, didatangkan di setiap belahan daerah. Dedaunan dipotong saat masih hijau menjadi serpihan halus, dan kemudian dikeringkan memakai sinar matahari. Spesies tersebut sama dengan Virginian, dan, ketika jumlahnya meningkat dan orang-orang lebih paham dalam metode pengobatannya, sebuah pabrik dan perdagangan penting didirikan.

RAJUTAN PULAS

Kaluwi adalah spesies urtica atau jelatang rajutan yang disebut pulas dibuat. Tumbuhan tersebut tumbuh sampai tinggi sekitar empat kaki, yang memiliki batang yang ringan, tanpa tangkai. Ketika dipotong, dikeringkan dan dipukul, kulitnya dikupas dan kemudian dikepang sebagaimana kami membuat tali tambang. Ini membuatku sangat tertarik untuk mempelajari bahwa pengolahan tali dari tumbuhan berguna ini memancing perhatian Pemerintahan Perushaan, dan bahwa tempat perawatan kaluwi telah didirikan di Taman Botani di Kalkuta, di bawah naungan aktif dan tekun Dr. Roxburgh, yang menyatakan pendapatnya bahwa sepanjang metode harus ditemukan cara menghilangkan unsur kental yang ditemukan pada serat tali kaluwi, atau pulas, akan mempengaruhi setiap bahan lainnya. Pohon bagu (Gnetum gnemon, L.) tersebar di pantai selatan pulau tersebut. Kulit kayunya dipukul, seperti ganja, baru (Hibiscus tiliaceus), yang kemudian dirajut menjadi pakaian kasar untuk tas. Dari pisang (musa), sebuah jenis benang jahit diolah dengan pengupasan filamen-filamen dari tangkai tengah dedaunan, serta dari batang. Di beberapa tempat, benang ini dikerjakan dengan mesin tenun. Kratau, sebuah jenis mulberi kerdil (morus, foliis profunde incisis) ditanam untuk pakan ulat sutra, yang dibesarkan oleh mereka, namun tidak dalam jumlah besar, dan sutra mentah yang dihasilkan dari mereka nampaknya memiliki jumlah kualitas berbeda-beda.Aku lihat sampel-sampelnya berwarna putih alih-alih kuning, berukuran besar, berbentuk datar, yang perlu diangin-anginkan, dan filamennya nampak kasar; namun ini sebagian mungkin disebabkan oleh metode pengolahannya dari tas, yang dilakukan dengan cara merendamnya dalam air panas. Jarak (ricinus dan Palma christi), dipakai untuk diambil minyak kastornya, tersebar luas dan tumbuh liar: khususnya di dekat pantai. Bijin (Sesamum indicum) tersebar khusus di daerah-daerah pedalaman untuk dijadikan minyak, yang dipakai untuk membakar tempat minyak kelapa sehingga umum di dekat pantai.

KARET LENTUR

Dalam deskripsi Urceola elastica, atau caout-chouc-vine, dari Sumatra dan Pulo Pinang, oleh Dr. W. Roxburgh, dalam Riset Asiatik Volume 5 laman 167, ia berkata, "Untuk penemuan dari tumbuhan merambat berguna tersebut, aku percaya, bersama dengan Tuan Howison, dokter bedah di Pulo Pinang; meskipun nampaknya ia tak memiliki kesempatan menentukan sifat botaninya. Bagi Dr. Charles Campbell dari Benteng Marlborough, kami membuat gratifikasi yang timbul dari pengetahuan tersebut. Sekitar dua belas bulan kemudian, aku menerima dari priyayi, dengan sebutan Tuan Fleming, spesimen-spesimen yang sangat lengkap, dalam bentuk dedaunan, bunga, dan buah. Dari situ, aku dapat mengurangkannya ke kelas dan ordo dalam sistem Linnean. Ini membentuk genus baru bernama tabernaemontana, dan kemudian masuk dalam kelas yang disebut contortae. Salah satu kualitas tumbuahn dari ordo tersebut adalah penanamannya, yang saat dipotong, muncul sebuah sari yang umumnya mirip susu dan sebagian besar menghasilkan racun alami." Dari tumbuhan lainnya, yang menghasilkan bahan yang sama, aku menerima informasi berikutnya dari Tuan Campbell, dalam surat tertanggal November 1803: "Kamu ingat tumbuhan merambat dengan bunga kekuningan kecil dan wadah biji dari bentuk oblong, yang menghasilkan satu biji; seluruh tumbuhan tersebut sangat mirip dengan caout-chouc. Karena itu, penemuannya sangat tak terkata-kata, aku memegang kebebasan untuk memajukan namamu. Tidak ada hubungan dari genus yang memiliki bentuk serupa, yang aku kirimkan spesimennya kepada Dr. Roxburgh di Bengal, yang menerbutkan catatan mengenainya dengan nama urceola. Ini disebut jintan oleh orang-orang Melayu, dan dari tiga spesiesnya, aku secara akurat membedakannya menjadi dua, jintan itam dan jintan burong, yang sangat langka. Dedaunannya berwarna hijau tua, dan bunganya berwarna kuning pucat; ini masuk dalam tetrandria, dan merupakan tumbuhan indah--meskipun penggambarannya berlebihan." Namun sayangnya, gambar maupun bagian dari koleksi bahan berhargaku untuk menjelaskan sejarah alam di wilayah penting tersebut, yang ia berikan kepadaku seturut kehendaknya, sehingga sampai ke tanganku.

GETAH

Tuan Charles Miller mengamati di daerah dekat Bencoolen, getah dikeluarkan secara spontan dari pohon paty, yang nampak sangat mirip dengan gum-arabic; dan, karena masuk dalam genus tumbuhan yang sama, aku pikir tak diragukan lagi bahwa getah tersebut dipakai untuk keperluan yang sama. Dalam daftar spesies baru buatan F. Norona (Transaksi Batavia Volume 5) ia memberikan sebutan pete dari Jawa dengan nama Acacia gigantea; yang aku anggap merupakan tumbuhan yang sama.

KACANG-KACANGAN

Kachang adalah sebuah istilah yang ditujukan kepada semua jenis kacang-kacangan, yang sebagian besar ditanam; yang meliputi kachang china (Dolichos sinensis), kachang putih (Dolichos katjang), k. ka-karah (D. lignosus), k. kechil (Phaseolus radiatus), k. ka-karah gatal (Dolichos pruriens) dan lainnya. Kachang tanah (Arachis hypogaea) berasal dari kelas berbeda, disebut akar granulosa (atau, menurut beberapa orang, polong-polongan yang mengubur diri) dari sebuah tumbuhan dengan bunga papilionaceous yang berwarna kuning, dedaunan yang memiliki beberapa kemiripan dengan clover, namun hanya dua, dan, seperti hal tersebut, menyediakan pakan beras untuk sapi. Biji-bijian seringakli disantap dalam keadaan telah digoreng atau dikeringkan, sehingga umum disebut sebagai kachang goring.

UBI RAMBAT

Ragam akar ubi rambat atau sejenis kentang, dengan nama umum ubi, nyaris tiada akhirnya; dioscorea umum disebut ubi kechil, dan convolvulus ubi gadang (besar); yang bagi beberapa orang menyebutnya sebagai ubi rambat Tiongkok di Bencoolen, yang memiliki berat sebesar empat puluh pound, terdiri dari jenis warna putih dan ungu. Buah trong (melongena), merupakan satu jenis terong, banyak disantap oleh penduduk asli, dipotong dan digoreng. Santapan tersebut umum dikenal dengan nama brinjals, dari kata beringelhas dalam bahasa Portugis.

TAMBAHAN PEWARNA

PLATE 8. Marsdenia tinctoria, ATAU INDIGO BERDAUN BESAR.
E.W. Marsden delt. Swaine fct.
Diterbitkan oleh W. Marsden, 1810.

INDIGO

Tarum atau indigo (Indigofera tinctoria) merupakan bahan pewarna yang mereka pakai, perdu tersebut seringkali ditemukan di tempat-tempat penanaman mereka; namun mereka tak mengolahnya menjadi bahan padat, sebagaimana praktek di tempat lain. Tangkai dan cabang direndam selama beberapa hari dalam air untuk pelunakan dan maserasi. Mereka kemudian merebusnya, dan mengerjakannya dengan tangan mereka dengan sejumlah kecil chunam (cairan encer, dari kerang), dengan dedaunan paku sabba (sebuah spesies pakis) untuk menyelaraskan warna. Setelah itu, bahan tersebut dikeringkan, dan dipakai dalam keadaan cair.

Terdapat jenis indigo lain, yang disebut di Sumatra dengan sebutannya tarum akar, yang nampaknya khas di daerah tersebut, dan sepenuhnya tak diketahui para botanis ketika ia perlihatkan dedaunannya sepulangku ke Inggris pada permulaan tahun 1780. Jenis umumnya diketahui memiliki dedaunan kecil yang tumbuh di tangkai-tangkai. Sebaliknya, ini merupakan tumbuhan merambat atau menanjak, dengan dedaunan yang memiliki panjang tiga sampai lima inchi, tipis, berwarnahijau tua dan dalam keadaan kering berubah warna menjadi noda biru. Tumbuhan tersebut memberikan pewarna yang sama sebagaimana jenis sebelumnya; mereka juga menyiapkannya dengan cara yang sama, dan dipakai tanpa pandang bulu, tanpa tumpang tindih terhadap satu sama lain, sebagaimana yang diberitahukan para penduduk asli kepadaku, terkecuali tarum akar, dengan alasan dedaunannya yang besar, menghasilkan kandungan sedimen yang lebih besar. Membayangkan tumbuhan tersebut mungkin dapat menjadi tumbuhan berharga di koloni-koloni kami, dan bahwa ini merupakan hal penting dalam contoh pertama bahwa identitas dan kelasnya dipastikan secara akurat, aku memperoleh spesimen-spesimen dari pembuahannya, dan menyimpannya dalam koleksi yang kaya dan sangat berguna dari temanku Sir Joseph Banks. Dalam sebuah makalah tentang Asclepiadeae, yang sangat terminati pada ilmu botani, yang diberitahukan oleh Tuan Robert Brown (yang menyoroti produksi-produksi sayur dari Holland Baru dan belahan timur lainnya) kepada Wernerian Society of Edinburgh, dan dicetak dalam Transaksi mereka, ia menamai genus dari tumbuhan tersebut dari namaku, MARSDENIA, dan spesies menonjolnya Marsdenia tinctoria.*

(*Catatan kaki. 2. M. caule volubili, foliis cordatis ovato-oblongis acuminatis glabriusculis basi antice glandulosis, thyrsis lateralibus, fauce barbata. Tarram akkar Marsd. Sumat. laman 78 edisi 2 Hab. In insula Sumatra. (v.s. dalam Herb. Banks.)

KASUMBA

Nama kasumba meliputi dua tumbuhan yang dijadikan bahan pewarna, namun sangat berbeda satu sama lain. Kasumba (sederhananya) atau kasumba jawa, sebagaimana yang terkadang disebut Carthamus tinctorius, bunganya dipakai untuk menghasilkan warna saffron, sebagaimana namanya saat diimpor. Kasumba kling atau galuga adalah Bixa orellana, atau arnotto dari Hindia Barat. Dari tumbuahn tersebut, kapsul sepanjang sekitar satu inchi, ditutupi dengan duri lembut atau rambut, yang dibuka mirip kerang bivalve, dan berisi puluhan biji atau lebih, seukuran bulir anggur, yang ditutup tebal dengan farina kemerahan, yang merupakan bagian yang dijadikan pewarna.

Sapang, kayu Brasil, (Caesalpinia sappan), entah merupakan tumbuhan asli atau tidak, merupakan barang umum di negara-negara Melayu. Jantung tumbuhan tersebut dipotong menjadi tipis, direndam dalam air pada waktu yang lama, dan kemudian direbus, dipakai untuk memberikan warna, sebagaimana di daerah-daerah lainnya. Pakaian atau benang berulang kali dicelupkan dalam cairan tersebut, dan digantung untuk dikeringkan di antara setiap bagian yang basah sampai mendapatkan hasil yang diinginkan. Untuk menciptakan warna colour alumm perebusan dilakukan.

Dari pohon yang disebut bangkudu di beberapa daerah, dan di daerah lainnya disebut mangkudu (Morinda umbellata) bagian luar akar, dikeringkan, ditumbuk, dan direbus dalam air, menghasilkan warna merah, yang dihasilkan dari abu yang timbul dari tangkai buah dan tangkai tengah dedaunan kelapa yang dipakai. Terkadang, kulit atau kayu pohon sapang dicampur dengan akar tersebut. Kami mengamati bahwa spesies lain bangkudu, dengan dedaunan besar (Morinda citrifolia) tak menghasilkan bahan warna apapun, namun, sebagaimana yang saya lihat, pohon tersebut umum ditanam di semenanjung Melayu dan Pulo Pinang sebagai pendukung tanaman lada.

POHON MERAH

Ubar adalah pohon merah yang mirip dengan logwood (haematoxylon) dari Honduras, dan mungkin dipakai untuk keperluan yang sama. Pohon tersebut dipakai oleh penduduk asli dalam merajut tali untuk jaring ikan, dan nampak pada okir atau Tanarius major dari Rumphius, Volume 3 laman 192, dan Jambolifera rezinoso dari Lour. Fl. C. C. laman 231. Pewarna hitam umumnya terbuat dari kulit buah manggis dan kataping (Terminalia catappa). Dengan ini, pakaian biru dari barat India diubah menjadi hitam, sebagaimana yang biasanya dikenakan oleh orang-orang Melayu dari Menangkabau. Hal tersebut dikatakan agar dapat dipakai saat berada di lumpur dalam rangka mempertahankan warnanya.

Akar chapada atau champadak (Artocarpus integrifolia) yang dipotong kecil dan direbus dalam air menghasilkan pewarna kuning. Untuk memperkuat warna, kunyit kecil (kunyit tumma atau dikatakan sebagai ragam dari curcuma) dicampur dengannya, dan menyelaraskannya; namun jikalau tak menghasilkan warna kuning, maka langkah penyeduhan dan pewarnaan harus diulang berkali-kali.

Bab 5

Buah-Buahan

Alam, seperti yang dikatakan oleh seorang penulis terkemuka, nampaknya memberikan kesenangan yang terkumpul dalam produksi paling disukainya di daerah-daerah Melayu; dan dengan rasa percaya, saya pikir ini menandakan bahwa tak ada daerah di dunia yang dapat memiliki kesetaraan dan ragam dari buah-buahan asli; karena meskipun seluruh buah tersebut tak dapat dianggap demikian, tetap ada alasan untuk menyatakan bahwa ada bagian yang lebih besar, dari penduduk asli, yang tak pernah nampak di kalangan pekerja terkecil dalam menunjang atau bahkan menanam seperti halnya tanaman tersebut tumbuh di alam, dapat sulit menduga apa yang dikorbankan untuk mengimpor buah-buahan eksoti tersebut. Sebagian besar tumbuh di alam liar, dan sisanya ditanam dengan cara tak biasa dan kurang perawatan di sekitaran desa-desa mereka.

(^a Les terres possedees par les Malais, sont en general de tres bonne qualite. La nature semble avoir pris plaisir d'y placer ses plus excellentes productions. On y voit tous les fruits delicieux que j'ai dit se trouver sur le territoire de Siam, et une multitude d'autres fruits agreables qui sont particuliers a ces isles. On y respire un air embaume par une multitude de fleurs agreables qui se succedent toute l'annee, et dont l'odeur suave penetre jusqu'a l'ame, et inspire la volupte la plus seduisante. Il n'est point de voyageur qui en se promenant dans les campagnes de Malacca, ne se sente invite a fixer son sejour dans un lieu si plein d'agremens, dont la nature seule a fait tous les frais. Voyages d'un Philosophe, par M. Poivre, p. 56.

Terjemahan bebas:

"Tanah-tanah yang dimiliki orang Melayu pada umumnya memiliki kualitas yang sangat baik. Alam tampaknya senang menempatkan produksinya yang paling bagus di sana. Orang melihat di sana semua buah-buahan lezat yang telah saya katakan dapat ditemukan di wilayah Siam, dan banyak buah-buahan enak lainnya yang khas dari pulau-pulau ini. Seseorang menghirup udara yang harum dengan banyak bunga menyenangkan yang mengikuti satu sama lain sepanjang tahun, dan yang bau harumnya menembus ke dalam jiwa, dan mengilhami kegairahan yang paling menggoda. Tidak ada pelancong yang, saat berjalan-jalan di pedesaan Malaka, tidak merasa diundang untuk menetap di tempat yang begitu lengkap fasilitasnya, yang semua biayanya ditanggung oleh alam sendiri."

Manggis

PLATE 3. BUAH MANGGIS, GARCINIA MANGOSTANA.
Digambar oleh J. Swaine.
Diterbitkan oleh W. Marsden, 1810.

Manggis atau manggista (Garcinia mangostana, L.) adalah kebanggaan daerah tersebut, yang secara eksklusif masuk, dan, menurut anggapan umum, dinyatakan dalam anggapan orang-orang Eropa, sebagai salah satu buah-buahan India. Kualitas karakteristiknya memiliki rasa yang sangat disukai, tanpa pengayaan atau pelezat. Buah tersebut berwarna merah kecoklatan, dan ukuran apel pada umumnya, yang memiliki kulit yang tebal, terkadang keras di bagian luar, namun lembut dan lezat, berisi biji yang ditutupi dengan bulir putih sempurna dan berair, yang sebagian termakan, atau, lebih tepatnya, dapat dihisap, karena buah tersebut larut dalam mulut. Kualitasnya melebihi yang kami kira, dan buah tersebut dapat disantap dalam jumlah sepuasnya tanpa bahaya dari kejenuhan, atau dampak cedera lainnya. Musimnya nampaknya kembali secara tak teratur, dan periodenya singkat.

Durian

Durian (Durio zibethinus) juga umum di daerah-daerah Malaya. Ini adalah buah kaya namun kuat dan bahkan memiliki rasa serta bau yang buat, bagi orang-orang yang tidak akrab akan buah tersebut, dan kualitasnya sangat besar; sehingga penduduk asli (dan penduduk lain yang berada di tempat tanaman buat tersebut tumbuh) sangat menyukainya, dan pada masa kelanjutannya dalam musim nyaris karena kelezatannya dan bulir mirip krim; sementara kulit buahnya, yang dilempar ke sekitaran pasar, menimbulkan bau di tempat sekitarnya. Pohonnya besar dan lebat; dedaunannya kecil, namun panjang dan tajam. Bunga-bunganya tumbuh di bagian tangkai dan cabang yang besar. Daun bunganya berjumlah lima, kuning keputihan, dikelilingi lima cabang stamina, kelompoknya terdiri dari sekitar dua belas buah, dan setiap benang sari memiliki empat kepala sari. Ujung lancipnya berada di bagian atas. Saat stamina dan daun bunga berjatuhan, bagian pangkalnya mirip dengan jamur, dan nyaris berbentuk paprika. Buah tersebut umumnya nampak seperti sukun, namun lebih besar, dan bentuknya lebih bulat.

Sukun

Sukun kapas, dan sukun biji atau kalawi, adalah dua spesies pohon buah sukun (Artocarpus incisa). Sukun kapas merupakan buah asli, layak pangan, tanap biji dan disebarkan lewat pemotongan akar. Meskipun tak berarti tak umum, buah tersebut dikatakan sebetulnya tak berasal dari Sumatra. Sebaliknya, kalawi berada dalam jumlah besar, dan kulit pohonnya dipakai oleh penduduk daerah tersebut untuk dirajut menjadi busana pekerja mereka. Dedaunan kedua spesies tersebut sangat menonjol, seperti halnya ara, namun lebih panjang. Sukun dipotong dalam bentuk potongan-potongan atau direbus memakai api, disantap dengan gula, dan disantap begitu saja. Namun, buah tersebut tak dapat dianggap sebagai bahan pangan, dan saya menduga bahwa kualitasnya rendah untuk suku Kepulauan Laut Selatan.

Nangka

Nama Malabar dari jacca, atau nangka, diterapkan kepada champadak (cempedak) atau chapada (Artocarpus integrifolia, L. dan Polyphema jaca, Lour.) dan kepada nangka (Artocarpus integrifolia, L. dan Polyphema champeden, Lour). Cempedak memiliki dedaunan yang halus dan tajam; sementara nangka memiliki daun yang melingkar, mirip dengan jambu mete. Ini merupakan buah yang sangat umum, kurang dihargai, dan berukuran besar, memiliki, dalam beberapa contoh, lima puluh atau enam puluh pon. Keduanya tumbuh dalam cara biasa dari tangkai pohon. Bagian luarnya bundar, mengandung sejumlah biji kecil atau biji besar (yang, ketika digoreng, memiliki rasa seperti kastanye) menutupi bagian yang kaya akan daging, dan bagi orang-orang asing, bau dan rasanya terlalu kuat, namun menyelerakan. Ketika buah buah tersebut matang, penduduk asli menutupinya dengan bungkusan atau bahan serupa agar menghindarkannya dari burung. Dari perasan pohon ini, mereka membuat sebuah jenis bird-lime: kayu kuning dipakai untuk berbagai keperluan, dan akarnya dijadikan alat warna.

Mangga

Mangga dan mampalam (Mangifera indica, L.) dikenal sebagai buah yang kaya rasa dari jenis plumb, dan ditemukan di sini dalam jumlah besar; namun ada beberapa jenis kelas bawah di samping ambachang, atau Mangifera foetida, dan tais.

Jambu

Dari jambu (Eugenia, L.) terdapat beberapa spesies, salah satunya adalah jambu merah atau kling (Eugenia malaccensis) adalah jenis paling banyak menurut tabel, dan juga jenis terbesar. Dalam bentuknya, buah tersebut sangat mirip dengan pir, namun tak bergitu lancir di bagian dekat tangkai. Kulit luarnya, yang sangat sempurna, berwarna merah yang indah dan mendalam, bagian dalamnya berwarna putih. Nyaris keseluruhan buahnya layak dimakan, dan saat menggigitnya, buah tersebut memiliki rasa yang enak; namun pada bagian lainnya, buah tersebut kenyal dan tak dapat dicerna. Dalam hal bau dan bahkan rasanya, buah tersebut lebih harum ketimbang mawar, namun kualitasnya lebih khas pada spesies lainnya, yang disebut jambu air mawar, atau jambu air mawar. Tidak ada yang dapat lebih indah ketimbang kembangnya, menambah dan memperlama stamina serta berwarna merah jambu muda. Pohonnya tumbuh menakjubkan, biasa, berbentuk kerucut dan memiliki dedaunan lancip, hijau tua dan besar. Jambu air (Eugenia aquea) adalah buah yang enak dan berpenampilan indah, warnanya merupakan perpaduan putih dan merah jambu; namun rasanya yang asam tak sama dengan jambu merah.

Pisang

Dari pisang, atau plantain (Musa paradisiaca, L.) penduduk asli menghasilkan dua puluh ragam, termasuk pisang Hindia Barat. Beberapa ragamnya meliputi pisang amas, atau pisang kuning kecil, yang dikatakan sangat lewat; dan juga pisang raja, pisang dingen, dan pisang kalle.

Nanas

Nanas (Bromelia ananas), meskipun bukan tanaman asli, bertumbuh di sini dalam jumlah besar dengan penanaman yang biasa. Beberapa orang berpikir bahwa buah tersebut berkualitas rendah untuk buah-buahan yang diproduksi dari rumah-rumah kaca di Inggris; namun pendapat ini dipengaruhi oleh kecilnya harga buah tersebut, yang tak mencapai dua atau tiga pence. Dengan perhatian setara, buah tersebut dapat berkualitas lebih tinggi, dan ragamnya ditonjolkan. Penduduk asli menyantapnya dengan garam.

Jeruk

Jeruk (limau manis) dari banyak jenis, memiliki kualitas tinggi. Buah yang disebut limau japan, atau jeruk Jepang, adalah buah terbaik, yang umumnya tak diketahuid Eropa. Di dalamnya, bulir-bulirnya menempel namun tercerai berai satu sama lain, dan secara keseluruhan, mengandung kuantitas tak biasa dari minyak esensial. Limau gadang (Citrus aurantium), yang disebut di Hindia Barat sebagai shaddock (dari nama kapten yang membawakannya), di sini sangat segar, dan terbagi dalam jenis putih dan merah. Limau kapas, dan limau kapas panjang, sangat berlimpah. Penduduk asli juga mengenal limau langga, limau kambing, limau pipit, limau sindi masam, dan limau sindi manis. Limau karbau tidaklah umum di daerah tersebut.

Jambu Biji

Jambu biji (Psidium pomiferum), dan juga jambu protukal (untuk Portugal, akibat karena mereka anggap buah tersebut diperkenalkan oleh orang-orang daerah tersebut) memiliki rasa yang beberapa orang sukai, dan orang-orang lainnya tak sukai. Bulir dari jenis merah terkadang dicampur dengan krim oleh orang-orang Eropa, untuk meniru stroberi, dari jenis yang diproduksi dari tanah asli mereka; dan buah tersebut tidaklah lazim, di antara serangkaian buah-buahan timur terkaya, nampak seperti codling Inggris atau gooseberry.

Srikaya

Siri kaya, atau srikaya (Annona squamosa), diambil namanya karena bulirnya yang banyak dan putih, dan dapat disantap dengan sendok. Buah nona, sebagaimana yang disebut oleh penduduk asli (Annona reticulata), adalah spesies lain dari buah yang sama, namun tak memiliki rasa yang bagus.

Pepaya

Kaliki, atau pepaya (Carica papaja), adalah buah besar, substansial, dan utuh, yang nampak seperti jenis melon lembut, namun tak memiliki rasa berkadar tinggi. Bulirnya kuning kemerahan, dan bijinya, yang nyaris seukuran biji lada, memiliki rasa pedas seperti lada. Semangka, yang disebut di sini sebagai samangka (Cucurbita citrullus) berkualitas lebih tinggi. Melon batu atau wangi tidaklah umum.

Asam Jawa

Asam jawa menghasilkan pohon yang besar dan kaya, dengan dedaunan kecil, dan mampu meredakan demam, sehingga sangat sering digunakan. Penduduk asli menyajikannya dengan garam, dan memakainya sebagai bahan asam dalam kari dan hidangan mereka yang lain. Buah tersebut umumnya dikenal karena tak memiliki rasa manis, dan merujuk kepada banyak buah mereka yang ketika masih hijau ketika dalam keadaan matang.

Rambutan

PLATE 4. RAMBUTAN, Nephelium lappaceum.
L. Wilkins delt. Digambar oleh J. Swaine.
Diterbitkan oleh W. Marsden, 1810.

Rambutan (Nephelium lappaceum, L. Mant.) berpenampilan tak seperti kebanyakan buah arbutus, namun lebih besar, berwarna lebih merah muda, dan ditutupi dengan rambut-rambut kasar dari duri lunak, sehingga dinamai demikian. Bagian yang disantap adalah bulir bergelatin dan nyaris transparan mengelilingi biji, kaya rasa dan memiliki rasa asam yang menyenangkan.

Lanseh

PLAKAT 5. BUAH LANSEH, Lansium domesticum.
L. Wilkins delt. Hooker Sc.
Diterbitkan oleh W. Marsden, 1810.

PLAKAT 6. BUAH RAMBEH, SEBUAH SPESIES LANSEH.
Maria Wilkins delt. Digambarkan oleh J. Swaine.
Diterbitkan oleh W. Marsden, 1810.

Lanseh, sebagaimana yang diketahui namun sedikit yang diketahui para botanis, adalah buah oval kecil, berwarna coklat keputihan, memiliki kulit luar tipis, terbagi dalam lima lapisan, yang bijinya ditutup dengan bulir daging, agak pahit, dansesuai dengan rasanya. Kulitnya mengandung sari, yang sangat pahit, dan, jika dikuliti, buah tersebut dapat menjaga kualitas bulirnya. M. Correa de Serra, dalam les Annales du Museum d'Histoire Naturelle Tome 10 laman 157 plate 7, memberikan deskripsi Lansium domesticum dari spesimen-spesimen buah yang disimpan dalam koleksi Sir Joseph Banks. Chupak, air-air, dan rambe adalah spesies atau ragam dari buah yang sama.

Blimbing

Dari blimbing (Averrhoa carambola) sebuah buah pentagonal, mengandung lima biji datar, dan sangat asam, terdapat dua jenis, yang disebut penjuru dan besi. Daun dari jenis besi berukuran kecil, tumpang tindih dan berwarna kehijauan; sementara buah dari jenis penjuru tumbuh cepat dan berwarna hijau keperakan. Terdapat juga blimbing bulu (Averrhoa billimbi), atau spesies lembut. Buah tersebut umumnya dipakai untuk masak, dan untuk keperluan dimana asam yang kuat diharuskan, seperti dalam membersihkan bagian besi pada keris mereka dan menuangkannya pada kain sutra, yang banyak dipakai oleh mereka. Cheremi (Averrhoa acida) nyaris berkerabat dengan blimbing besi, namun buahnya lebih kecil, berukuran tak biasa, tumbuh cepat pada bagian tangkainya, dan terdiri dari biji keras atau batu tunggal. Buah tersebut merupakan jenis umum untuk buah-buahan asam kami.

Kataping

Kataping (Terminalia catappa, L. dan Juglans catappa, Lour.) mirip dengan almond baik pada bagian luarnya idan rasa bijinya; namun alih-alih dipisah menjadi dua bagian, seperti almond, buah tersebut membentuk lapisan spiral, dan berkembang seperti kuntum bunga mawar, namun secara berkelanjutan, dan tidak berbeda dengan laminae.

Spesies Kastanya

Barangan (Fagus sp.) mirip dengan kastanya. Pohonnya besar, dan buahnya terkadang tumbuh satu, dua dan tiga dalam sekam. Jerring, Mimosa sp., mirip dengan buah yang sama, namun lebih besar dan berbentuk lebih tak biasa ketimbang barangan. Pohonnya lebih kecil. Tapus (dikatakan merupakan genus baru yang masuk Tricoccae) seperti beberapa analogi, namun sangat berbeda, dengan kastanya. Tumbuhan tersebut lebih seperti tiga kacang dalam satu sekam, membentuk wujud bulat lonjong. Jika dimakan tanpa direbus, buah tersebut dikatakan membuat mabuk. Pohonnya besar.

Kamiling

PLATE 7. KAMILING ATAU BUAH KRAS, Juglans camirium.
L. Wilkins delt. Diengravir oleh J. Swaine.
Diterbitkan oleh W. Marsden, 1810.

Buah bernama kamiri, kamiling, dan lebih umum disebut buah kras, atau buah keras (Camirium cordifolium, Gaert. dan Juglans camirium, Lour.) memiliki rasa sangat mirip dengan kacang kenari dan mengandung biji; namun cangkangnya lebih keras dan tak dapat dibuka dengan cara yang sama. Para penduduk asli perbukitan memakainya sebagai pengganti kelapa, baik dalam memasak dan untuk mengolah minyak.

Rotan

Rotan salak (Calamus zalacca, Gaert.) menghasilkan buah, bulirnya memiliki rasa manis, asam, dan menyenangkan. Bagian luarnya, seperti buah rotan lainnya, ditutup dengan kulit, atau berpenampilan keranjang. Buah tersebut terkadang mengandung, satu, dua, dan tiga biji, dari zat yang merangsang.

Jambu Mete

Buah dan biji jambu, yang disebut jambu muniet, atau jambu monyet (Anacardium occidentale), dikenal karena rasa asamnya yang kuat dari buahnya, dan kualitas minyak yang terkandung dari bijinya, dari merasakan yang tak berpengalaman seringkali mengalaminya.

Delima

Delima atau dalima (Punica granatum) berkembang di sana, karena semua iklimnya hangat.

Anggur, dll

Perasan anggur ditanam dengan sukses oleh orang-orang Eropa untuk sajian mereka, namun tak ditanam oleh penduduk daerah tersebut. Di sana, ditemukan spesies anggur liar di hutan, yang disebut pringat (Vitis indica); dan juga stroberi, yang bunganya berwarna kuning, dan buahnya memiliki sedikit rasa. Di samping itu, terdapat banyak buah-buahan lainnya karena tumbuh liar, buahnya yang memiliki rasa murni, dan lainnya yang lebih sedikit lebih rendah ketimbang beri umum kami, namun ditunjang oleh budaya. Buah-buahan tersebut meliputi buah kandis, sebuah ragam dari garcinia, buah malaka (Phyllanthus emblica), rukam (Carissa spinarum), bangkudu atau mangkudu (Morinda citrifolia), sikaduduk (melastoma), kitapan (Callicarpa japonica).

Bunga-Bungaan

"Kau bernapas di negara orang-orang Melayu", (kata penulis yang di atas), "udaranya penuh dengan wewangian bunga-bungaan tak terhitung banyaknya yang sangat harum, yang bermekaran sepanjang tahun, wangi manisnya merasuk ke sukma, dan menghasilkan sensasi yang menggairahkan jiwa."

Walaupun gambar mewah ini digambarkan dengan tinta yang sangat panas, namun tidak ada yang tahu akan tingkat kebenarannya.

Orang-orang dari daerah tersebut menanam bunga sebagai hiasan, dan mendorong pertumbuhan mereka, serta berbagai perdu dan pohon yang harum.

Kenanga

Kenanga (Uvaria cananga, L.) merupakan pohon berukuran terbesar, dilampaui oleh beberapa jenis tumbuhan di hutan, selalu ditempatkan di bagian utama, pada catatan itu, dalam deskripsi yang menjelaskan bunga-bungaan. Bunga tersebut berwarna kuning kehijauan, yang sangat berbeda dari dedaunannya, yang dahan-dahannya menggantung dengan cara yang biasa. Menjelang senja, jika sore itu hening, kami merasakan harum yang terasa pada kejauhan beberapa ratus yard.

Cempaka

Cempaka (Michelia champaca). Pohonnya berkembang biasa, berbentuk kerucut, dan dijadikan hiasan di taman-taman. Bunganya berjenis tulip kecil, namun tertutup dan menghadap ke atas; warnanya kuning tua, berbau kuat, dan terasa dari kejauhan. Tumbuhan tersebut ditutupi lapisan rambut, baik oleh wanita, dan oleh pemuda yang ditujukan untuk kekokohan.

Tanjung

Bunga tanjung (Mimusops elengi, L.) Sebuah pohon murni, kaya akan lapisan, berwarna hijau tua; bunganya kecil, tersebar, berwarna putih kekuningan, dan dikenakan pada rangkaian bunga oleh wanita; harumnya, meskipun dihirup dari kejauhan, sangat kuat ketika didekati. Buahnya berbiji, mengandung biji datar kehitaman yang besar.

Gardenia

Sangklapa (Gardenia flore simplice). Sebuah perdu indah dengan dedaunan yang sangat hijau tua, berujung lancip; bunganya berwarna putih murni, tanpa menampakkan stamina atau pistil, daun-daun bunga tumbuh menyudut satu sama lain. Tumbuhan tersebut memiliki sedikit atau tak memiliki harum. Kaca piring (Gardenia florida, disebut oleh Rumphius dengan nama catsjopiri) adalah bunga ganda putih besar, yang mengeluarkan wangi yang menyenangkan dan tidak kuat.

Hibiskus

Bunga raya (Hibiscus rosa sinensis) adalah perdu terkenal, dengan dedaunan hijau kekuningan, bergerigi dan mengeriting. Dari salah satu jenisnya, bunganya berwarna merah, menghasilkan sari ungu tua, dan ketika daunnya menghasilkan warna hitam muda, dari situlah tumbuhan tersebut memiliki nama vulgar kembang sepatu. Jenis kembang lainnya berwarna putih. Tumbuhan tersebut tak memiliki bau.

Plumeria

Bunga atau kumbang kamboja (Plumeria obtusa) yang juga disebut bunga kuburan, dari keberadaannya selalu ditanam di sekitaran kuburan. Bunganya besar, putih, kuning di bagian tengah, terdiri dari lima daun bunga yang sederhana, lembut, tebal, tanpa pistil atau stamina yang terlihat, dan memiliki wangi yang kuat. Daun dari pohon tersebut memiliki ukuran yang panjang, lancip, berwarna hijau tua, yang menonjol adalah bahwa bijinya melingkar dari bagian tengah sampai bagian ujung, membentuk bentuk yang indah. Pohon tersebut ditumbuhkan dengan cara yang tak biasa, dan meskipun masih muda, tumbuhan tersebut memiliki penampilan yang antik.

Nyctanthes

Bunga melati dan bunga malur (Nyctanthes sambac) merupakan nama berbeda untuk tumbuhan perdu yang sama, yang disebut mugri di Bengal. Tumbuhan tersebut memiliki bunga putih yang indah, bears a pretty white flower, memunculkan aroma yang sangat harum, menurut kebanyakan orang, ketimbang tumbuhan lain yang mekar di daerah tersebut. Bunga tersebut banyak dikenakan oleh para perempuan; terkadang sebagai karangan bunga, dan berbagai kombinasi, bersama dengan bunga tanjong, dan kemudian kuncup yang belum mekar meniru rangkaian mutiara. Ini seharusnya menandai bahwa pemanfaatan bunga (disebut bungo di bagian barat daya Sumatra), nyaris selaras dengan nama yang sebenarnya, sebagaimana buah. Terdapat juga malati china (Nyctanthes multiflora); bunga malati susun (Nyctanthes acuminata) yang elegan.

Pergularia

Dan yang terselebrasi, bunga tonking (Pergularia odoratissima), yang memberikan kemanisan yang banyak tersebut di Inggris lewat partisipasi budaya dan liberal sukses Sir Joseph Banks. Di Madras, bunga tersebut dapat ditemukan di pantai Barat, seperti halnya Sumatra, tempat bunga tersebut juga ditemukan. Di Bengkulu, penemuan yang sama secara familiar ditujukan kepada bunga tali-tali (Ipomoea quamoclit), sebuah bunga indah, kecil, monopetal, terbagi dalam lima jenis, dan menutup saat senja. Dari warna mudanya, bunga tersebut dinamai Flos cardinalis oleh Rumphius. Tumbuhan tersebut merupakan tumbuhan mewah, dengan daun mirip rambut.

Pavetta indica, dll

• Angsuka, atau bunga jarum-jarum (Pavetta indica), didapatkan dari Rumphius, pada catatan soal warna merah mekarnya dari calices panjangnya, yang bernama Flamma sylvarum peregrina.
• Bunga marak (Poinciana pulcherrima) adalah bunga yang sangat bagus, warnanya merupakan perpaduan kuning dan kizmir, dan bentuknya mengingatkan pada jambul merak, diambil dari nama Melayunya, yang diterjemahkan oleh Rumphius.
• Nagasari (Calophyllum nagassari) memiliki kembang yang sangat mengagumkan, yang sangat dikenal di Bengal; namun di belahan-belahan hulu India, disebut nagakehsir, dan dalam Transaksi Batavia disebut Acacia aurea.
• Bakung, atau salandap (Crinum asiaticum), adalah tumbuhan dari jenis lili, dengan besar enam inchi, putih, daun bunga berturbinasi yang memberikan aroma mengharumkan. Tumbuhan tersebut tumbuh liar di dekat pantai di antara tumbuhan-tumbuhan yang bertumbuh di pasir. Spesial indah lainnya dari bakung memiliki warna ungu bersanding putih.
• Kecubung (Datura metel) juga nampak banyak berkembang di tepi laut. Tumbuhan tersebut memiliki bunga infundibuliform putih, lebih berbentuk pentagonal alih-alih bundar, dengan kait kecil di setiap ujung. Dedaunannya berwarna hijau tua, tajam, besar dan tak setara di bagian bawah. Buahnya berbentuk seperti apel, sangat berduri, dan penuh akan biji kecil.
• Sundal malam atau harlot malam (Polyanthes tuberosa) diambil dari kemunculan bau manisnya pada musim tersebut. Tumbuhan tersebut ditanam di taman kami, namun tumbuh dengan kekuatan dan kemewahan besar.
• Bunga mawar (Rosa semperflorens, Curtis, Nomor 284), berukuran kecil dan berwarna merah tua. Penampakannya indah dan tidak sekaya dengan mawar dari iklim kami.
• Amaranthus cristatus (Celosia castrensis, L.) mungkin merupakan tumbuhan asli, yang umum ditemukan di pedalaman daerah Batak, yang jarang dijangkau orang-orang asing. Berbagai spesies dari genus ini disebut dengan nama umum bayam, yang beberapa jenisnya dapat disantap, seperti yang sebelumnya teramati.

Pandan

Pandan (Pandanus sp.), sebuah perdu yang memiliki dedaunan yang sangat panjang, seperti daun nanas atau lidah buaya, memiliki banyak ragam, salah satu di antaranya adalah pandan wangi (Pandanus odoratissima, L.), yang menghasilkan kembang putih kecoklatan, yang memiliki panjang satu atau dua kaki. Penduduk asli menanamnya dan memakaikannya ke orang-orang. Pandan pudak, atau Keura thunberg, yang juga harum, yang saya percaya bahwa tumbuhan tersebut sama dengan pandan wangi. Jenis umumnya dibawa untuk diperdagangkan dan disebut caldera oleh orang-orang Eropa di banyak belahan India. Di Kepulauan Nicobar, tanaman tersebut ditanam dan menghasilkan buah yang disebut melori, yang merupakan salah satu bahan pangan utama.

Epidendra

Bunga anggrek (Epidendrum sp.). Spesies atau ragam dari jenis tumbuhan parasit terkenal tersebut sangat banyak, dan dikatakan banyak yang menyukainya . Kaempfer menyebutkan dua jenis dengan nama anggrek warna dan katong'ging; yang pertama saya tujukan kepada anggrek bunga putri (Angraecum scriptum, R.) dan lainnya anggrek kasturi (Angraecum moschatum, R.) atau bunga kalajengking, yang berbentuk mirip dengan serangga tersebut, seperti halnya anggrek kasturi yang mirip dengan kupu-kupu. Aroma harumnya timbul dari ujung ekornya.

(^B Habetur haec planta apud Javanos in deliciis et magno studio colitur; tum ob floris eximium odorem, quem spirat, moschi, tum ob singularem elegantiam et figuram scorpionis, quam exhibet...spectaculo sane jocundissimo, ut negem quicquam elegantius et admiratione dignius in regno vegetabili me vidisse...Odorem flos moschi exquisitissimum atque adeo copiosum spargit, ut unicus stylus floridus totum conclave impleat. Qui vero odor, quod maxi me mireris, in extrema parte petali caudam referentis, residet; qua abicissa, omnis cessat odoris expiratio. Amoen exoticae, page 868.)

Terjemahan bebas:

"Tumbuhan ini dianggap sebagai makanan lezat di kalangan orang Jawa dan dipuja dengan penuh semangat; baik karena keharuman yang sangat baik dari bunga yang dihembuskannya, kesturi, dan juga karena keanggunan dan bentuk kalajengking yang disajikannya ... tontonan yang sangat lucu, sehingga saya menyangkal bahwa saya telah melihat sesuatu yang lebih elegan dan layak dikagumi di kerajaan tumbuhan... Aroma bunga kesturi sangat indah dan menyebar begitu melimpah, sehingga satu corak bunga memenuhi seluruh ruangan. Tapi bau itu, yang paling mengejutkanku, berada di bagian paling luar dari kelopak yang membawa ekor; ketika terputus, semua embusan bau berhenti"

Lili Air, dll

Bunga teratai atau seroja (Nymphaea nelumbo) serta beberapa jenis tumbuhan air indah lainnya ditemukan di perairan pedalaman daerah tersebut. Daun gundi atau tabung bru (Nepenthes destillatoria) dapat dianggap sebagai bunga, namun merupakan tumbuhan menanjak yang luar biasa. Dari ujung daun perpanjangan tulang rusuk, mirip dengan sulur pohon anggur, tergantung pada membrane yang berbentuk mirip tangki dengan penutup atau katup setengah terbuka; yang bertumbuh selalu nyaris tegak, tumbuhan tersebut umumnya separuh bagiannya berada di air dari hujan atau embun. Cangkir monyet (sebagaimana nama Melayunya) berukuran panjang sekitar empat atau lima inci dan berdiamter satu inci. Giring landak (Crotalaria retusa) adalah bunga papilionaceous yang mirip dengan lupin, kuning, dan memiliki ujung berwarna merah. Namanya diambil dari penebaran bijinya di kolam, yang mengingatkan dengan bunga porcupine-bells, yang diambil dari bentuknya yang mirip dengan lonceng kecil yang dipakaikan pada pergelangan anak-anak. Daup (Bauhinia) adalah bunga kecil, putih, semiflosculous, dengan aroma menyengat. Dedaunannya sendiri menarik perhatian, berbentuk ganda, seolah disatukan oleh engsel, dan kekhasan ini memberikannya nama Linnean, yang diambil dari nama Bauhin dua bersaudara, yang keduanya merupakan botanis terkenal yang selalu bekerja bersama.

Untuk daftar yang diberikan, dalam seluruh rasa hormat, beberapa tumbuhan penting ditambahkan oleh pengamat terkualifikasi dan penuh perhatian. Penduduk asli sendiri memiliki tingkat pengetahuan botani yang mengejutkan orang-orang Eropa. Pada umumnya, sedari kecil, mereka sudah mengenali tidak hanya nama-namanya, tetapi juga bagian dari setiap tumbuhan perdu dan herbal yang dimanfaatkan di pulau tersebut. Mereka membedakan jenis kelamin banyak tumbuhan dan pohon, dan membagi banyak genera ke dalam berbagai spesies sebanyak yang dilakukan para profesor kita. Tumbuhan paku atau pakis yang aku miliki dibawa kepadaku dalam dua belas jenis, yang mereka katakan kepadaku tak semuanya, dan masing-masing diberikan nama berbeda oleh mereka.

Tanaman Obat

Beberapa perdu dan herbal yang dipakai sebagai obat adalah berikut ini. Beberapa dari mereka ditanam, diambil dari hutan atau padang ketika mereka menginginkannya.

• Lagundi (Vitex trifolia, L.) Karakter-karakter botanik dari perdu ini sangat dikenal. Dedaunannya, yang pahit dan menyengat alih-alih harum, dianggap sebagai antiseptik yang kuat, dan dipakaikan saat demam dengan ditempatkan dalam kulit pohon Peru. Tumbuhan tersebut juga diambil bijinya dan ditempatkan pada kargo-kargo beras agar tak dirusak oleh kutu-kutu.
• Katupong mirip dengan nettle saat tumbuh, dan memiliki buah mirip beri hitam. saya tak dapat mengidentifikasikannya. Daunnya, yang dapat dikunyah, dipakai untuk mengobati luka.
• Siup, sebuah jenis ara liar, dipakai mengobati ketombe atau kista orang-orang Nias, ketika tak ada pilihan lain.
• Sikaduduk (melastoma) memiliki penampilan mawar liar. Dedaunannya dipakai untuk mengobati penyakit pada kaki, yang disebut maltus, yang mirip dengan impetigo atau ringworm.
• Ampadu-bruang atau empedu beruang (brucea, foliis serratis) disebut lussa raja di Rumphius, memiliki rasa pahit, dan diterapkan untuk membantu pemulihan penyakit pada usus.
• Kabu (nama Latin tidak diketahui). Kulit pohon dan akarnya dipakai untuk mengobati kudis, dengan meletakkannya pada bagian yang terdampak.
• Marampuyan (genus baru). Tunas muda dari tumbuhan ini, yang memiliki kualitas menyegarkan dan menguatkan, diusapkan pada tubuh dan lengan pada orang yang dalam keadaan sangat lelah.
• Mali-mali (nama Latin tidak diketahui). Daun merambat dari tumbuhan ini, yang bersematkan kembang putih mirip payung, ditujukan untuk mengurangi pembengkakan.
• Chapo (Conyza balsamifera) memiliki warna, bau, rasa dan kualitas mirip sage (salvia), namun tumbuh sampai setinggi enam kaki, memiliki daun yang panjang, dan kembang yang mirip groundsel.
• Murribungan (nama Latin tidak diketahui). Daunnya besar, melingkar dan lembut. Sari dari tangkainya ditujukan untuk mengobati sariawan lidah.
• Ampi-ampi (nama Latin tidak diketahui). Sebuah tumbuhan merambat dengan dedaunan mirip kotak, dan kembang flosculous kecil. Tumbuhan tersebut dipakai sebagai obat demam.
• Kadu (Piper sp.), dengan bentuk daun dan rasa mirip sirih. Tumbuhan tersebut dibakar untuk disajikan kepada anak-anak yang baru lahir dari pengaruh roh-roh jahat.
• Gumbai (nama Latin tidak diketahui). Perdu dengan kembang monopetal, kaku, dan ungu, tumbuh dalam kuncup. Dedaunannya dipakai dalam penyakit usus.
• Tabulan bukan (nama Latin tidak diketahui). Sebuah perdu yang memiliki kembang semiflosculous, ditujukan untuk mengobati sakit mata.
• Kachang prang (Dolichos ensiformis). Polong sari tumbuhan ini memiliki ukuran panjang, dan biji-bijiannya, yang berwarna krismon murni, dipakai dalam penyakit-penyakit pleura.
• Sipit, sebuah spesies ara, dengan daun oval besar, menggulung saat disentuh, dan kaki. Tumbuhan tersebut dijadikan obat untuk sakit panggul.
• Daun sedingin (Cotyledon laciniata). Dedaunannya, sesuai dengan namanya, dipakai untuk mendinginkan tubuh. Tumbuhan tersebut dipakaikan ke kepala untuk mengobati sakit kepala, dan terkadang ke tubuh saat demam.
• Long pepper (Piper longum) dipakai dalam pengobatan.
• Kunyit, juga, dicampur dengan nasi untuk mengurangi bubuk dan kemudian dibentuk menjadi pasta, banyak dipakai dalam kasus kedinginan dan luka pada tulang; dan chunam atau quick-lime nampaknya umum diletakkan pada bagian tubuh yang memiliki luka.
• Dalam pengobatan kura atau boss (dari kata Portugis, baco), yang merupakan kerusakan pada limpa, membentuk gumpalan keras di bagian atas perut, ramuan tumbuhan tumbuhan berikut ini diterapkan secara khusus: sipit tunggul; madang tandok (genus baru, sangat harum); ati air (Arum sp.?) tapa besi; paku tiong (pakis paling indah, dengan daun mirip daun kelapa; genus tak dapat dipastikan); tapa badak (ragam callicarpa); laban (Vitex altissima); pisang ruko (Musa sp.); dan paku lamiding (Polypodium sp.?); bersama dengan perasan yang disarikan dari akar malabatei (nama Latin tidak diketahui).
• Dalam pengobatan kurap, tetter atau ringworm, mereka memakai daun galinggan (Cassia quadri-alata) sebuah perdu herbal dengan dedaunan besar dan kembang kuning. Dalam kasus tertentu, barangan (arsenik berwarna, atau orpiment), sebuah racun yang kuat, dipakai.
• Pemerasan sari dari sudu-sudu (Euphorbia neriifolia) sangat bernilai bagi penduduk asli untuk keperluan pengobatan. Dedaunannya saat disantap oleh domba dan kambing terkadang menyebabkan kematian.

Pohon Upas

Mengenai subyek puhn upas atau pohon racun (Arbor toxicaria, R.), yang catatannya secara khusus diterbitkan dalam London Magazine pada September 1785 oleh Tuan N.P. Foersch, seorang dokter bedah dalam penugasan Perusahaan Hindia Timur Belanda, pada waktu itu di Inggris, saya perlu mengutip pengamatan dari Tuan Charles Campbell, di tempat pengobatan di Benteng Marlborough. "Pada perjalananku di daerah di belakang Bengkulu, saya menemukan pohon upas, yang dikisahkan dalam banyak cerita. Beberapa bijinya pada waktu itu didatangkan ke London dalam sebuah bungkus yang saya serahkan kepada Tuan Aiton di Kew. Racunnya dihilangkan, namun tidak dalam keadaan sepenuhnya seperti yang telah dicontohkan. Beberapa tumbuhan tersebut dalam keadaan bermanfaat akan kamu terima pada kesempatan awal. Seperti pohon itu sendiri, tumbuhan tersebut tak melukai orang-orang di sekitarnya. saya duduk di bawah rindangnya, dan melihat burung-burung bertengger di tangkai-tangkai; dan sebagai halnya cerita rumput yang tak tumbuh disekitarnya, setiap orang yang berada di hutan harus mengetahui bahwa rumput tak ditemukan dalam keadaan semacam itu."

Untuk bagian-bagian lain pada pohon racun tersebut, yang sangat diminati, pembaca dapat membaca Account of Lord Macartney's Embassy karya Sir George Staunton Volume 1 laman 272; sampai Pennant's Outlines of the Globe Volume 4 laman 42, yang mana pembaca akan menemukan salinan dari penjelasan asli Foersch; dan sampai Disertasi karya Professor C.P. Thunberg mengenai Arbor toxicaria Macassariensis, dalam Mem. of the Upsal Acad. dari tahun 1788. Informasi yang diberikan oleh Rumphius mengenai subyek Ipo atau Upas, dalam Herb. Amboin. Volume 2 laman 263, yang juga dapat dibaca sampai habis.* Ini membuktikan bahwa beberapa cerita yang timbul terkait padanya oleh orang-orang Sulawesi (tumbuhan tersebut bukanlah tumbuhan asli di Amboina) menyatakan kepada Tuan Foersch, fabel-fabel kepadanya yang menghibur dunia.

(*Catatan kaki. Semenjak bagian atas ditulis, saya melirik Dissertation sur les Effets d'un Poison de Java, appele Upas tieute, etc.; presentee a la Faculte de Medicine de Paris le 6 Juillet 1809, par M. Alire Raffeneau-Delile, yang menjelaskan serangkaian eksperimen penasaran dan peminatan terhadap racun paling aktif ini, yang dibuat dengan spesimen-spesimen yang dibawa dari Jawa oleh M. Leschenault; dan juga disertasi kedua, dalam manuskrip (yang dipersembahkan kepada Royal Society), terhadap dampak-dampak eksperimen serupa yang dibuat dengan istilah upas antiar. Ia menyatakan tentang rebusan atau penyarian dari kulit akar tumbuhan merambat dari genus strychnos, yang disebut tieute oleh penduduk asli Jawa; dan memiliki perasan seperti susu, pahit dan kekuningan, yang didapatkan dari pengolahan kulit pohon besar (genus baru) yang disebut antiar; kata upas artinya, seperti yang dipahami oleh M. Leschenault, racun sayur dari jenis manapun. Tangkai kecil dari pohon upas, dengan beberapa getah racun, dibawa ke Inggris pada 1806 oleh Dr. Roxburgh, yang memberitahukan Tuan Lambert bahwa tumbuhan yang didapatkan olehnya dari Sumatra tumbuh cepat di Taman Botani Perusahaan di Kalkuta. Sebuah spesimen getah, dari seorang priyayi, berada dalam genggamanku.)

Bab 6

BINATANG.
REPTIL.
IKAN.
UNGGAS.
SERANGGA.

BINATANG

Kerajaan hewan meraih perhatian, namun, binatang pulau pada umumnya sama dengan yang ditemukan di wilayah lain di seluruh belahan Dunia Timur, dapat dideskripsikan, aku melakukan sedikit lebih ketimbang menempatkan daftar hewan yang didapat pada catatanku; menambahkan sedikit pengamatan terhadap hal semacam itu yang nampaknya diperlukan kita.

KERBAU

Karbau, atau kerbau, meliputi bagian utama dari makanan penduduk asli, dan merupakan satu-satunya hewan yang dipekerjakan dalam pekerjaan domestik mereka, ini membuatku harus memasukan beberapa penjelasan dari kualitas dan pemakaiannya; meskipun tak dapat ditemukan perbedaan secara material dari kerbau Italia, dan sama dengan kerbau Bengal. Kelompok spesies tersebut, seperti halnya kerbau jinak lainnya, sangat berbeda satu sama lain dalam tingkat kesempurnaan mereka, dan ketetapan tak dapat menghimpun jenis-jenis superiornya, dari hal semacam itu biasanya dilebih-lebihkan seperti yang ditujukan kepada kapal-kapal dari Eropa. Mereka terbagi dalam dua jenis; hitam dan putih. Keduanya sama-sama dipergunakan untuk menggarap, namun kerbau putih disembelih untuk dimakan, menjadikannya sangat rendah dalam hal kualitas, dan menurut beberapa orang secara tak keseluruhan, membuat tubuhnya mengalami bercak-bercak. Jika hal semacam itu benar-benar terjadi, warna muda sejarah itu sendiri kemungkinan besar dianggap akibat dari beberapa penyakit asli, seperti halnya dalam kasus penyakit spesies manusia yang disebut negro putih. Rambutnya sangat tipis, nyaris tidak berfungsi untuk menutupi kulit; sementara kerbau hitam memiliki warna seperti sapi Inggris. Kakinya lebih pendek ketimbang kaki lembu, kukunya lebih besar, dan tanduknya sangat aneh, biasanya persegi atau dapat alih-alih bulat, kecuali yang di dekat bagian-bagian ujung; dan meruncing ke belakang, karena secara umum, atau ke arah depan, seperti yang sering mereka alami, selalu di bagian kepala depan, dan tidak menyudut, seperti halnya tanduk jenis sapi. They contain much solid substance, and are valuable in manufacture. The tail hangs down to the middle joint of the leg only, is small, and terminates in a bunch of hair. The neck is thick and muscular, nearly round, but somewhat flatted at top, and has little or no dewlap dependant from it. The organ of generation in the male has an appearance as if the extremity were cut off. It is not a salacious animal. The female goes nine months with calf, which it suckles during six, from four teats. When crossing a river it exhibits the singular sight of carrying its young one on its back. It has a weak cry, in a sharp tone, very unlike the lowing of oxen. The most part of the milk and butter required for the Europeans (the natives not using either) is supplied by the buffalo, and its milk is richer than that of the cow, but not yielded in equal quantity. What these latter produce is also very small compared with the dairies of Europe. At Batavia, likewise, we are told that their cows are small and lean, from the scantiness of good pasture, and do not give more than about an English quart of milk, sixteen of which are required to make a pound of butter.

The inland people, where the country is tolerably practicable, avail themselves of the strength of this animal to draw timber felled in the woods: the Malays and other people on the coast train them to the draft, and in many places to the plough. Though apparently of a dull, obstinate, capricious nature, they acquire from habit a surprising docility, and are taught to lift the shafts of the cart with their horns, and to place the yoke, which is a curved piece of wood attached to the shafts, across their necks; needing no further harness than a breast-band, and a string that is made to pass through the cartilage of the nostrils. They are also, for the service of Europeans, trained to carry burdens suspended from each side of a packsaddle, in roads, or rather paths, where carriages cannot be employed. It is extremely slow, but steady in its work. The labour it performs, however, falls short of what might be expected from its size and apparent strength, any extraordinary fatigue, particularly during the heat of the day, being sufficient to put a period to its life, which is at all times precarious. The owners frequently experience the loss of large herds, in a short space of time, by an epidemic distemper, called bandung (obstruction), that seizes them suddenly, swells their bodies, and occasions, as it is said, the serum of the blood to distil through the tubes of the hairs.

The luxury of the buffalo consists in rolling itself in a muddy pool, which it forms, in any spot, for its convenience, during the rainy season. This it enjoys in a high degree, dexterously throwing with its horn the water and slime, when not of a sufficient depth to cover it, over its back and sides. Their blood is perhaps of a hot temperature, which may render this indulgence, found to be quite necessary to their health, so desirable to their feelings; and the mud, at the same time, forming a crust upon their bodies, preserves them from the attack of insects, which otherwise prove very troublesome. Their owners light fires for them in the evening, in order that the smoke may have the same effect, and they have the instinctive sagacity to lay themselves down to leeward, that they may enjoy its full benefit.

Although common in every part of the country, they are not understood to exist in the proper wild or indigenous state, those found in the woods being termed karbau jalang, or stray buffaloes, and considered as the subject of property; or if originally wild, they may afterwards, from their use in labour and food, have been all caught and appropriated by degrees. They are gregarious, and usually found in large numbers together, but sometimes met with singly, when they are more dangerous to passengers. Like the turkey and some other animals they have an antipathy to a red colour, and are excited by it to mischief. When in a state of liberty they run with great swiftness, keeping pace with the speed of an ordinary horse. Upon an attack or alarm they fly to a short distance, and then suddenly face about and draw up in battle-array with surprising quickness and regularity; their horns being laid back, and their muzzles projecting. Upon the nearer approach of the danger that presses on them they make a second flight, and a second time halt and form; and this excellent mode of retreat, which but few nations of the human race have attained to such a degree of discipline as to adopt, they continue till they gain the fastnesses of a neighbouring wood. Their principal foe, next to man, is the tiger; but only the weaker sort, and the females fall a certain prey to this ravager, as the sturdy male buffalo can support the first vigorous stroke from the tiger's paw, on which the fate of the battle usually turns.

SAPI

Sapi (sampi dalam dialek lain) dan jawi, adalah hewan asing di daerah tersebut, dan tak nampak di alam liar. Hewan tersebut umumnya berasal dari buahan Madagaskar, dengan punuk besar di pundaknya, namun umumnya berukuran kecil. Aku melihat bahwa hewan tersebut merosot, dari penghasil susu yang baik ke produksi tanah yang terlalu rendahan.

KUDA

Kuda: buahannya kecil, gampang dibuat, dan keras. Orang-orang daerah tersebut membawa mereka dalam penjumlahan untuk dijual dalam keadaan nyaris liar; terutama dari wilayah utara. Di daerah Batta, hewan tersebut disantap sebagai makanan; yang juga merupakan kebiasaan di kalangan orang Sulawesi.

DOMBA, DLL

Sheep, biri-biri dan domba: buahan kecil, kemungkinan diperkenalkan dari Bengal.

PLATE 11a. n.2. 1. TENGKORAK KAMBING-UTAN. 2. TENGKORAK KIJANG.
W. Bell delt. A. Cardon sc.

PLATE 14. n.1. THE KAMBING-UTAN, ATAU KAMBING LIAR.
W. Bell delt.

Kambing: disamping hewan ternak, yang umumnya berukuran kecil dan berwarna coklat muda, terdapat pula kambing utan, atau kambing liar. Yang satu ini aku teliti memiliki tinggi tiga kaki, dan panjang tubuh empat kaki. Hewan tersebut memiliki ciri-ciri kijang pada penampilannya, dan, dengan pengecualian tanduk, yang memiliki panjang sekitar enam inchi dan melingkar balik dengan lengkungan, hewan tersebut tidaklah seperti kambing pada umumnya. Bagian-bagian tertutup berbentuk seperti beruang, pantatnya melingkar dari punggung; ekornya sangat kecil, dan berujung runcing; kakinya kaku; rambut di sepanjang bagian punggung lebat dan kuat, nyaris seperti bulu; tanpa janggut; pada pundak ditutupi rambut keabu-abuan; bagian lainnya tertutupi rambut hitam; alat vitalnya bundar. Penampilannya nampak liar dan garang, dan dikatakan oleh penduduk asli gampang berubah.

Hog, babi: yang buahannya kami sebut [hog] Tionghoa.

Babi hutan, babi utan.

Dog, anjing: those brought from Europe lose in a few years their distinctive qualities, and degenerate at length into the cur with erect ears, kuyu, vulgarly called the pariah dog. An instance did not occur of any one going mad during the period of my residence. Many of them are affected with a kind of gonorrhoea.

<a name="sumatra-11"></a><img alt="" src="images/sumatra-11.jpg"> PLATE 11. n.1. THE ANJING-AYER, Mustela lutra.
W. Bell delt. A. Cardon fc.

<a name="sumatra-13a"></a><img alt="" src="images/sumatra-13a.jpg"> PLATE 13a. n.2. THE ANJING-AYER.
Sinensis delt. A. Cardon fc.
Published by W. Marsden, 1810.

Otter, anjing ayer (Mustela lutra).

Cat, kuching: these in every respect resemble our common domestic cat, excepting that the tails of all are more or less imperfect, with a knob or hardness at the end, as if they had been cut or twisted off. In some the tail is not more than a few inches in length, whilst in others it is so nearly perfect that the defect can be ascertained only by the touch.

Rat, tikus: of the grey kind.

Mouse, tikus kechil.

GAJAH

Gajah: hewan besar yang hidup di hutan, dan biasanya bergerak di daerah tersebut dalam kelompok besar bersamaan, menimbulkan pengrusakan besar terhadap lahan pertanian penduduk, membuat jejak tanaman dengan berjalan melewati tanah ; namun mereka juga dipakai untuk menghasilkan taman, terutama pohon-pohon tanam dan tebu, yang dapat mereka kerjakan. Perlakuan terhadap tindakan mereka seringkali berakibat fatal untuk mereka, bagi para pemiliknya, mengetahui mereka mendatangkan sayur-sayuran, memiliki praktek meracuni beberapa bagian penanaman, dengan membelah tebu dan mencampur arsenik kuning dalam santapan hewan tersebut, dan mati. Bukanlah karnivora alami, gajah tidaklah buas, dan dapat menyerang manusia namun ketika ditembak atau hal memprovokasi lainnya. Kecuali sebagian kecil daerah oleh raja Achin, mereka tak dijinakkan di belahan pulau manapun.

BADAK

Badak, baik spesies yang memiliki satu cula maupun dua cula , berasal dari hutan. Badak bercula dua umumnya telah dideskripsikan oleh Tuan John Bell (salah satu murid Tuan John Hunter) dalam sebuah makalah yang dicetak dalam Volume 83 dari Philosophical Transactions pada tahun 1793. Vulanya dijadikan obat melawan racun, dan pada catatatn tersebut, dibentuk menjadi cangkir minuman. Aku tak mengetahui hal apapun untuk memberikan cerita yang menyebutkan antipati saling menguntungkan dan perlawanan terhadap dua jenis makhluk tersebut.

KUDA NIL

Kuda nil, kuda ayer: keberadaan binatang tersebut di pulau Sumatra dipertanyakan oleh M. Cuvier, dan aku sendiri sebetulnya tak melihatnya, aku pikir ini membutuhkan pihak yang memiliki otoritas langsung agar dapat aku cantumkan dalam daftar hewan yang ditemukan di sana adalah gambar yang dibuat oleh Tuan Whalfeldt, seorang perwira yang ditujukan untuk meneliti pesisir, yang mendatangkannya di mulut salah satu sungai selatan, dan menyebarkan sketsa bersama dengan laporan pemerintahannya, yang mana saat itu aku menjadi sekretarisnya. Pernyataan umumnya emnyatakan bahwa keberadaan hewan terkenal tersebut tak dapat diragukan. M. Cuvier menduga bahwa aku salah mengira dengan hewan yang disebut dugong atau secara vulgar disebut sapi laut oleh para naturalis, yang disebut demikian pada saat itu; dan ini akan menimbulkan kekeliruan terhadap hewan dengan empat kaki, a fish with two pectoral fins serving the purposes of feet; but, independently of the authority I have stated, the kuda ayer, or river-horse, is familiarly known to the natives, as is also the duyong (from which Malayan word the dugong of naturalists has been corrupted); and I have only to add that, in a register given by the Philosophical Society of Batavia in the first Volume of their Transactions for 1799, appears the article "couda aijeer, rivier paard, hippopotamus" amongst the animals of Java.

BERUANG, DLL

Beruang, bruang: umumnya kecil dan hitam: memanjati pohon-pohon kelapa dalam rangka mengambil bagian enaknya atau kubis.

PLATE 12. n.1. PALANDOK, SEBUAH SPESIES DIMINUTIF MOSCHUS.
Sinensis delt. A. Cardon fc.

PLATE 12a. n.2. KIJANG ATAU ROE, Cervus muntjak.
W. Bell delt. A. Cardon sc.
Diterbitkan oleh W. Marsden, 1810.

Dari jenis rusa, terdapat beberapa spesies: rusa, yang paling besar; kijang, denagn tanpa tanduk bercabang, lambang perubahan dan keliaranbagi para penyair Melayu; palandok, napu, dan kanchil, tiga ragam, yang terakhir merupakan yang terkecil, hewan paling diskui, disebut oleh Buffon dengan sebutan chevrotin, namun masuk dalam spesies moschus. Kanchil yang diukur di Batavia memiliki panjang enam belas inchi, tinggi sepuluh inchi dan pundak delapan inchi.

Babi-rusa: sebuah hewan jenis babi, dengan taring aneh mirip tanduk. Dari hewan ini, terdapat sebuah representasi dalam Valentyn, Volume 3 laman 268 fig. c., dan juga dalam perjalanan paling awal Cosmas, yang diterbitkan dalam Thevenot's Collect. Volume 1 laman 2 dari Teks Yunani..

Ragam-ragam suku monyet tak terhitung: beberapa yang terkenal adalah muniet, karra, bru, siamang (atau simia gibbon dari Buffon), dan lutong. Dengan perhatian terhadap orang utan, hewan tersebut tak memiliki pengartian spesifik, namun diterapkan kepada hewan berukuran besar manapun yang terkadang berjalan dengan berdiri, dan memperlihatkan sifat yang sangat mirip dengan manusia.

Ku-kang, ka-malas-an (Lemur tardigradus).

Tupei; biasanya kecil dan berwarna tua.

Teleggo.

TIGER

Tiger, arimau, machang: this beast is here of a very large size, and proves a destructive foe to man as well as to most other animals. The heads being frequently brought in to receive the reward given by the East India Company for killing them, I had an opportunity of measuring one, which was eighteen inches across the forehead. Many circumstances respecting their ravages, and the modes of destroying them, will occur in the course of the work.

Tiger-cat, kuching-rimau (said to feed on vegetables as well as flesh).

Civet-cat, tanggalong (Viverra civetta): the natives take the civet, as they require it for use, from a peculiar receptacle under the tail of the animal. It appears from the Ayin Akbari (Volume 1 page 103) that the civet used at Delhi was imported from Achin.

<a name="sumatra-09a"></a><img alt="" src="images/sumatra-09a.jpg"> PLATE 9a. THE MUSANG, A SPECIES OF VIVERRA.
W. Bell delt. A. Cardon fc.
Published by W. Marsden, 1810.

Polecat, musang (Viverra fossa, or a new species).

<a name="sumatra-13"></a><img alt="" src="images/sumatra-13.jpg"> PLATE 13. n.1. THE LANDAK, Hystrix longicauda.
Sinensis delt. A. Cardon fc.
Published by W. Marsden, 1810.

Porcupine (Hystrix longicauda) landak, and, for distinction, babi landak.

Hedgehog (erinaceus) landak.

<a name="sumatra-10"></a><img alt="" src="images/sumatra-10.jpg"> PLATE 10. THE TANGGILING OR PENG-GOLING-SISIK, A SPECIES OF MANIS.
W. Bell delt. A. Cardon fct.
Published by W. Marsden, 1810.

PENG-GOLING

Peng-goling, signifying the animal which rolls itself up; or pangolin of Buffon: this is distinguished into the peng-goling rambut, or hairy sort (myrmophaga), and the peng-goling sisik, or scaly sort, called more properly tanggiling (species of manis); the scales of this are esteemed by the natives for their medicinal properties. See Asiatic Researches Volume 1 page 376 and Volume 2 page 353.

<a name="sumatra-09"></a><img alt="" src="images/sumatra-09.jpg"> PLATE 9. A SPECIES OF Lemur volans, SUSPENDED FROM THE RAMBEH-TREE.
Sinensis delt. N. Cardon fct.
Published by W. Marsden, 1810.

BATS

Of the bat kind there is an extraordinary variety: the churi-churi is the smallest species, called vulgarly burong tikus, or the mouse-bird; next to these is the kalalawar; then the kalambit; and the kaluwang (noctilio) is of considerable size; of these I have observed very large flights occasionally passing at a great height in the air, as if migrating from one country to another, and Captain Forrest notices their crossing the Straits of Sunda from Java Head to Mount Pugong; they are also seen hanging by hundreds upon trees. The flying-foxes and flying-squirrels (Lemur volans), which by means of a membrane extending from what may be termed the forelegs to those behind, are enabled to take short flights, are also not uncommon.

Reptiles

ALLIGATORS AND OTHER LIZARDS

Alligators, buaya (Crocodilus biporcatus of Cuvier), abound in most of the rivers, grow to a large Size, and do much mischief.

The guana, or iguana, biawak (Lacerta iguana) is another animal of the lizard kind, about three or four feet in length, harmless, excepting to the poultry and young domestic cattle, and sometimes itself eaten as food. The bingkarong is next in size, has hard, dark scales on the back, and is often found under heaps of decayed timber; its bite venomous.

The koke, goke, or toke, as it is variously called, is a lizard, about ten or twelve inches long, frequenting old buildings, and making a very singular noise. Between this and the small house-lizard (chichak) are many gradations in size, chiefly of the grass-lizard kind, which is smooth and glossy. The former are in length from about four inches down to an inch or less, and are the largest reptiles that can walk in an inverted situation: one of these, of size sufficient to devour a cockroach, runs on the ceiling of a room, and in that situation seizes its prey with the utmost facility. This they seem to be enabled to do from the rugose structure of their feet, with which they adhere strongly to the smoothest surface. Sometimes however, on springing too eagerly at a fly, they lose their hold, and drop to the floor, on which occasions a circumstance occurs not undeserving of notice. The tail being frequently separated from the body by the shock (as it may be at any of the vertebrae by the slightest force, without loss of blood or evident pain to the animal, and sometimes, as it would seem, from the effect of fear alone) within a little time, like the mutilated claw of a lobster, begins to renew itself. They are produced from eggs about the size of the wren's, of which the female carries two at a time, one in the lower, and one in the upper part of the abdomen, on opposite sides; they are always cold to the touch, and yet the transparency of their bodies gives an opportunity of observing that their fluids have as brisk a circulation as those of warm-blooded animals: in none have I seen the peristaltic motion so obvious as in these. It may not be useless to mention that these phenomena were best observed at night when the lizard was on the outside of a pane of glass, with a candle on the inside. There is, I believe, no class of living creatures in which the gradations can be traced with such minuteness and regularity as in this; where, from the small animal just described, to the huge alligator or crocodile, a chain may be traced containing almost innumerable links, of which the remotest have a striking resemblance to each other, and seem, at first view, to differ only in bulk.

CHAMELEON

The chameleon, gruning: these are about a foot and half long, including the tail; the colour, green with brown spots, as I had it preserved; when alive in the woods they are generally green, but not from the reflection of the leaves, as some have supposed. When first caught they usually turn brown, apparently the effect of fear or anger, as men become pale or red; but if undisturbed soon resume a deep green on the back, and a yellow green on the belly, the tail remaining brown. Along the spine, from the head to the middle of the back, little membranes stand up like the teeth of a saw. As others of the genus of lacerta they feed on flies and grasshoppers, which the large size of their mouths and peculiar structure of their bony tongues are well adapted for catching.

<a name="sumatra-14a"></a><img alt="" src="images/sumatra-14a.jpg"> PLATE 14a. n.2. THE KUBIN, Draco volans.
Sinensis delt. A. Cardon sc.
Published by W. Marsden, 1810.

The flying lizard, kubin, or chachak terbang (Draco volans), is about eight inches in its extreme length, and the membranes which constitute the wings are about two or three inches in extent. These do not connect with the fore and hind legs, as in the bat tribe, but are supported by an elongation of the alternate ribs, as pointed out by my friend Mr. Everard Home. They have flapped ears, and a singular kind of pouch or alphorges, under the jaws. In other respects they much resemble the chameleon in appearance. They do not take distant flights, but merely from tree to tree, or from one bough to another. The natives take them by springs fastened to the stems.

FROGS. SNAKES

With animals of the frog kind (kodok) the swamps everywhere teem; and their noise upon the approach of rain is tremendous. They furnish prey to the snakes, which are found here of all sizes and in great variety of species; the larger proportion harmless, but of some, and those generally small and dark-coloured, the bite is mortal. If the cobra capelo, or hooded snake, be a native of the island, as some assert, it must be extremely rare. The largest of the boa kind (ular sauh) that I had an opportunity of observing was no more than twelve feet long. This was killed in a hen-house where it was devouring the poultry. It is very surprising, but not less true, that snakes will swallow animals of twice or three times their own apparent circumference; having in their jaws or throat a compressive force that gradually and by great efforts reduces the prey to a convenient dimension. I have seen a small snake (ular sini) with the hinder legs of a frog sticking out of its mouth, each of them nearly equal to the smaller parts of its own body, which in the thickest did not exceed a man's little finger. The stories told of their swallowing deer, and even buffaloes, in Ceylon and Java, almost choke belief, but I cannot take upon me to pronounce them false; for if a snake of three inches diameter can gorge a fowl of six, one of thirty feet in length and proportionate bulk and strength might well be supposed capable of swallowing a beast of the size of a goat; and I have respectable authority for the fact that the fawn of a kijang or roe was cut out of the body of a very large snake killed at one of the southern settlements. The poisonous kinds are distinguished by the epithet of ular bisa, among which is the biludak or viper. The ular garang, or sea-snake, is coated entirely with scales, both on the belly and tail, not differing from those on the back, which are small and hexagonal; the colour is grey, with here and there shades of brown. The head and about one-third of the body from thence is the smallest part, and it increases in bulk towards the tail, which resembles that of the eel. It has not any dog-fangs.

TORTOISE

The tortoise, kura-kura, and turtle, katong, are both found in these seas; the former valuable for its scales, and the latter as food; the land­tortoise (Testudo graeca) is brought from the Seychelles Islands.

There is also an extensive variety of shellfish. The crayfish, udang laut (Cancer homarus or ecrevisse-de-mer), is as large as the lobster, but wants its biting claws. The small freshwater crayfish, the prawns and shrimps (all named udang, with distinctive epithets), are in great perfection.

The crab, kapiting and katam (cancer), is not equally fine, but exhibits many extraordinary varieties.

The kima, or gigantic cockle (chama), has been already mentioned.

The oysters, tiram, are by no means so good as those of Europe. The smaller kind are generally found adhering to the roots of the mangrove, in the wash of the tide.

The mussel, kupang (mytilus), rimis (donax), kapang (Teredo navalis), sea­egg, bulu babi (echinus), bia papeda (nautilus), ruma gorita (argonauta), bia unam (murex), bia balang (cuprea), and many others may be added to the list. The beauty of the madrepores and corallines, of which the finest specimens are found in the recesses of the Bay of Tappanuli, is not to be surpassed in any country. Of these a superb collection is in the possession of Mr. John Griffiths, who has given, in Volume 96 of the Philosophical Transactions, the Description of a rare species of Worm-Shells, discovered at an island lying off the North-west coast of Sumatra. In the same volume is also a Paper by Mr. Everard Home, containing Observations on the Shell of the Sea Worm found on the Coast of Sumatra, proving it to belong to a species of Teredo; with an Account of the Anatomy of the Teredo navalis. The former he proposes to call the Teredo gigantea. The sea-grass, or ladang laut, concerning which Sir James Lancaster tells some wonderful stories, partakes of the nature of a sea-worm and of a coralline; in its original state it is soft and shrinks into the sand from the touch; but when dry it is quite hard, straight, and brittle.

FISH

The duyong is a very large sea-animal or fish, of the order of mammalia, with two large pectoral fins serving the purposes of feet. By the early Dutch voyagers it was, without any obvious analogy, called the sea-cow; and from the circumstance of the head being covered with a kind of shaggy hair, and the mammae of the female being placed immediately under the pectus, it has given rise to the stories of mermaids in the tropical seas. The tusks are applied to the same uses as ivory, especially for the handles of krises, and being whiter are more prized. It has much general resemblance to the manatee or lamantin of the West Indies, and has been confounded with it; but the distinction between them has been ascertained by M. Cuvier, Annales du Museum d'Histoire Naturelle 22 cahier page 308.*

(*Footnote. "Some time ago (says Captain Forrest) a large fish, with valuable teeth, being cast ashore in the Illana districts, there arose a dispute who should have the teeth, but the Magindanoers carried it." Voyage to New Guinea page 272. See also Valentyn Volume 3 page 341.)

WHALE

The grampus whale (species of delphinus) is well known to the natives by the names of pawus and gajah mina; but I do not recollect to have heard any instance of their being thrown upon the coast.

VOILIER

Of the ikan layer (genus novum schombro affine) a grand specimen is preserved in the British Museum, where it was deposited by Sir Joseph Banks;* and a description of it by the late M. Brousonet, under the name of le Voilier, is published in the Mem. de l'Acad. de Scien. de Paris for 1786 page 450 plate 10. It derives its appellation from the peculiarity of its dorsal fin, which rises so high as to suggest the idea of a sail; but it is most remarkable for what should rather be termed its snout than its horn, being an elongation of the frontal bone, and the prodigious force with which it occasionally strikes the bottoms of ships, mistaking them, as we may presume, for its enemy or prey. A large fragment of one of these bones, which had transfixed the plank of an East India ship, and penetrated about eighteen inches, is likewise preserved in the same national collection, together with the piece of plank, as it was cut out of the ship's bottom upon her being docked in England. Several accidents of a similar nature are known to have occurred. There is an excellent representation of this fish, under the name of fetisso, in Barbot's Description of the Coasts of Guinea, plate 18, which is copied in Astley's Collection of Voyages, Volume 2 plate 73.

(*Footnote. This fish was hooked by Mr. John Griffiths near the southern extremity of the west coast of Sumatra, and was given to Captain Cumming of the Britannia indiaman, by whom it was presented to Sir Joseph Banks.)

VARIOUS FISH

To attempt an enumeration of the species of fish with which these seas abound would exceed my power, and I shall only mention briefly some of the most obvious; as the shark, hiyu (squalus); skate, ikan pari (raya); ikan mua (muraena); ikan chanak (gymnotus); ikan gajah (cepole); ikan karang or bonna (chaetodon), described by Mr. John Bell in Volume 82 of the Philosophical Transactions. It is remarkable for certain tumours filled with oil, attached to its bones. There are also the ikan krapo, a kind of rock-cod or sea-perch; ikan marrang or kitang (teuthis), commonly named the leather fish, and among the best brought to table; jinnihin, a rock-fish shaped like a carp; bawal or pomfret (species of chaetodon); balanak, jumpul, and marra, three fish of the mullet kind (mugil); kuru (polynemus); ikan lidah, a kind of sole; tingeri, resembles the mackerel; gagu, catfish; summa, a river fish, resembling the salmon; ringkis, resembles the trout, and is noted for the size of its roe; ikan tambarah, I believe the shad of Siak River; ikan gadis, good river fish, about the size of a carp; ikan bada, small, like white bait; ikan gorito, sepia; ikan terbang, flying-fish (exocoetus). The little seahorse (Syngnathus hippocampus) is commonly found here.

BIRDS

Of birds the variety is considerable, and the following list contains but a small portion of those that might be discovered in the island by a qualified person who should confine his researches to that branch of natural history.

KUWAU

The kuwau, or Sumatran pheasant (Phasianus argus), is a bird of uncommon magnificence and beauty; the plumage being perhaps the most rich, without any mixture of gaudiness, of all the feathered race. It is found extremely difficult to keep it alive for any considerable time after catching it in the woods, yet it has in one instance been brought to England; but, having lost its fine feathers by the voyage, it did not excite curiosity, and died unnoticed. There is now a good specimen in the Liverpool Museum. It has in its natural state an antipathy to the light, and in the open day is quite moped and inanimate. When kept in a darkened place it seems at its ease, and sometimes makes use of the note or call from which it takes its name, and which is rather plaintive than harsh. The flesh, of which I have eaten, perfectly resembles that of the common pheasant (tugang), also found in the woods, but the body is of much larger size. I have reason to believe that it is not, as supposed, a native of the North or any part of China. From the Malayan Islands, of which it is the boast, it must be frequently carried thither.

PEACOCK, ETC

The peacock, burong marak (pavo), appears to be well known to the natives, though I believe not common.

I should say the same of the eagle and the vulture (coracias), to the one or the other of which the name of raja wali is familiarly applied.

The kite, alang (falco), is very common, as is the crow, gadak (corvus), and jackdaw, pong (gracula), with several species of the woodpecker.

The kingfisher (alcedo) is named burong buaya, or the alligator-bird.

The bird-of-paradise, burong supan, or elegant-bird, is known here only in the dried state, as brought from the Moluccas and coast of New Guinea (tanah papuah).

<a name="sumatra-15"></a><img alt="" src="images/sumatra-15.jpg"> PLATE 15. BEAKS OF THE BUCEROS OR HORN-BILL.
M. de Jonville delt. Swaine sc.
Published by W. Marsden, 1810.

The rhinoceros bird, hornbill, or calao (buceros), called by the natives anggang and burong taun, is chiefly remarkable for what is termed the horn, which in the most common species extends halfway down the upper mandible of its large beak, and then turns up; but the varieties of shape are numerous. The length of one I measured whilst alive was ten inches and a half; the breadth, including the horn, six and a half; length from beak to tail four feet; wings four feet six inches; height one foot; length of neck one foot; the beak whitish; the horn yellow and red; the body black; the tail white ringed with black; rump, and feathers on the legs down to the heel, white; claws three before and one behind; the iris red. In a hen chick there was no appearance of a horn, and the iris was whitish. They eat either boiled rice or tender fresh meat. Of the use of such a singular cavity I could not learn any plausible conjecture. As a receptacle for water, it must be quite unnecessary in the country of which it is a native.

STORK, ETC

Of the stork kind there are several species, some of great height and otherwise curious, as the burong kambing and burong ular, which frequent the rice plantations in wet ground.

We find also the heron, burong kuntul (ardea); the snipe, kandidi (scolopax); the coot, or water-hen, ayam ayer (fulica); and the plover, cheruling (charadrius).

The cassowary, burong rusa, is brought from the island of Java.

The domestic hen is as common as in most other countries. In some the bones (or the periostea) are black, and these are at least equally good as food. The hen of the woods, ayam barugo, or ayam utan (which latter name is in some places applied to the pheasant), differs little from the common sort, excepting in the uniformity of its brown colour. In the Lampong country of Sumatra and western part of Java lying opposite to it there is a very large breed of fowls, called ayam jago; of these I have seen a cock peck from off of a common dining table; when inclined to rest they sit on the first joint of the leg and are then taller than the ordinary fowls. It is singular if the same country produces likewise the diminutive breed that goes by the name of bantam.

A species of partridge is called ayam gunong, or mountain hen.

MERPATI

Selain burung dara, merapeti dan burong darah (columba), dan dua spesies merpati umum, yang satu berwarna coklat terang atau warna merpati, yang disebut ballum, dan yang lainnya hijau, yang disebut punei, terdapat beberapa ragam dari punei: punei jambu yang lebih kecil ketimbang ukuran merpati biasa; punggung, sayap dan ekor berwarn a hijau; dada dan buku berwarna putih, namun bagian depannya berwarna merah jambu; bagian depan kepala berwarna merah jambu tua, mirip dengan kembang buah jambu, sesuai dengan namanya; warna putih dari hewan tersebut bergaris tipis, berwanrna hijau di satu sisi dan merah jambu di sisi lainnya, matanya setengah bundar, yang besar, utuh dan kuning; yang juga merupakan warna paruhnya. Hewan tersebut diberi makan dengan nasi kukus dan padi; namun makanan kesukaannya, di alam liar, adalah beri rumpunnei (Ardisia coriacea), yang mungkin disebut demikain dari keadaannya. Selaya, atau punei andu, ragam lainnya, memiliki tubuh dan sayapnya berwarna merah tua, dengan kepala dan ujung ekor panjangnya berwanr aputih; kaki berwarna merah. Hewan tersebut hidup dengan menyantap ulat-ulat yang muncul di bagian busuk pohon tua, dan memiliki ukuran menyerupai burung gagak. Dari ukuran yang sama, ada juga burong sawei, seekor burung berwarna hitam kebiruan, dengan ekor merpati, yang dapat merentangkan dua bulu yang sangat panjang, secara melingkar. Hewan yang nampak disebut burung janda, dan setangguh burung layang-layang.

Burong pipit mirip dengan burung gagak dalam hal penampilannya, kelakuannya, jumlahnya dan penghancurannya yang terdampak pada biji-bijian.

Puyuh (coturnix); meskipun burung asli atau burung penjelajah, tak dapat aku jelaskan.

Burung jalak (sturnus), yang aku tak ketahui nama Melayunya.

Burung layang-layang (hirundo), salah satu spesiesnya, yang disebut layang buhi, yang dikumpulkan dari pantai, yang menghasilkan sarang burung pangan.

Mu­rei, atau burung panggilan, mirip dengan magpie kecil, berpenampilan cantik namun pendek. Tak ada burung manapun di daerah yang tersebut yang dikatakan dapat bernyanyi. Ti­yong, atau mino, seekor burung hitam dengan insang kuning, memiliki kemampuan meniru suara manusia dengan kesempurnaan yang lebih besar ketimbang spesies berbulu lainnya. Terdapat juga spesies kuning, namun bukan membeo.

Dari jenis burung gagak, ragamnya tak sebanyak yang dipikirkan, dan utamanya terdiri dari parkit-parkit terdenominasi. Luri indah, meskipun umum, datang dari wilayah timur. Kakatua umumnya hidup di ujung selatan pulau tersebut.

Angsa India, angsa dan gangsa (anser); bebek dan itik (anas); dan belibi, merupakan hewan umum di daerah tersebut.

INSECTS

With insects the island may truly be said to swarm; and I doubt whether there is any part of the world where greater variety is to be found. Of these I shall only attempt to enumerate a few:

The kunang, or firefly, larger than the common fly, (which it resembles), with the phosphoric matter in the abdomen, regularly and quickly intermitting its light, as if by respiration; by holding one of them in my hand I could see to read at night;

Lipas, the cockroach (blatta); chingkarek, the cricket (gryllus);

Lebah, taun, the bee (apis), whose honey is gathered in the woods; kumbang, a species of apis, that bores its nest in timber, and thence acquires the name of the carpenter;

Sumut, the ant (formica), the multitudes of which overrun the country, and its varieties are not less extraordinary than its numbers. The following distinctions are the most obvious: the krangga, or great red ant, about three-fourths of an inch long, bites severely, and usually leaves its head, as a bee its sting, in the wound; it is found mostly on trees and bushes, and forms its nest by fastening together, with a glutinous matter, a collection of the leaves of a branch, as they grow; the common red ant; the minute red ant; the large black ant, not equal in size to the krangga, but with a head of disproportioned bulk; the common black ant; and the minute black ant: they also differ from each other in a circumstance which I believe has not been attended to; and that is the sensation with which they affect the taste when put into the mouth, as frequently happens unintentionally: some are hot and acrid, some bitter, and some sour. Perhaps this will be attributed to the different kinds of food they have accidentally devoured; but I never found one which tasted sweet, though I have caught them in the fact of robbing a sugar or honey-pot. Each species of ant is a declared enemy of the other, and never suffers a divided empire. Where one party effects a settlement the other is expelled; and in general they are powerful in proportion to their bulk, with the exception of the white-ant, sumut putih (termes), which is beaten from the field by others of inferior size; and for this reason it is a common expedient to strew sugar on the floor of a warehouse in order to allure the formicae to the spot, who do not fail to combat and overcome the ravaging but unwarlike termites. Of this insect and its destructive qualities I had intended to give some description, but the subject is so elaborately treated (though with some degree of fancy) by Mr. Smeathman, in Volume 71 of the Philosophical Transactions for 1781, who had an opportunity of observing them in Africa, that I omit it as superfluous.

Of the wasp kind there are several curious varieties. One of them may be observed building its nest of moistened clay against a wall, and inclosing in each of its numerous compartments a living spider; thus revenging upon this bloodthirsty race the injuries sustained by harmless flies, and providently securing for its own young a stock of food.

Lalat, the common fly (musca); lalat kuda (tabanus); lalat karbau (oestrus);

Niamok, agas, the gnat or mosquito (culex), producing a degree of annoyance equal to the sum of all the other physical plagues of a hot climate, but even to these I found that habit rendered me almost indifferent;

Kala-jingking, the scorpion (scorpio), the sting of which is highly inflammatory and painful, but not dangerous;

Sipasan, centipede (scholopendra), not so venomous as the preceding;

Alipan (jules);

Alintah, water-leech (hirudo); achih, small land-leech, dropping from the leaves of trees whilst moist with dew, and troublesome to travellers in passing through the woods.

To this list I shall only add the suala, tripan, or sea-slug (holothurion), which, being collected from the rocks and dried in the sun, is exported to China, where it is an article of food.

Bab 7

VEGETABLE PRODUCTIONS OF THE ISLAND CONSIDERED AS ARTICLES OF COMMERCE.
PEPPER.
CULTIVATION OF PEPPER.
CAMPHOR.
BENZOIN.
CASSIA, ETC.

<a name="sumatra-01"></a><img alt="" src="images/sumatra-01.jpg">

PLATE 1. THE PEPPER-PLANT, PIPER NIGRUM.
E.W. Marsden delt. Engraved by J. Swaine, Queen Street, Golden Square.
Published by W. Marsden, 1810.

LADA

Di antara produksi-produksi Sumatra, yang dipandang sebagai barang-barang dagang, paling berpengaruh dan paling menonjol adalah lada. Ini adalah barang dagang Perusahaan Hindia Timur, dan barang itu sendiri disimpan di tangannya sendiri; para pelayan dan peniaganya yang berada di bawah perlindungannya, bebas untuk bersepakat dalam setiap komoditas lainnya.

ESTABLISHMENT OF THE TRADE

Many of the princes or chiefs in different parts of the island having invited the English to form settlements in their respective districts, factories were accordingly established, and a permanency and regularity thereby given to the trade, which was very uncertain whilst it depended upon the success of occasional voyages to the coast; disappointments ensuing not only from failure of adequate quantities of pepper to furnish cargoes when required, but also from the caprices and chicanery of the chiefs with whom the disposal of it lay, the motives of whose conduct could not be understood by those who were unacquainted with the language and manners of the people. These inconveniencies were obviated when the agents of the Company were enabled, by their residence on the spot, to obtain an influence in the country, to inspect the state of the plantations, secure the collection of the produce, and make an estimate of the tonnage necessary for its conveyance to Europe.

In order to bind the chiefs to the observance of their original promises and professions, and to establish a plausible and legal claim, in opposition to the attempts of rival European powers to interfere in the trade of the same country, written contracts, attended with much form and solemnity, were entered into with the former; by which they engaged to oblige all their dependants to cultivate pepper, and to secure to us the exclusive purchase of it; in return for which they were to be protected from their enemies, supported in the rights of sovereignty, and to be paid a certain allowance or custom on the produce of their respective territories.

HARGA

Harga sepanjang tahun yang dibayar kepada penanam untuk produksi mereka adalah sepuluh dolar Spanyol atau lima puluh shillings per bahar dari lima ribu massa atau lima ratus dan enam puluh pound. Pada sekitar tahun 1780, dengan penglihatan dari dorongan mereka dan peningkatan investasi, sesuai yang diatur, jumlah yang dikenakan mencapai lima belas dolar. Dari situ, harga tersebut menambahkan bea cukai di atas yang disebutkan, beragam di distrik yang berbeda menurut perjanjian spesifik, namun jumlah pada umumnya sampai satu setengah dolar, atau dua dolar untuk setiap bahar, yang didistribusikan di kalangan kepala-kepala wilayah di sebuah acara tahunan; dan persembahan dilakukan pada saat yang bersamaan untuk para penananm yang membedakan diri mereka sendiri menurut industri mereka. Harga rendah tersebut, yang ditawarkan penduduk asli untuk menanam penanaman-penanaman, membagi setiap pekerja dengan pendapatan tak lebih dari delapan sampai dua belas dolar per tahun, dan monopoli yang tak mengganggu mereka sepanjang menempatkan perdagangan tersebut, dari dekat Indrapura di utara sampai Titik Datar di selatan, kurang diragukan dalam tingkat keutamaan yang dikaitkan dengan perilaku pekuliar yang membuat belahan pulau tersebut tertutup, menurut para pengamat yang mengamati sepanjang pantai barat daya, dari komunikasi dengan orang-orang asing, yang akan bersaing secara alami untuk menghasilkan dampak dari pemberlakuan harga komoditas. Hal umum juga datang dari perlabuhan, karena banyak kelompok di utara Selat Sunda, sepanjang massa memiliki jalinan dengan para peniaga Tionghoa dan peniaga timur lainnya yang berniat untuk menjalin hubungan yang perlu dilakukan dengan resiko bagi para navigator iyang kurang terampil; selain itu, akan memahaminya sebagai tradisi di kalangan penduduk asli yang berbatasan pada pantai yang tak selama puluhan tahun semenjak belahan tersebut mulai ditinggali, dan mereka berbicara kepada keturunan mereka agar mengirim dari daerah yang lebih pedalaman. Sehingga, kebiasaan alami tersebut nampak, yang mereka pakai untuk lamen sebagai bungkusan terbesar untuk perdagangan mereka, pada kenyataannya dimajukan dalam ukuran yang besar sesuai keberadaannya. Di daerah utara pulau tersebut, yang orang-orangnya berjumlahg banyak dan memiliki pelabuhan-pelabuhan barang, kami juga menemukan penanaman yang lebih independen dan enggan untuk menanam tanaman selain tanaman yang mereka dapat sepakati dengan para pedagang swasta.

CULTIVATION OF PEPPER

In the cultivation of pepper (Piper nigrum, L.)* the first circumstance that claims attention, and on which the success materially depends, is the choice of a proper site for the plantation. A preference is usually given to level ground lying along the banks of rivers or rivulets, provided they are not so low as to be inundated, both on account of the vegetable mould commonly found there, and the convenience of water-carriage for the produce. Declivities, unless very gentle, are to be avoided, because the soil loosened by culture is liable in such situations to be washed away by heavy rains. When these plains however are naked, or covered with long grass only, they will not be found to answer without the assistance of the plough and of manure, their fertility being exhausted by exposure to the sun. How far the returns in general might be increased by the introduction of these improvements in agriculture I cannot take upon me to determine; but I fear that, from the natural indolence of the natives, and their want of zeal in the business of pepper-planting, occasioned by the smallness of the advantage it yields to them, they will never be prevailed upon to take more pains than they now do. The planters therefore, depending more upon the natural qualities of the soil than on any advantage it might receive from their cultivation, find none to suit their purpose better than those spots which, having been covered with old woods and long fertilized by decaying foliage and trunks, have recently been cleared for ladangs or padi-fields, in the manner already described; where it was also observed that, being allured by the certainty of abundant produce from a virgin soil, and having land for the most part at will, they renew their toil annually, and desert the ground so laboriously prepared after occupying it for one, or at the furthest for two, seasons. Such are the most usual situations chosen for the pepper plantations (kabun) or gardens, as they are termed; but, independently of the culture of rice, land is very frequently cleared for the pepper in the first instance by felling and burning the trees.

(*Footnote. See Remarks on the Species of Pepper (and on its Cultivation) at Prince of Wales Island, by Dr. William Hunter, in the Asiatic Researches Volume 9 page 383.)

FORMATION OF THE GARDEN

The ground is then marked out in form of a regular square or oblong, with intersections throughout at the distance of six feet (being equal to five cubits of the measure of the country), the intended interval between the plants, of which there are commonly either one thousand or five hundred in each garden; the former number being required from those who are heads of families (their wives and children assisting them in their work), and the latter from single men. Industrious or opulent persons sometimes have gardens of two or three thousand vines. A border twelve feet in width, within which limit no tree is suffered to grow, surrounds each garden, and it is commonly separated from others by a row of shrubs or irregular hedge. Where the nature of the country admits of it the whole or greater part of the gardens of a dusun or village lie adjacent to each other, both for the convenience of mutual assistance in labour and mutual protection from wild beasts; single gardens being often abandoned from apprehension of their ravages, and where the owner has been killed in such a situation none will venture to replace him.

VEGETATING PROPS

After lining out the ground and marking the intersections by slight stakes the next business is to plant the trees that are to become props to the pepper, as the Romans planted elms, and the modern Italians more commonly plant poplars and mulberries, for their grape-vines. These are cuttings of the chungkariang (Erythrina corallodendron), usually called chinkareens, put into the ground about a span deep, sufficiently early to allow time for a shoot to be strong enough to support the young pepper-plant when it comes to twine about it. The cuttings are commonly two feet in length, but sometimes a preference is given to the length of six feet, and the vine is then planted as soon as the chinkareen has taken root: but the principal objections to this method are that in such state they are very liable to fail and require renewal, to the prejudice of the garden; and that their shoots are not so vigorous as those of the short cuttings, frequently growing crooked, or in a lateral instead of a perpendicular direction. The circumstances which render the chinkareen particularly proper for this use are its readiness and quickness of growth, even after the cuttings have been kept some time in bundles,* if put into the ground with the first rains; and the little thorns with which it is armed enabling the vine to take a firmer hold. They are distinguished into two sorts, the white and red, not from the colour of the flowers (as might be supposed) for both are red, but from the tender shoots of the one being whitish and of the other being of a reddish hue. The bark of the former is of a pale ash colour, of the latter brown; the former is sweet, and the food of elephants, for which reason it is not much used in parts frequented by those animals; the latter is bitter and unpalatable to them; but they are not deterred by the short prickles which are common to the branches of both sorts.

(*Footnote. It is a common and useful practice to place these bundles of cuttings in water about two inches deep and afterwards to reject such of them as in that state do not show signs of vegetation.)

Trial has frequently been made of other trees, and particularly of the bangkudu or mangkudu (Morinda citrifolia), but none have been found to answer so well for these vegetating props. It has been doubted indeed whether the growth and produce of the pepper-vine are not considerably injured by the chinkareen, which may rob it of its proper nourishment by exhausting the earth; and on this principle, in other of the eastern islands (Borneo, for instance), the vine is supported by poles in the manner of hops in England. Yet it is by no means clear to me that the Sumatran method is so disadvantageous in the comparison as it may seem; for, as the pepper-plant lasts many years, whilst the poles, exposed to sun and rain, and loaded with a heavy weight, cannot be supposed to continue sound above two seasons, there must be a frequent renewal, which, notwithstanding the utmost care, must lacerate and often destroy the vines. It is probable also that the shelter from the violence of the sun's rays afforded by the branches of the vegetating prop, and which, during the dry monsoon, is of the utmost consequence, may counterbalance the injury occasioned by their roots; not to insist on the opinion of a celebrated writer that trees, acting as siphons, derive from the air and transmit to the earth as much of the principle of vegetation as is expended in their nourishment.

When the most promising shoot of the chinkareen reserved for rearing has attained the height of twelve to fifteen feet (which latter it is not to exceed), or in the second year of its growth, it must be headed or topped; and the branches that then extend themselves laterally, from the upper part only, so long as their shade is required, are afterwards lopped annually at the commencement of the rainy season (about November), leaving little more than the stem; from whence they again shoot out to afford their protection during the dry weather. By this operation also the damage to the plant that would ensue from the droppings of rain from the leaves is avoided.

DESCRIPTION OF THE PEPPER-VINE

The pepper-vine is, in its own climate, a hardy plant, growing readily from cuttings or layers, rising in several knotted stems, twining round any neighbouring support, and adhering to it by fibres that shoot from every joint at intervals of six to ten inches, and from which it probably derives a share of its nourishment. If suffered to run along the ground these fibres would become roots; but in this case (like the ivy) it would never exhibit any appearance of fructification, the prop being necessary for encouraging it to throw out its bearing shoots. It climbs to the height of twenty or twenty-five feet, but thrives best when restrained to twelve or fifteen, as in the former case the lower part of the vine bears neither leaves nor fruit, whilst in the latter it produces both from within a foot of the ground. The stalk soon becomes ligneous, and in time acquires considerable thickness. The leaves are of a deep green and glossy surface, heart-shaped, pointed, not pungent to the taste, and have but little smell. The branches are short and brittle, not projecting above two feet from the stem, and separating readily at the joints. The blossom is small and white, the fruit round, green when young and full­grown, and turning to a bright red when ripe and in perfection. It grows abundantly from all the branches in long small clusters of twenty to fifty grains, somewhat resembling bunches of currants, but with this difference, that every grain adheres to the common stalk, which occasions the cluster of pepper to be more compact, and it is also less pliant.

MODES OF PROPAGATING IT

The usual mode of propagating the pepper is by cuttings, a foot or two in length, of the horizontal shoots that run along the ground from the foot of the old vines (called lado sulur), and one or two of these are planted within a few inches of the young chinkareen at the same time with it if of the long kind, or six months after if of the short kind, as before described. Some indeed prefer an interval of twelve months; as in good soil the luxuriancy of the vine will often overpower and bear down the prop, if it has not first acquired competent strength. In such soil the vine rises two or three feet in the course of the first year, and four or five more in the second, by which time, or between the second and third year of its growth, it begins to show its blossom (be-gagang), if in fact it can be called such, being nothing more than the germ of the future bunch of fruit, of a light straw colour, darkening to green as the fruit forms. These germs or blossoms are liable to fall untimely (gugur) in very dry weather, or to be shaken off in high winds (although from this accident the gardens are in general well sheltered by the surrounding woods), when, after the fairest promise, the crop fails.

TURNING DOWN THE VINES

In the rainy weather that succeeds the first appearance of the fruit the whole vine is loosened from the chinkareen and turned down again into the earth, a hole being dug to receive it, in which it is laid circularly or coiled, leaving only the extremity above ground, at the foot of the chinkareen, which it now reascends with redoubled vigour, attaining in the following season the height of eight or ten feet, and bearing a full crop of fruit. There is said to be a great nicety in hitting the exact time proper for this operation of turning down; for if it be done too soon, the vines have been known not to bear till the third year, like fresh plants; and on the other hand the produce is ultimately retarded when they omit to turn them down until after the first fruit has been gathered; to which avarice of present, at the expense of future advantage, sometimes inclines the owners. It is not very material how many stems the vine may have in its first growth, but now one only, if strong, or two at the most, should be suffered to rise and cling to the prop: more would be superfluous and only weaken the whole. The supernumerary shoots however are usefully employed, being either conducted through narrow trenches to adjacent chinkareens whose vines have failed, or taken off at the root and transplanted to others more distant, where, coiled round and buried as the former, they rise with the same vigour, and the garden is completed of uniform growth, although many of its original vines have not succeeded. With these offsets or layers (called anggor and tettas) new gardens may be at once formed; the necessary chinkareens being previously planted, and of sufficient growth to receive them.

This practice of turning down the vines, which appears singular but certainly contributes to the duration as well as strength of the plants, may yet amount to nothing more than a substitute for transplantation. Our people observing that vegetables often fail to thrive when permitted to grow up in the same beds where they were first set or sown, find it advantageous to remove them, at a certain period of their growth, to fresh situations. The Sumatrans observing the same failure have had recourse to an expedient nearly similar in its principle but effected in a different and perhaps more judicious mode.

In order to lighten the labour of the cultivator, who has also the indispensable task of raising grain for himself and his family, it is a common practice, and not attended with any detriment to the gardens, to sow padi in the ground in which the chinkareens have been planted, and when this has become about six inches high, to plant the cuttings of the vines, suffering the shoots to creep along the ground until the crop has been taken off, when they are trained to the chinkareens, the shade of the corn being thought favourable to the young plants.

PROGRESS OF BEARING

The vines, as has been observed, generally begin to bear in the course of the third year from the time of planting, but the produce is retarded for one or two seasons by the process just described; after which it increases annually for three years, when the garden (about the seventh or eighth year) is esteemed in its prime, or at its utmost produce; which state it maintains, according to the quality of the soil, from one to four years, when it gradually declines for about the same period until it is no longer worth the labour of keeping it in order. From some, in good ground, fruit has been gathered at the age of twenty years; but such instances are uncommon. On the first appearance of decline it should be renewed, as it is termed; but, to speak more properly, another garden should be planted to succeed it, which will begin to bear before the old one ceases.

MODE OF PRUNING

The vine having acquired its full growth, and being limited by the height of the chinkareen, sometimes grows bushy and overhangs at top, which, being prejudicial to the lower parts, must be corrected by pruning or thinning the top branches, and this is done commonly by hand, as they break readily at every joint. Suckers too, or superfluous side­shoots (charang), which spring luxuriantly, are to be plucked away. The ground of the garden must be kept perfectly clear of weeds, shrubs, and whatever might injure or tend to choke the plants. During the hot months of June, July, and August the finer kinds of grass may be permitted to cover the ground, as it contributes to mitigate the effects of the sun's power, and preserves for a longer time the dews, which at that season fall copiously; but the rank species, called lalang, being particularly difficult to eradicate, should not be suffered to fix itself, if it can be avoided. As the vines increase in size and strength less attention to the ground is required, and especially as their shade tends to check the growth of weeds. In lopping the branches of the chinkareens preparatory to the rains, some dexterity is required that they may fall clear of the vine, and the business is performed with a sharp prang or bill that generally separates at one stroke the light pithy substance of the bough. For this purpose, as well as that of gathering the fruit, light triangular ladders made of bamboo are employed.

MASA PENGUMPULAN

Usai buah buni atau jagung berbulir, bulir tersebut dianggap layak untuk dikumpulkan, sisana kemudian umumnya bertumbuh seutuhnya, meskipun hijau; akan akan ditunggu sampai berubah warna secara menyeluruh, karena terlalu dewasa akan menjadi layu.

MODE OF DRYING AND CLEANSING

It is collected in small baskets slung over the shoulder, and with the assistance of the women and children conveyed to a smooth level spot of clean hard ground near the garden or the village, where it is spread, sometimes upon mats, to dry in the sun, but exposed at the same time to the vicissitudes of the weather, which are not much regarded nor thought to injure it. In this situation it becomes black and shrivelled, as we see it in Europe, and as it dries is hand-rubbed occasionally to separate the grains from the stalk. It is then winnowed in large round shallow sieves called nyiru, and put in large vessels made of bark (kulitkayu) under their houses until the whole of the crop is gathered, or a sufficient quantity for carrying (usually by water) to the European factory or gadong at the mouth of the river. That which has been gathered at the properest stage of maturity will shrivel the least; but, if plucked too soon, it will in a short time, by removal from place to place, become mere dust. Of this defect trial may be made by the hand; but as light pepper may have been mixed with the sound it becomes necessary that the whole should be garbled at the scale by machines constructed for the purpose. Pepper that has fallen to the ground overripe and been gathered from thence will be known by being stripped of its outer coat, and in that state is an inferior kind of white pepper.

WHITE PEPPER

This was for centuries supposed in Europe to be the produce of a different plant, and to possess qualities superior to those of the common black pepper; and accordingly it sold at a considerably higher price. But it has lost in some measure that advantage since it has been known that the secret depended merely upon the art of blanching the grains of the other sort, by depriving it of the exterior pellicle. For this purpose the ripest red grains are picked out and put in baskets to steep, either in running water (which is preferred), in pits dug for the occasion near the banks of rivers, or in stagnant pools. Sometimes it is only buried in the ground. In any of these situations it swells, and in the course of a week or ten days bursts its tegument, from which it is afterwards carefully separated by drying in the sun, rubbing between the hands, and winnowing. It has been much disputed, and is still undetermined, to which sort the preference ought to be given. The white pepper has this obvious recommendation, that it can be made of no other than the best and soundest grains, taken at their most perfect stage of maturity: but on the other hand it is argued that, by being suffered to remain the necessary time in water, its strength must be considerably diminished; and that the outer husk, which is lost by the process, has a peculiar flavour distinct from that of the heart, and though not so pungent, more aromatic. For the white pepper the planter receives the fourth part of a dollar, or fifteen pence, per bamboo or gallon measure, equal to about six pounds weight. At the sales in England the prices are at this time in the proportion of seventeen to ten or eleven, and the quantity imported has for some years been inconsiderable.

APPEARANCE OF THE GARDENS

The gardens being planted in even rows, running parallel, and at right angles with each other, their symmetrical appearance is very beautiful, and rendered more striking by the contrast they exhibit to the wild scenes of nature which surround them. In highly cultivated countries such as England, where landed property is all lined out and bounded and intersected with walls and hedges, we endeavour to give our gardens and pleasure-grounds the charm of variety and novelty by imitating the wildness of nature, in studied irregularities. Winding walks, hanging woods, craggy rocks, falls of water, are all looked upon as improvements; and the stately avenues, the canals, and rectangular lawns of our ancestors, which afforded the beauty of contrast in ruder times are now exploded. This difference of taste is not merely the effect of caprice, nor entirely of refinement, but results from the change of circumstances. A man who should attempt to exhibit in Sumatra the modern or irregular style of laying out grounds would attract but little attention, as the unimproved scenes adjoining on every side would probably eclipse his labours. Could he, on the contrary, produce, amidst its magnificent wilds, one of those antiquated parterres, with its canals and fountains, whose precision he has learned to despise, his work would create admiration and delight. A pepper-garden cultivated in England would not in point of external appearance be considered as an object of extraordinary beauty, and would be particularly found fault with for its uniformity; yet in Sumatra I never entered one, after travelling many miles, as is usually the case, through the woods, that I did not find myself affected with a strong sensation of pleasure. Perhaps the simple view of human industry, so scantily presented in that island, might contribute to this pleasure, by awakening those social feelings that nature has inspired us with, and which make our breasts glow on the perception of whatever indicates the prosperity and happiness of our fellow-creatures.

SURVEYS

Once in every year a survey of all the pepper-plantations is taken by the Company's European servants resident at the various settlements, in the neighbourhood of which that article is cultivated. The number of vines in each particular garden is counted; accurate observation is made of its state and condition; orders are given where necessary for further care, for completion of stipulated quantity, renewals, changes of situation for better soil; and rewards and punishments are distributed to the planters as they appear, from the degree of their industry or remissness, deserving of either. Minutes of all these are entered in the survey-book, which, beside giving present information to the chief, and to the governor and council, to whom a copy is transmitted, serves as a guide and check for the survey of the succeeding year. An abstract of the form of the book is as follows. It is divided into sundry columns, containing the name of the village; the names of the planters; the number of chinkareens planted; the number of vines just planted; of young vines, not in a bearing state, three classes or years; of young vines in a bearing state, three classes; of vines in prime; of those on decline; of those that are old, but still productive; the total number; and lastly the quantity of pepper received during the year. A space is left for occasional remarks, and at the conclusion is subjoined a comparison of the totals of each column, for the whole district or residency, with those of the preceding year. This business the reader will perceive to be attended with considerable trouble, exclusive of the actual fatigue of the surveys, which from the nature of the country must necessarily be performed on foot, in a climate not very favourable to such excursions. The journeys in few places can be performed in less than a month, and often require a much longer time.

The arrival of the Company's Resident at each dusun is considered as a period of festivity. The chief, together with the principal inhabitants, entertain him and his attendants with rustic hospitality, and when he retires to rest, his slumbers are soothed, or interrupted, by the songs of young females, who never fail to pay this compliment to the respected guest; and receive in return some trifling ornamental and useful presents (such as looking-glasses, fans, and needles) at his departure.

SUCCESSION OF GARDENS

The inhabitants, by the original contracts of the headmen with the Company, are obliged to plant a certain number of vines; each family one thousand, and each young unmarried man five hundred; and, in order to keep up the succession of produce, so soon as their gardens attain to their prime state, they are ordered to prepare others, that they may begin to bear as the old ones fall off; but as this can seldom be enforced till the decline becomes evident, and as young gardens are liable to various accidents which older ones are exempt from, the succession is rendered incomplete, and the consequence is that the annual produce of each district fluctuates, and is greater or less in the proportion of the quantity of bearing vines to the whole number. To enter minutely into the detail of this business will not afford much information or entertainment to the generality of readers, who will however be surprised to hear that pepper-planting, though scarcely an art, so little skill appears to be employed in its cultivation, has nevertheless been rendered an abstruse science by the investigations which able men have bestowed upon the subject. These took their rise from censures conveyed for supposed mismanagement, when the investment, or annual provision of pepper, decreased in comparison with preceding years, and which was not satisfactorily accounted for by unfavourable seasons. To obviate such charges it became necessary for those who superintended the business to pay attention to and explain the efficient causes which unavoidably occasioned this fluctuation, and to establish general principles of calculation by which to determine at any time the probable future produce of the different residencies. These will depend upon a knowledge of the medium produce of a determinate number of vines, and the medium number to which this produce is to be applied; both of which are to be ascertained only from a comprehensive view of the subject, and a nice discrimination. Nothing general can be determined from detached instances. It is not the produce of one particular plantation in one particular stage of bearing and in one particular season, but the mean produce of all the various classes of bearing vines collectively, drawn from the experience of several years, that can alone be depended on in calculations of this nature. So in regard to the median number of vines presumed to exist at any residency in a future year, to which the medium produce of a certain number, one thousand, for instance, is to be applied, the quantity of young vines of the first, second, and third year must not be indiscriminately advanced, in their whole extent, to the next annual stage, but a judicious allowance founded on experience must be made for the accidents to which, in spite of a resident's utmost care, they will be exposed. Some are lost by neglect or death of the owner; some are destroyed by inundations, others by elephants and wild buffaloes, and some by unfavourable seasons, and from these several considerations the number of vines will ever be found considerably decreased by the time they have arrived at a bearing state. Another important object of consideration in these matters is the comparative state of a residency at any particular period with what may be justly considered as its medium state. There must exist a determinate proportion between any number of bearing vines and such a number of young as are necessary to replace them when they go off and keep up a regular succession. This will depend in general upon the length of time before they reach a bearing state and during which they afterwards continue in it. If this certain proportion happens at any time to be disturbed the produce must become irregular. Thus, if at any period the number of bearing vines shall be found to exceed their just proportion to the total number, the produce at such period is to be considered as above the mean, and a subsequent decrease may with certainty be predicted, and vice versa. If then this proportion can be known, and the state of population in a residency ascertained, it becomes easy to determine the true medium number of bearing vines in that residency.

There are, agreeably to the form of the survey book, eleven stages or classes of vines, each advanced one year. Of these classes six are bearing and five young. If therefore the gardens were not liable to accidents, but passed on from column to column undiminished, the true proportion of the bearing vines to the young would be as six to five, or to the total, as six to eleven. But the various contingencies above hinted at must tend to reduce this proportion; while, on the other hand, if any of the gardens should continue longer than is necessary to pass through all the stages on the survey-book, or should remain more than one year in a prime state, these circumstances would tend to increase the proportion. What then is the true medium proportion can only be determined from experience, and by comparing the state of a residency at various successive periods. In order to ascertain this point a very ingenious gentleman and able servant of the East India Company, Mr. John Crisp, to whom I am indebted for the most part of what I have laid before the reader on this part of the subject, drew out in the year 1777 a general comparative view of Manna residency, from the surveys of twelve years, annexing the produce of each year. From the statement it appeared that the proportion of the bearing vines to the whole number in that district was no more than 5.1 to 11, instead of 6 to 11, which would be the proportion if not reduced by accidents; and further that, when the whole produce of the twelve years was diffused over the whole number of bearing vines during that period, the produce of one thousand vines came out to be four hundred and fifty-three pounds, which must therefore be estimated as the medium produce of that residency. The same principle of calculation being applied to the other residencies, it appeared that the mean annual produce of one thousand vines, in all the various stages of bearing, taken collectively throughout the country, deduced from the experience of twelve years, was four hundred and four pounds. It likewise became evident from the statements drawn out by that gentleman that the medium annual produce of the Company's settlements on the west coast of Sumatra ought to be estimated at twelve hundred tons, of sixteen hundred weight; which is corroborated by an average of the actual receipts for any considerable number of years.

Thus much will be sufficient to give the reader an idea of pepper-planting as a kind of science. How far in a commercial light this produce answers the Company's views in supporting the settlements, is foreign from my purpose to discuss, though it is a subject on which not a little might be said. It is the history of the island and its inhabitants, and not of the European interests, that I attempt to lay before the public.

SPECIES OF PEPPER

The natives distinguish three species of pepper, which are called at different places by different names. At Laye, in the Rejang country, they term them lado kawur, lado manna, and lado jambi, from the parts where each sort is supposed to prevail, or from whence it was first brought to them. The lado kawur, or Lampong pepper, is the strongest plant, and bears the largest leaf and fruit; is slower in coming to perfection than the second, but of much longer duration. The leaf and fruit of the lado manna are somewhat smaller, and it has this peculiarity, that it bears soon and in large quantities, but seldom passes the third or fourth year's crop. The jambi, which has deservedly fallen into disrepute, is of the smallest leaf and fruit, very short-lived, and not without difficulty trained to the chinkareen. In some places to the southward they distinguish two kinds only, lado sudul and lado jambi. Lado sulur and lado anggor are not distinctions of species; the former denoting the cuttings of young creeping shoots commonly planted, in opposition to the latter, which is the term for planting by layers.

SEASONS

The season of the pepper-vines bearing, as well as that of most other fruit-trees on Sumatra, is subject to great irregularities, owing perhaps to the uncertainty of the monsoons, which are not there so strictly periodical as on the western side of India. Generally speaking however the pepper produces two crops in the year; one called the greater crop (pupul agung) between the months of October and March; the other called the lesser or half crop (buah sello) between the months of April and September, which is small in proportion as the former has been considerable, and vice versa. Sometimes in particular districts they will be employed in gathering it in small quantities during the whole year round, whilst perhaps in others the produce of that year is confined to one crop; for, although the regular period between the appearance of the blossom and maturity is about four months, the whole does not ripen at once, and blossoms are frequently found on the same vine with green and ripe fruit. In Laye residency the principal harvest of pepper in the year 1766 was gathered between the months of February and May; in 1767 and 1768 about September and October; in 1778 between June and August; and for the four succeeding years was seldom received earlier than November and December. Long-continued droughts, which sometimes happen, stop the vegetation of the vines and retard the produce. This was particularly experienced in the year 1775, when, for a period of about eight months, scarcely a shower of rain fell to moisten the earth. The vines were deprived of their foliage, many gardens perished and a general destruction was expected. But this apparent calamity was attended with a consequence not foreseen, though analogous to the usual operations of nature in that climate. The natives, when they would force a tree that is backward to produce fruit, strip it of its leaves, by which means the nutritive juices are reserved for that more important use, and the blossoms soon begin to show themselves in abundance. A similar effect was displayed in the pepper gardens by the inclemency of the season. The vines, as soon as the rains began to descend, threw out blossoms in a profusion unknown before; old gardens which had been unprolific for two or three years began to bear; and accordingly the crop of 1776/1777 considerably surpassed that of many preceding years.

TRANSPORTATION OF PEPPER

The pepper is mostly brought down from the country on rafts (rakit), which are sometimes composed of rough timbers, but usually of large bamboos, with a platform of split bamboos to keep the cargo dry. They are steered at both head and stern, in the more rapid rivers with a kind of rudder, or scull rather, having a broad blade fixed in a fork or crutch. Those who steer are obliged to exert the whole strength of the body in those places especially where the fall of water is steep, and the course winding; but the purchase of the scull is of so great power that they can move the raft bodily across the river when both ends are acted upon at the same time. But, notwithstanding their great dexterity and their judgment in choosing the channel, they are liable to meet with obstruction in large trees and rocks, which, from the violence of the stream, occasion their rafts to be overset, and sometimes dashed to pieces.

It is a generally received opinion that pepper does not sustain any damage by an immersion in seawater; a circumstance that attends perhaps a fourth part of the whole quantity shipped from the coast. The surf, through which it is carried in an open boat, called a sampan lonchore, renders such accidents unavoidable. This boat, which carries one or two tons, being hauled up on the beach and there loaded, is shoved off, with a few people in it, by a number collected for that purpose, who watch the opportunity of a lull or temporary intermission of the swell. A tambangan, or long narrow vessel, built to contain from ten to twenty tons, (peculiar to the southern part of the coast), lies at anchor without to receive the cargoes from the sampans. At many places, where the kwallas, or mouths of the rivers, are tolerably practicable, the pepper is sent out at once in the tambangans over the bar; but this, owing to the common shallowness of the water and violence of the surfs, is attended with considerable risk. Thus the pepper is conveyed either to the warehouses at the head-settlement or to the ship from Europe lying there to receive it. About one-third part of the quantity of black pepper collected, but none of the white, is annually sent to China. Of the extent and circumstances of the trade in pepper carried on by private merchants (chiefly American) at the northern ports of Nalabu, Susu, and Mukki, where it is managed by the subjects of Achin, I have not any accurate information, and only know that it has increased considerably during the last twelve years.

NUTMEGS AND CLOVES

It is well known with what jealousy and rigour the Batavian government has guarded against the transplantation of the trees producing nutmegs and cloves from the islands of Banda and Amboina to other parts of India. To elude its vigilance many attempts have been made by the English, who considered Sumatra to be well adapted, from its local circumstances, to the cultivation of these valuable spices; but all proved ineffectual, until the reduction of the eastern settlements in 1796 afforded the wished for opportunity, which was eagerly seized by Mr. Robert Broff, at that period chief of the Residency of Fort Marlborough. As the culture is now likely to become of importance to the trade of this country, and the history of its introduction may hereafter be thought interesting, I shall give it in Mr. Broff's own words:

The acquisition of the nutmeg and clove plants became an object of my solicitude the moment I received by Captain Newcombe, of his Majesty's ship Orpheus, the news of the surrender of the islands where they are produced; being convinced, from the information I had received, that the country in the neighbourhood of Bencoolen, situated as it is in the same latitude with the Moluccas, exposed to the same periodical winds, and possessing the same kind of soil, would prove congenial to their culture. Under this impression I suggested to the other members of the Board the expediency of freighting a vessel for the twofold purpose of sending supplies to the forces at Amboina, for which they were in distress, and of bringing in return as many spice-plants as could be conveniently stowed. The proposition was acceded to, and a vessel, of which I was the principal owner (no other could be obtained), was accordingly dispatched in July 1806; but the plan was unfortunately frustrated by the imprudent conduct of a person on the civil establishment to whom the execution was entrusted. Soon afterwards however I had the good fortune to be more successful, in an application I made to Captain Hugh Moore, who commanded the Phoenix country ship, to undertake the importation, stipulating with him to pay a certain sum for every healthy plant he should deliver.

FIRST INTRODUCTION

Complete success attended the measure: he returned in July 1798, and I had the satisfaction of planting myself, and distributing for that purpose, a number of young nutmeg and a few clove trees in the districts of Bencoolen and Silebar, and other more distant spots, in order to ascertain from experience the situations best adapted to their growth. I particularly delivered to Mr. Charles Campbell, botanist, a portion to be under his own immediate inspection; and another to Mr. Edward Coles, this gentleman having in his service a family who were natives of a spice island and had been used to the cultivation. When I quitted the coast in January 1799 I had the gratification of witnessing the prosperous state of the plantations, and of receiving information from the quarters where they had been distributed of their thriving luxuriantly; and since my arrival in England various letters have reached me to the same effect. To the merit therefore of introducing this important article, and of forming regulations for its successful culture, I put in my exclusive claim; and am fully persuaded that if a liberal policy is adopted it will become of the greatest commercial advantage to the Company and to the nation.

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Further light will be thrown upon this subject and the progress of the cultivation by the following extract of a letter to me from Mr. Campbell, dated in November 1803:

Early in the year 1798 Mr. Broff, to whom the highest praise is due for his enterprising and considerative scheme of procuring the spice trees from our newly-conquered islands (after experiencing much disappointment and want of support) overcame every obstacle, and we received, through the agency of Mr. Jones, commercial resident at Amboina, five or six hundred nutmeg plants, with about fifty cloves; but these latter were not in a vigorous state. They were distributed and put generally under my inspection. Their culture was attended with various success, but Mr. Coles, from the situation of his farm, near Silebar River but not too close to the seashore, and from, I believe, bestowing more personal attention than any of us, has outstripped his competitors. Some trees which I planted as far inland as the Sugar-loaf Mountain blossomed with his, but the fruit was first perfected in his ground. The plants were dispatched from Amboina in March 1798, just bursting from the shell, and two months ago I plucked the perfect fruit, specimens of which I now send you; being a period of five years and nine months only; whereas in their native land eight years at least are commonly allowed. Having early remarked the great promise of the trees I tried by every means in my power to interest the Bengal government in our views, and at length, by the assistance of Dr. Roxburgh, I succeeded.

SECOND IMPORTATION OF PLANTS

A few months ago his son arrived here from Amboina, with twenty-two thousand nutmeg plants, and upwards of six thousand cloves, which are already in my nurseries, and flourishing like those which preceded them. About the time the nutmegs fruited one clove tree flowered. Only three of the original importation had survived their transit and the accidents attending their planting out. Its buds are now filling, and I hope to transmit specimens of them also. The Malay chiefs have eagerly engaged in the cultivation of their respective shares. I have retained eight thousand nutmegs as a plantation from which the fruit may hereafter be disseminated. Every kind of soil and every variety of situation has been tried. The cloves are not yet widely dispersed, for, being a tender plant, I choose to have them under my own eye.

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Since the death of Mr. Campbell Mr. Roxburgh has been appointed to the superintendence, and the latest accounts from thence justify the sanguine expectations formed of the ultimate importance of the trade; there being at that period upwards of twenty thousand nutmeg trees in full bearing, capable of yielding annually two hundred thousand pounds weight of nutmegs, and fifty thousand pounds of mace. The clove plants have proved more delicate, but the quality of their spice equal to any produced in the Moluccas.

CULTURE LEFT TO INDIVIDUALS

It is understood that the Company has declined the monopoly of the trade and left the cultivation to individual exertion; directing however that its own immediate plantations be kept up by the labour of convicts from Bengal, and reserving to itself an export duty of ten per cent on the value of the spices.

CAMPHOR

Among the valuable productions of the island as articles of commerce a conspicuous place belongs to the camphor.

This peculiar substance, called by the natives kapur-barus,* and distinguished by the epithet of native camphor from another sort which shall be mentioned hereafter, is a drug for which Sumatra and Borneo have been celebrated from the earliest times, and with the virtues of which the Arabian physicians appear to have been acquainted. Chemists formerly entertained opinions extremely discordant in regard to the nature and the properties of camphor; and even at this day they seem to be but imperfectly known. It is considered however as a sedative and powerful diaphoretic: but my province is to mention such particulars of its history as have come within my knowledge, leaving to others to investigate its most beneficial uses.

(*Footnote. The word kapur appears to be derived from the Sanskrit karpura, and the Arabic and Persian kafur (from whence our camphor) to have been adopted from the language of the country where the article is produced. Barus is the name of a place in Sumatra.)

PLACE OF GROWTH

The tree is a native of the northern parts of the island only, not being found to the southward of the line, nor yet beyond the third degree of north latitude. It grows without cultivation in the woods lying near to the sea-coast, and is equal in height and bulk to the largest timber trees, being frequently found upwards of fifteen feet in circumference.

WOOD

For carpenters' purposes the wood is in much esteem, being easy to work, light, durable, and not liable to be injured by insects, particularly by the kumbang, a species of the bee, whose destructive perforations have been already mentioned; but is also said to be more affected than most others by the changes of the atmosphere. The leaf is small, of a roundish oval, the fibres running straight and parallel to each other, and terminates in a remarkably long and slender point. The flower has not yet been brought to England. The fruit is described by C.F. Gaertner (De Seminibus Volume 3 page 49 tab. 186) by the name of Dryobalanops aromatica, from specimens in the collection of Sir Joseph Banks; but he has unaccountably mistaken it for the cinnamon tree, and spoken of it as a native of Ceylon. It is also described, from the same specimens, by M. Correa de Serra (Annales du Museum d'Histoire Naturelle Tome 10 page 159 plate 8) by the name of Pterigium teres; without any reference whatever to the nature of the tree as yielding this valuable drug. A beautiful engraving of its very peculiar foliage has been made under the direction of Mr. A.B. Lambert.

CAMPHOR FOUND IN THE FISSURES

The camphor is found in the concrete state in which we see it, in natural fissures or crevices of the wood, but does not exhibit any exterior appearance by which its existence can be previously ascertained, and the persons whose employment it is to collect it usually cut down a number of trees, almost at random, before they find one that contains a sufficient quantity to repay their labour, although always assisted in their research by a professional conjurer, whose skill must be chiefly employed in concealing or accounting for his own mistakes. It is said that not a tenth part of the number felled is productive either of camphor or of camphor-oil (meniak kapur), although the latter is less rare; and that parties of men are sometimes engaged for two or three months together in the forests, with very precarious success. This scarcity tends to enhance the price. The tree when cut down is divided transversely into several blocks, and these again are split with wedges into small pieces, from the interstices of which the camphor, if any there be, is extracted. That which comes away readily in large flakes, almost transparent, is esteemed the prime sort or head; the smaller, clean pieces are considered as belly, and the minute particles, chiefly scraped from the wood, and often mixed with it, are called foot; according to the customary terms adopted in the assortment of drugs. The mode of separating it from these and other impurities is by steeping and washing it in water, and sometimes with the aid of soap. It is then passed through sieves or screens of different apertures in order to make the assortment, so far as that depends upon the size of the grains; but much of the selection is also made by hand, and particular care is taken to distinguish from the more genuine kinds that which is produced by an artificial concretion of the essential oil.

CAMPHOR OIL

The inquiries I formerly made on the subject (not having been myself in the district where the tree grows) led me to believe with confidence that the oil and the dry crystallized resin were not procured from the same individual tree; but in this I was first undeceived by Mr. R. Maidman, who in June 1788 wrote to me from Tappanuli, where he was resident, to the following effect:

I beg your acceptance of a piece of camphor-wood, the genuine quality of which I can answer for, being cut by one of my own people, who was employed in making charcoal, of which the best for smiths' work is made from this wood. On cutting deep into a pretty large tree the fine oil suddenly gushed out and was lost for want of a receiver. He felled the tree, and, having split it, brought me three or four catties (four or five pounds) of the finest camphor I ever saw, and also this log, which is very rich. My reason for being thus particular is that the country people have a method of pouring oil of inferior camphor-trees into a log of wood that has natural cracks, and, by exposing this to the sun every day for a week, it appears like genuine camphor; but is the worst sort.

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This coexistence of the two products has been since confirmed to me by others, and is particularly stated by Mr. Macdonald in his ingenious paper on certain Natural Productions of Sumatra, published in the Asiatic Researches Volume 4 Calcutta 1795. It seems probable on the whole that, as the tree advances in age, a greater proportion of this essential oil takes a concrete form, and it has been observed to me that, when the fresh oil has been allowed to stand and settle, a sediment of camphor is procured; but the subject requires further examination by well-informed persons on the spot.

PRICE

Head camphor is usually purchased from those who procure it at the rate of six Spanish dollars the pound, or eight dollars the catty, and sells in the China market at Canton for nine to twelve dollars the pound, or twelve to fifteen hundred dollars the pekul of a hundred catties or one hundred thirty-three pounds and a third, avoirdupois. When of superior quality it sells for two thousand dollars, and I have been assured that some small choice samples have produced upwards of thirty dollars per catty.* It is estimated that the whole quantity annually brought down for sale on the western side of the island does not exceed fifty pekul. The trade is chiefly in the hands of the Achinese settled at Sinkell, who buy the article from the Batta people and dispose of it to the Europeans and Chinese settlers.

(*Footnote. See Price Currents of the China trade. Camphor was purchased in Sumatra by Commodore Beaulieu in 1622 at the rate of fifteen Spanish dollars for twenty-eight ounces, which differs but little from the modern price. In the Transactions of the Society at Batavia it appears that the camphor of Borneo sells in their market for 3200 rix dollars, and that of Japan for 50 rix dollars the pekul.)

JAPAN CAMPHOR

It has been commonly supposed that the people of China or Japan prepare a factitious substance resembling native camphor, and impregnated with its virtues by the admixture of a small quantity of the genuine, which is sold to the Dutch factory for thirty or forty dollars the pekul, sent to Holland, and afterwards refined to the state in which we see it in our shops, where it is sold at eight to twelve shillings the pound. It appears however an extraordinary circumstance that any article could possibly be so adulterated, bearing at the same time the likeness and retaining the sensible qualities of its original, as that the dealers should be enabled, with profit to themselves to resell it for the fiftieth part of the price they gave. But, upon inquiry of an ingenious person long resident in China, I learned that the Japan camphor is by no means a factitious substance, but the genuine produce of a tree growing in abundance in the latter country, different in every character from that of Sumatra or Borneo, and well known to our botanists by the name of Laurus camphora, L. He further informed me that the Chinese never mix the Sumatran camphor with that from Japan, but purchase the former for their own use, at the before-mentioned extravagant price, from an idea of its efficacy, probably superstitious, and export the latter as a drug not held in any particular estimation. Thus we buy the leaves of their tea-plant at a high rate and neglect herbs, the natives of our own soil, possessing perhaps equal virtues. It is known also that the Japan camphor, termed factitious, will evaporate till it wholly disappears, and at all stages of its diminution retain its full proportion of strength; which does not seem the property of an adulterated or compounded body. Kaempfer informs us that it is prepared from a decoction of the wood and roots of the tree cut into small pieces; and the form of the lumps in which it is brought to us shows that it has undergone a process. The Sumatran sort, though doubtless from its extreme volatility it must be subject to decrease, does not lose any very sensible quantity from being kept, as I find from the experience of many years that it has been in my possession. It probably may not be very easy to ascertain its superiority over the other in the materia medica, not being brought for sale to this country, nor generally administered; but from a medical person who practised at Bencoolen I learned that the usual dose he gave was from half a grain to one or two grains at the most. The oil, although hitherto of little importance as an article of commerce, is a valuable domestic medicine, and much used by the natives as well as Europeans in cases of strains, swellings, and rheumatic pains; its particles, from their extreme subtlety, readily entering the pores. It undergoes no preparation, and is used in the state in which, upon incision, it has distilled from the tree. The kayu putih (Melaleuca leucadendron) oil, which is somewhat better known in England, is obtained in the same manner; but to procure the meniak kayu or common wood-oil, used for preserving timber or boards exposed to the weather, from decay, and for boiling with dammar to pay the bottoms of ships and boats, the following method is practised. They make a transverse incision into the tree to the depth of some inches, and then cut sloping down from the notch, till they leave a flat superficies. This they hollow out to a capacity to receive about a quart. They then put into the hollow a bit of lighted reed, and let it remain for about ten minutes, which, acting as a stimulus, draws the fluid to that part. In the space of a night the liquor fills the receptacle prepared for it, and the tree continues to yield a lesser quantity for three successive nights, when the fire must be again applied: but on a few repetitions it is exhausted.

BENZOIN

Benzoin or Benjamin (Styrax benzoin*) called by the Malays kami­nian, is, like the camphor, found almost exclusively in the Batta country, to the northward of the equator, but not in the Achinese dominions immediately beyond that district. It is also met with, though rarely, south of the line, but there, either from natural inferiority or want of skill in collecting it, the small quantity produced is black and of little value. The tree does not grow to any considerable size, and is of no value as timber. The seeds or nuts, which are round, of a brown colour, and about the size of a moderate bolus, are sown in the padi-fields and afterwards require no other cultivation than to clear away the shrubs from about the young plants. In some places, especially near the sea-coast, large plantations of it are formed, and it is said that the natives, sensible of the great advantage accruing to them from the trade, in a national point of view, oblige the proprietors, by legal regulation, to keep up the succession.

(*Footnote. See a Botanical Description of this tree by my friend Mr. Jonas Dryander, with a plate, in Volume 77 page 307 of the Philosophical Transactions for the year 1787.)

MODE OF PROCURING IT

When the trees have attained the age of about seven years, and are six or eight inches in diameter, incisions are made in the bark, from whence the balsam or gum (as it is commonly termed, although being soluble in spirits and not in water, it is rather a resin) exudes, which is carefully pared off. The purest of the gum, or Head benzoin, is that which comes from these incisions during the first three years, and is white, inclining to yellow, soft, and fragrant; after which it gradually changes to the second sort, which is of a reddish yellow, degenerating to brown; and at length when the tree, which will not bear a repetition of the process for more than ten or twelve years, is supposed to be worn out, they cut it down, and when split in pieces procure, by scraping, the worst sort, or Foot benzoin, which is dark coloured, hard, and mixed more or less with parings of the wood and other impurities. The Head is further distinguished into Europe and India-head, of which the first is superior, and is the only sort adapted to the home market: the latter, with most of the inferior sorts, is exported to Arabia,* Persia, and some parts of India, where it is burned to perfume with its smoke their temples and private houses, expel troublesome insects, and obviate the pernicious effects of unwholesome air or noxious exhalations; in addition to which uses, in the Malayan countries, it is always considered as a necessary part of the apparatus in administering an oath. It is brought down from the country for sale in large cakes, called tampang, covered with mats; and these, as a staple commodity, are employed in their dealings for a standard of value, to which the price of other things have reference, as in most parts of the world to certain metals. In order to pack it in chests it is necessary to soften the coarser sorts with boiling water; for the finer it is sufficient to break the lumps and to expose it to the heat of the sun. The greater part of the quantity brought to England is re-exported from thence to countries where the Roman Catholic and Mahometan religions prevail, to be there burnt as incense in the churches and temples.** The remainder is chiefly employed in medicine, being much esteemed as an expectorant and styptic, and constitutes the basis of that valuable balsam distinguished by the name of Turlington, whose very salutary effects, particularly in healing green and other wounds, is well known to persons abroad who cannot always obtain surgical assistance. It is also employed, if I am not misinformed, in the preparation of court sticking-plaster. The gum or resin called dulang is named by us scented benzoin from its peculiar fragrance. The rasamala (Lignum papuanum of Rumphius, and Altingia excelsa of the Batavian Transactions) is a sort of wild benzoin, of little value, and not, in Sumatra, considered as an object of commerce.

(*Footnote. Les Arabes tirent beaucoup d'autres sortes d'encens de l'Habbesch, de Sumatra, Siam, Java, etc. et parmi celles-la une qu'ils appellent Bachor (bakhor) Java, et que les Anglois nomment Benzoin, est tres semblable a l'Oliban. On en exporte en grande quantite en Turquie parles golfes d'Arabie et de Perse, et la moindre des trois especes de Benzoin, que les marchands vendent, est estimee meilleure que l'Oliban d'Arabie. Niebuhr, Description de l'Arabie page 126.)

(**Footnote. According to Mr. Jackson the annual importation of Benzoin at Mogodor from London is about 13,000 pounds annually.)

CASSIA

Cassia or kulit manis (Laurus cassia) is a coarse species of cinnamon which flourishes chiefly, as well as the two foregoing articles, in the northern part of the island; but with this difference, that the camphor and benzoin grow only near the coast, whereas the cassia is a native of the central parts of the country. It is mostly procured in those districts which lie inland of Tapanuli, but it is also found in Musi, where Palembang River takes its rise. The leaves are about four inches long, narrower than the bay (to which tribe it belongs) and more pointed; deep green; smooth surface, and plain edge. The principal fibres take their rise from the peduncle. The young leaves are mostly of reddish hue. The blossoms grow six in number upon slender foot­stalks, close to the bottom of the leaf. They are monopetalous, small, white, stellated in six points. The stamina are six, with one stile, growing from the germen, which stands up in three brownish segments, resembling a cup. The trees grow from fifty to sixty feet high, with large, spreading, horizontal branches, almost as low as the earth. The root is said to contain much camphor that may be obtained by boiling or other processes unknown on Sumatra. No pains is bestowed on the cultivation of the cassia. The bark, which is the part in use, is commonly taken from such of the trees as are a foot or eighteen inches diameter, for when they are younger it is said to be so thin as to lose all its qualities very soon. The difference of soil and situation alters considerably the value of the bark. Those trees which grow in a high rocky soil have red shoots, and the bark is superior to that which is produced in a moist clay, where the shoots are green. I have been assured by a person of extensive knowledge that the cassia produced on Sumatra is from the same tree which yields the true cinnamon, and that the apparent difference arises from the less judicious manner of quilling it. Perhaps the younger and more tender branches should be preferred; perhaps the age of the tree or the season of the year ought to be more nicely attended to; and lastly I have known it to be suggested that the mucilaginous slime which adheres to the inside of the fresh peeled rind does, when not carefully wiped off, injure the flavour of the cassia and render it inferior to that of the cinnamon. I am informed that it has been purchased by Dutch merchants at our India sales, where it sometimes sold to much loss, and afterwards by them shipped for Spain as cinnamon, being packed in boxes which had come from Ceylon with that article. The price it bears in the island is about ten or twelve dollars the pecul.

RATTANS

Rattans or rotan (Calamus rotang) furnish annually many large cargoes, chiefly from the eastern side of the island, where the Dutch buy them to send to Europe; and the country traders for the western parts of India. Walking-canes, or tongkat, of various kinds, are also produced near the rivers which open to the straits of Malacca.

COTTON

In almost every part of the country two species of cotton are cultivated, namely, the annual sort named kapas (Gossypium herbaceum), and the shrub cotton named kapas besar (Gossypium herboreum). The cotton produced from both appears to be of very good quality, and might, with encouragement, be procured in any quantities; but the natives raise no more than is necessary for their own domestic manufactures. The silk cotton or kapok (bombax) is also to be met with in every village. This is, to appearance, one of the most beautiful raw materials the hand of nature has presented. Its fineness, gloss, and delicate softness render it, to the sight and touch, much superior to the labour of the silkworm; but owing to the shortness and brittleness of the staple it is esteemed unfit for the reel and loom, and is only applied to the unworthy purpose of stuffing pillows and mattresses. Possibly it has not undergone a fair trial in the hands of our ingenious artists, and we may yet see it converted into a valuable manufacture. It grows in pods, from four to six inches long, which burst open when ripe. The seeds entirely resemble the black pepper, but are without taste. The tree is remarkable from the branches growing out perfectly straight and horizontal, and being always three, forming equal angles, at the same height: the diminutive shoots likewise grow flat; and the several gradations of branches observe the same regularity to the top. Some travellers have called it the umbrella tree, but the piece of furniture called a dumb-waiter exhibits a more striking picture of it.

BETEL-NUT

The betel-nut or pinang (Areca catechu) before mentioned is a considerable article of traffic to the coast of Coromandel or Telinga, particularly from Achin.

COFFEE

The coffee-trees are universally planted, but the fruit produced here is not excellent in quality, which is probably owing entirely to the want of skill in the management of them. The plants are disposed too close to each other, and are so much overshaded by other trees that the sun cannot penetrate to the fruit; owing to which the juices are not well ripened, and the berries, which become large, do not acquire a proper flavour. Add to this that the berries are gathered whilst red, which is before they have arrived at a due degree of maturity, and which the Arabs always permit them to attain to, esteeming it essential to the goodness of the coffee. As the tree is of the same species with that cultivated in Arabia there is little doubt but with proper care this article might be produced of a quality equal, perhaps superior, to that imported from the West Indies; though probably the heavy rains on Sumatra may prevent its attaining to the perfection of the coffee of Mocha.*

(*Footnote. For these observations on the growth of the coffee, as well as many others on the vegetable productions of the island, I am indebted to the letters of Mr. Charles Miller, entered on the Company's records at Bencoolen, and have to return him my thanks for many communications since his return to England. On the subject of this article of produce I have since received the following interesting information from the late Mr. Charles Campbell in a letter dated November 1803. "The coffee you recollect on this coast I found so degenerated from want of culture and care as not to be worth the rearing. But this objection has been removed, for more than three years ago I procured twenty-five plants from Mocha; they produced fruit in about twenty months, are now in their second crop, and loaded beyond any fruit-trees I ever saw. The average produce is about eight pounds a tree; but so much cannot be expected in extensive plantations, nor in every soil. The berries are in no respect inferior in flavour to those of the parent country." This cultivation, I am happy to hear, has since been carried to a great extent.)

<a name="sumatra-02"></a><img alt="" src="images/sumatra-02.jpg"> PLATE 2. THE DAMMAR, A SPECIES OF PINUS.
Sinensis delt. Swaine Sc.
Published by W. Marsden, 1810.

DAMMAR

The dammar is a kind of turpentine or resin from a species of pine, and used for the same purposes to which that and pitch are applied. It is exported in large quantities to Bengal and elsewhere. It exudes, or flows rather, spontaneously from the tree in such plenty that there is no need of making incisions to procure it. The natives gather it in lumps from the ground where it has fallen, or collect it from the shores of bays and rivers whither it has floated. It hangs from the bough of the tree which produces it in large pieces, and hardening in the air it becomes brittle and is blown off by the first high wind. When a quantity of it has fallen in the same place it appears like a rock, and thence, they say, or more probably from its hardness, it is called dammar batu; by which name it is distinguished from the dammar kruyen. This is another species of turpentine, yielded by a tree growing in Lampong, called kruyen, the wood of which is white and porous. It differs from the common sort, or dammar batu, in being soft and whitish, having the consistence and somewhat the appearance of putty. It is in much estimation for paying the bottoms of vessels, for which use, to give it firmness and duration, it ought to be mixed with some of the hard kind, of which it corrects the brittleness. The natives, in common, do not boil it, but rub or smear it on with their hands; a practice which is probably derived from indolence, unless, as I have been informed, that boiling it, without oil, renders it hard. To procure it, an incision is made in the tree.

DRAGONS-BLOOD

Dragons-blood, Sanguis draconis, or jaranang, is a drug obtained from a large species of rattan, called rotan jaranang, growing abundantly in the countries of Palembang and Jambi, where it is manufactured and exported, in the first instance to Batavia, and from thence to China, where it is held in much estimation; but whether it be precisely the drug of our shops, so named, I cannot take upon me to determine. I am informed that it is prepared in the following manner: the stamina and other parts of fructification of this plant, covered with the farina, are mixed with a certain proportion of white dammar, and boiled in water until the whole is well incorporated, and the water evaporated; by which time the composition has acquired a red colour, and, when rubbed between the fingers, comes off in a dry powder. Whilst soft, it is usually poured into joints of small bamboo, and shipped in that state. According to this account, which I received from my friend Mr. Philip Braham, who had an opportunity of acquiring a knowledge of the process, the resinous quality of the drug belongs only to the dammar, and not to the rotan.

GAMBIR

Gambir, or gatah gambir, is a juice extracted from the leaves of a plant of that name, inspissated by decoction, strained, suffered to cool and harden, and then cut into cakes of different shapes, or formed into balls. It is very generally eaten by the natives with their sirih or betel, and is supposed to have the property of cleansing and sweetening the mouth; for which reason it is also rubbed to the gums of infants. For a minute detail of the culture and manufacture of this article at Malacca see the Batavian Transactions Volume 2 page 356, where the plant is classed between the portlandia and roella of L. In other places it is obtained from a climbing or trailing plant, evidently the Funis uncatus of Rumphius.* See also Observations on the Nauclea Gambir, by Mr. W. Hunter, in the Linnean Transactions Volume 9 page 218. At Siak, Kampar, and Indragiri, on the eastern side of Sumatra, it is an important article of commerce.

(*Footnote. Hoc unum adhuc addendum est, in Sumatra nempe ac forte in Java aliam quoque esse plantam repentem gatta gambir akar dictam, qum forte unae eaedemque erunt plantae; ac verbum akar Malaiensibus denotat non tantum radicem, sed repentem quoque fruticem. Volume 5 page 64.)

LIGNUM ALOES

The agallochin, agila-wood, or lignum aloes, called by the natives kalambak and kayu gahru, is highly prized in all parts of the East, for the fragrant scent it emits in burning. I find these two names used indiscriminately in Malayan writings, and sometimes coupled together; but Valentyn pronounces the gahru to be an inferior species, and the Batavian Catalogue describes it as the heart of the rasamala, and different from the genuine kalambak. This unctuous substance, which burns like a resin, is understood to be the decayed, and probably disordered, part of the tree. It is described by Kaempfer (Amaenit page 903) under the Chinese name of sinkoo, and by Dr. Roxburgh under that of Aquillaria agallocha.

TIMBER

The forests contain an inexhaustible store and endless variety of timber trees, many sorts of which are highly valuable and capable of being applied to ship-building and other important purposes. On the western coast the general want of navigable rivers has materially hindered both the export and the employment of timber; but those on the eastern side, particularly Siak, have heretofore supplied the city of Batavia with great abundance, and latterly the naval arsenal at Pulo Pinang with what is required for the construction of ships of war.

TEAK

The teak however, the pride of Indian forests, called by the Malays jati (Tectona grandis, L.), does not appear to be indigenous to this island, although flourishing to the northward and southward of it, in Pegu and Java; and I believe it is equally a stranger to the Malayan peninsula. Attempts have been made by the servants of the Company to promote its cultivation. Mr. Robert Hay had a plantation near Bencoolen, but the situation seemed unfavourable. Mr. John Marsden, when resident of Laye in the year 1776, sowed some seeds of it, and distributed a quantity amongst the inhabitants of his district. The former, at least, throve exceedingly, as if in their natural soil. The appearance of the tree is stately, the leaves are broad and large, and they yield, when squeezed, a red juice. The wood is well known to be, in many respects, preferable to oak, working more kindly, surpassing it in durability, and having the peculiar property of preserving the iron bolts driven into it from rust; a property that may be ascribed to the essential oil or tar contained in it, and which has lately been procured from it in large quantities by distillation at Bombay. Many ships built at that place have continued to swim so long that none could recollect the period at which they were launched.

POON, ETC

For masts and yards the wood preferred is the red bintangur (a species of uvaria), which in all the maritime parts of India has obtained the name of poon or puhn, from the Malayan word signifying tree in general; as puhn upas, the poison-tree, puhn kayu, a timber-tree, etc.

The camphor-wood, so useful for carpenters' purposes, has been already mentioned.

Kayu pindis or kapini (species of metrosideros), is named also kayu besi, or iron-wood, on account of its extraordinary hardness, which turns the edge of common tools.

Marbau (Metrosideros amboinensis, R.) grows to a large size, and is used for beams both in ship and house­building, as well as for other purposes to which oak is applied in Europe. Pinaga is valuable as crooked timber, and used for frames and knees of ships, being also very durable. It frequently grows in the wash of the sea.

Juar, ebony, called in the Batavian Catalogue kayu arang, or charcoal-wood, is found here in great plenty.

Kayu gadis, a wood possessing the flavour and qualities of the sassafras, and used for the same purposes in medicine, but in the growth of the tree resembling rather our elm than the laurus (to which latter tribe the American sassafras belongs), is very common in the plains near Bencoolen.

Kayu arau (Casuarina littorea) is often termed a bastard-pine, and as such gave name to the Isle of Pines discovered by Captain Cook. By the Malays it is usually called kayu chamara, from the resemblance of its branches to the ornamental cowtails of Upper India. It has been already remarked of this tree, whose wood is not particularly useful, that it delights in a low sandy soil, and is ever the first that springs up from land relinquished by the sea.

The rangas or rungi, commonly supposed to be the manchineel of the West Indies, but perhaps only from the noxious quality of its juices, is the Arbor vernicis of Rumphius, and particularly described in the Batavian Transactions Volume 5 under the name of Manga deleteria sylvestris, fructu parvo cordiformi. In a list of plants in the same volume, by F. Norona, it is termed Anacardium encardium. The wood has some resemblance to mahogany, is worked up into articles of furniture, and resists the destructive ravages of the white ant, but its hardness and acrid sap, which blisters the hands of those employed about it, are objections to its general use. I am not aware of the natives procuring a varnish from this tree.

Of the various sorts of tree producing dammar, some are said to be valuable as timber, particularly the species called dammar laut, not mentioned by Rumphius, which is employed at Pulo Pinang for frame timbers of ships, beams, and knees.

Kamuning (camunium, R. chalcas paniculata, Lour.) is a light-coloured wood, close, and finely grained, takes an exquisite polish, and is used for the sheaths of krises. There is also a red-grained sort, in less estimation. The appearance of the tree is very beautiful, resembling in its leaves the larger myrtle, with a white flower.

The langsani likewise is a wood handsomely veined, and is employed for cabinet and carved work.

Beside these the kinds of wood most in use are the madang, ballam, maranti, laban, and marakuli. The variety is much greater, but many, from their porous nature and proneness to decay, are of very little value, and scarcely admit of seasoning before they become rotten.

I cannot quit the vegetable kingdom without noticing a tree which, although of no use in manufacture or commerce, not peculiar to the island, and has been often described, merits yet, for its extreme singularity, that it should not be passed over in silence. This is the jawi-jawi and ulang-ulang of the Malays, the banyan tree of the continent, the Grossularia domestica of Rumphius, and the Ficus indica or Ficus racemosa of Linnaeus. It possesses the uncommon property of dropping roots or fibres from certain parts of its boughs, which, when they touch the earth, become new stems, and go on increasing to such an extent that some have measured, in circumference of the branches, upwards of a thousand feet, and have been said to afford shelter to a troop of horse.* These fibres, that look like ropes attached to the branches, when they meet with any obstruction in their descent conform themselves to the shape of the resisting body, and thus occasion many curious metamorphoses. I recollect seeing them stand in the perfect shape of a gate long after the original posts and cross piece had decayed and disappeared; and I have been told of their lining the internal circumference of a large bricked well, like the worm in a distiller's tub; there exhibiting the view of a tree turned inside out, the branches pointing to the centre, instead of growing from it. It is not more extraordinary in its manner of growth than whimsical and fantastic in its choice of situations. From the side of a wall or the top of a house it seems to spring spontaneously. Even from the smooth surface of a wooden pillar, turned and painted, I have seen it shoot forth, as if the vegetative juices of the seasoned timber had renewed their circulation and begun to produce leaves afresh. I have seen it flourish in the centre of a hollow tree of a very different species, which however still retained its verdure, its branches encompassing those of the adventitious plant whilst its decayed trunk enclosed the stem, which was visible, at interstices, from nearly the level of the plain on which they grew. This in truth appeared so striking a curiosity that I have often repaired to the spot to contemplate the singularity of it. How the seed from which it is produced happens to occupy stations seemingly so unnatural is not easily determined. Some have imagined the berries carried thither by the wind, and others, with more appearance of truth, by the birds; which, cleansing their bills where they light, or attempt to light, leave, in those places, the seeds adhering by the viscous matter which surrounds them. However this be, the jawi-jawi, growing on buildings without earth or water, and deriving from the genial atmosphere its principle of nourishment, proves in its increasing growth highly destructive to the fabric where it is harboured; for the fibrous roots, which are at first extremely fine, penetrate common cements, and, overcoming as their size enlarges the most powerful resistance, split, with the force of the mechanic wedge, the most substantial brickwork. When the consistence is such as not to admit the insinuation of the fibres the root extends itself along the outside, and to an extraordinary length, bearing not unfrequently to the stem the proportion of eight to one when young. I have measured the former sixty inches, when the latter, to the extremity of the leaf, which took up a third part, was no more than eight inches. I have also seen it wave its boughs at the apparent height of two hundred feet, of which the roots, if we may term them such, occupied at least one hundred; forming by their close combination the appearance of a venerable gothic pillar. It stood near the plains of Krakap, but, like other monuments of antiquity, it had its period of existence, and is now no more.

(*Footnote. The following is an account of the dimensions of a remarkable banyan or burr tree, near Manjee, twenty miles west of Patna in Bengal. Diameter 363 to 375 feet. Circumference of shadow at noon 1116 feet. Circumference of the several stems, in number fifty or sixty, 921 feet. Under this tree sat a naked Fakir, who had occupied that situation for twenty-five years; but he did not continue there the whole year through, for his vow obliged him to lie, during the four cold months, up to his neck in the waters of the river Ganges.)

<a name="sumatra-18"></a><img alt="" src="images/sumatra-18.jpg"> PLATE 18. ENTRANCE OF PADANG RIVER. With Buffaloes.

<a name="sumatra-18a"></a><img alt="" src="images/sumatra-18a.jpg"> PLATE 18A. VIEW OF PADANG HILL.
Published by W. Marsden, 1810.

Bab 8

Emas

Selain barang-barang dagang yang diatur menurut jenis sayuran, Sumatra menghasilkan banyak barang lainnya, utamanya adalah emas. Logam berharga tersebut banyak ditemukan di bagian tengan pulau tersebut; tak ada (atau dengan sedikit pengecualian) teramati pada bagian selatan Limun, anak Sungai Jambi, maupun bagian utara Nalabu, yang utamanya disediakan pada pelabuhan Achin. Menangkabau seringkali memperkirakan kedudukan terkaya darinya; dan penonjolan ini mungkin mempengaruhi Belanda untuk mendirikan pabrik utama mereka di Padang, di wilayah yang berdekatan dengan kerajaan tersebut. Koloni-koloni Me;ayu dari sana memukimkan diri mereka sendiri di nyaris seluruh distrik yang mengolah emas, dan nampaknya hanya orang-orang yang menggalinya dalam penambangan, atau mengumpulkannya di aliran-aliran sungai; para penduduk yang sebenarnya atau warga desa mengarahkan perhatian mereka pada peningkatan tujuan tersebut, dengan mereka suplai ke orang-orang yang mencari logam tersebut. Hal semacam itu setidaknya nampak pada kasus di Limun, Batang Asei, dan Pakalang jambu, tempat perdagangan emas dilakukan.

Emas umumnya diketahui di pemukiman Inggris diambil dari dasar sungai, atau dari bantaran terdekat, dan dicuci dengan alat-alat yang ditujukan untuk membuka tanah yang baru, mengolah sebagian besar emas yang ditemukan di pulau tersebut, dan penduduk asli tak terbiasa untuk menjalankan ekskavasi apapun yang dilakukan dalam penambangan; namun pendirian kami, pada perang saat ini, dari pemukiman yang dihuni Belanda, membolehkan kami untuk memberikan catatan yang lebih pasti tentang hal tersebut, dan catatan berikutnya, yang diambil dari orang-orang yang sangat mengetahui tempat tersebut, akan menunjukkan metode menjalankan dua pengolahannya, dan tingkat wirausaha dan keterampilan dilakukan oleh tukang kerja.

Di daerah-daerah yang terletak di pedalaman Padang, yang merupakan pasar utama untuk barang tersebut, sedikit mengumpulkan hal lain selain dari penambangan (tambang) oleh orang-orang yang profesinya mengerjakan hal tersebut, dan yang dikenal oleh penerapan orang gulla. Logam tersebut dibawa untuk dijual di sebagian besar wilayah dalam dua jenis, yang dibedakan dengan istilah amas supayang dan amas sungei-abu, berdasarkan pada nama tempat ketika logam tersebut diolah. Amas supayang adalah apa yang kami sering sebut emas batu, yang terdiri dari potongan quartz yang kurang lebih dicampur dengan endapan emas, umumnya berkualitas murni, yang terbentang di segala arah, dan menghasilkan bentukan yang indah, yang, dikatakan oleh orang-orang Eropa, terkadang dijual berdasarkan pada berat jika seluruhnya adalah logam padat. Pertambangan-pertambangan yang mengambil jenis ini umumnya berada di kaki gunung, dan poros digerakkan secara horizontal sejauh delapan sampai dua puluh depa. Sebaliknya, emas yang mengambil nama sungei-abu ditemukan dalam bentuk gumpalan padat lembut, berbentuk seperti kerikil, dan memiliki banyak ukuran, gumpalan terbesar yang pernahaku lihat memiliki berat sembilan ons lima belas butir, dan yang saya miliki (yang saya berikan kepada Charles Holloway) terdiri dari delapan butir dengan berat kurang lebih sembilan ons. Jenis tersebut juga disebut amas lichin atau emas lembut, dan nampaknya memiliki kualitas besar, dalam keadaan tanah sebelumnya atau bersinggungan dengan bumi, sampai tindakan mengalirkan air, dan diambil bagian tajam dan bundarnya dengan cara dipatahkan. Bentuk kerikil adalah bentuk emas paling umum yang ditemukan. Debu emas atau amas urei dikumpulkan dalam jaringan anak sungai yang mengalirkan tanah yang kaya akan logam tersebut, dalam kolam air yang terisi oleh hujan besar, atau dalam sejumlah lubang yang digali dalam keadaan dapat diarahkan ke aliran deras yang kecil.

Alat-alat yang dipakai dalam mengerjakan pertambangan adalah alat besi sepanjang tiga kaki, yang disebut tabah, changkul, dan pemukul besi berat atau palu, yang kepalanya sepanjang delapan belas inchi dan ketebalannya sama dengan kaki manusia, dengan pegangan di bagian tengah. Dengan alat-alat tersebut, kami memukul gumpalan-gumpalan batu sampai berbentuk bubuk, dan massa yang dikumpulkan ditempatkan pada timbangan atau wadah sepanjang lima atau enam kaki dan luas satu setengah kaki, dalam bentuk perahu, dan rakit yang disebut bidu. Dari kapal ini, sejumlah iju diambil, dimana kami mendapatkannya ketika diambil dari pertambangan horizontal ke tempat terdekat. Di tempat tersebut, kami dapat bertemu dengan suplai air, yang dengan sendirinya dipakai untuk memisahkan emas dari endapan bubuk.

Di pertambangan tegak lurus, emas kerikil atau lembut seringkali ditemukan di dekat permukaan, namun dalam jumlah kecil, dijadikan sebagai kemajuan pekerja, dan seringkali juga terjadi mendadak. Mereka berkata bahwa ini nampaknya merupakan kasus ketika usai lapisan rendah mereka mendadak menjadi gumpalan besar. Ketika mereka menggali sampai kedalaman empat, enam, atau terkadang delapan fathom (yang mereka lakukan di suatu tempat, permukaan tak memberikan isyarat apapun yang dapat menggantungkan mereka), mereka bekerja secara horizontal mendukung batang dengan kayu; namun orang-orang menopangnya dengan berg-werken dari Jerman dan Hongaria, lubang-lubang tersebut akan sangat nampak sesuai untuk pertambangan.* Namun, di Siberia, seperti halnya Sumatra, mereka mengambil emas di perbukitan. Pasir umumnya ditemui pada kedalaman tiga atau empat fathom, dan di dalam lapisan napal atau steatite, yang dipandang sebagai tanda bahwa logam tersebut nyaris dekat; namun tanda kurang lazim adalah batu merah, yang disebut batu kawi, yang tersebar dalam potongan-potongan terpisah. Unsur tersebut banyak ditemukan pada tanah liat merah dan putih, dan seringkali dikelilingi bebatuan kecil, serta gumpalan homogen. Emas dipisahkan dari tanah liat dengan cara menuangkan air ke lubangnya, dalam pengolahan yang dikerjakan oleh orang-orang yang menonjol.

(*Catatan kaki. saya amati bahwa tak terlalu banyak alat kerek atau mesin (alat-alat yang dibutuhkan oleh mereka) yang mencegah ekskavasi pada kedalaman besar karena kerentanana akan gempa bumi, dampak yang seringkali terpengaruh pada mereka bahkan sebelum mereka dapat lari dari pertambangan dangkal mereka.)

Di pertambangan menurun, air dibawa dengan tangan pada ember atau keranjang. Secara horizontal, mereka membawa dua poros atau entri dalam paralel yang mengarah satu sama lain, sejauh mereka pakai untuk memperlebar pekerjaan, dan menghubungkan mereka dengan parit silang. Salah satu di antaranya, dengan perbedaan pada tingkat mereka masing-masing, dijadikan sebagai pengeringan untuk menampung air, sementara yang lainnya tetap kering. Mereka bekerja sebagai berkelompok dalam jumlah dari empat atau lima orang sampai empat puluh atau lima puluh orang; pemilik tanah menerima setengah bagian yang dihasilkan dan bagian lainnya diterima oleh para pekerja; dan harga tersebut tak nampak memberikan royalitas. Orang-orang bukit menerapkan jenis kemerdekaan atau kesetaraan yang mereka sebut dengan istilah sama rata.

Pertambangan deskripsi ini sangat banyak dibayangkan, dan dalam perkiraan umum penduduk asli, mereka berjumlah tak kurang dari dua belas ratus di wilayah kekuasaan Menangkabau. Sejumlah barang yang mereka hasilkan (mungkin setengahnya) tak pernah diberikan ke orang-orang Eropa namun dibawa ke sisi timur pulau, dan sehingga saya meminta bantuan pada otoritas baik yang setiap tahunnya meraih sepuluh sampai dua belas ribu ons, pada catatan umum dan pribadi, di Padang sendiri; di Nalabu sekitar dua ribu, Natal delapan ratus, dan Moco-moco enam ratus. Kualitas emas yang dikumpulkan di daerah-daerah Padang lebih rendah ketimbang yang dijual di Natal dan Moco-moco, akibat praktek mencampurkan hasil yang tak setara dari berbagai hasil tambang yang di sisi lain selaras untuk menjaga kekhasan. Emas dari Padang memiliki tingkat kemurnian dari sembilan belas sampai dua puluh satu, dan dari Natal dan Moco-moco umumnya dari dua puluh dua sampai dua puluh tiga karat. Emas paling murni yang sampai ke tangan saya bernilai dua puluh tiga karat, satu setengah butir, disimpan di Menara London. Emas berunsur rendah, yang disebut amas muda dari kepucatan warnanya, ditemukan di daerah yang sama dengan logam lain yang dihasilkan. saya memiliki beberapa anggapan bahwa dua karat dari tiga biji lebih buruk ketimbang standar, dan mengandung campuran perak, namun tak berdampak pada keasamannya. saya melihat mewas dibawa dari Mampawah ke Borneo yang berada dalam keadaan bubuk seragam murni, berwarna terang, dan tingkat kemurniannya tak mencapat lima belas atau enam belas karat. Penduduk asli memberikan perbedaan dari cara pengolahan kerendahan logam esensial asli, bukan memakai cara memisahkannya dari perak atau tembaga. Di pulau ini, tak pernah ditemukan dalam keadaan bijih, namun selalu sepenuhnya metalik. Emas pucat yang sangat kecil saat ini dan dulu ditemukan di daerah Lampong.

Dari orang-orang yang menggalinya untuk pengetahuan, berbeda dengan sudagar atau peniaga, yang diperintahkan oleh pihak lainnya untuk mengumpulkannya, yang membawa emas ke tempat-tempat dagang di sungai-sungai timur besar, atau ke pemukiman-pemukiman pantai barat. Di sana, mereka menukarnya dengan besi (yang sebagian besar dipakai dalam peralatan untuk pengerjaan tambang), candu, dan barang-barang antik dari Madras dan Bengal yang diberikan oleh mereka dalam jumlah yang sangat banyak ke daerah mereka. Di beberapa tempat perjalanan, mereka membangun pengisian air di danau-danau dan sungai-sungai. Namun, di sisi lain, mereka membawa kayu seberat delapan puluh pound di punggung mereka, di sepanjang aliran, dan melintasi pegunungan, dalam jumlah yang umumnya seratus atau lebih, yang seringkali berkesempatan untuk mempertahankan harta benda mereka menghindari penjarahan dan pemerasan yang dilakukan oleh orang-orang miskin di sepanjang daerah yang dilalui oleh mereka. Setelah merencanakan untuk melewati jalan yang baru, pertanyaan selalu ditanyai oleh orang-orang yang lewat, apa ontong kami, apa yang kami bawa?

Harga

Ketika dibawa ke pemukiman kami, ini awalnya dihargai delapan belas dolar Spanyol per ekor, atau sekitar tiga pound lima shilling per ons, namun pada masa berikutnya, harganya naik menjadi dua puluh satu dolar, atau tiga pound delapan belas shilling per ouns. Setelah pengeksporan ke Eropa yang menambah laba pada penjual asli, dan pihak lainnya yang terlibat sebagai perantara mengalami kemerosotan ketika keuntungan dan harga terkait lainnya merosot. Tugas lima persen telah menjadi kebiasaan dalam penukaran di rumah Hindia Timur, sekitar dua puluh tahun lalu, secara lebih liberal ditentukan oleh Perusahaan atas persembahan yang dilakukan olehku kepada para Direktur pekerjaan keras yang dilakukan untuk penghormatan oleh para perwira di Benteng Marlborough, dan masyarakat mendapatkan manfaat dari pertukaran dengan impor emas batangan. Perang berkelanjutan yang panjang dan resiko tak biasa dari navigasi India yang dihasilkan dari kemungkinan operasi perlawanan dampak-dampak baik tersebut.

Pada umumnya, Perusahaan-perusahaan Eropa umumnya dianggap mengejutkan karena telah lama memiliki permukiman-permukiman di Sumatra yang seharusnya tidak dianggap sebagai tempat untuk mengerjakan pertambangan-pertambangan tersebut pada sistem reguler, dengan mesin yang sebenarnya dan di bawah pemeriksaan kompeten; namun upaya tersebut pada kenyataannya dibuat, dan pengalaman dan perhitungan diajarkan ke mereka agar hal tersebut tak menjadi skema yang nampaknya dilakukan dengan kesuksesan, melirik kepentingan lain pada kesepakatan buruh, dan kebutuhan yang akan menjadi kesempatan untuk menjaga unsur dalam bagian jauh dari daerah tersebut agar melindungi orang-orang yang mengambil dan mengumpulkan properti tersebut. Orang-orang Eropa tak dapat melakukan pekerjaan semacam itu dalam iklim tersebut, dan penduduk asli tak bergairah untuk (maupun akan mengajukan diri mereka kepada) pengerahan pekerjaan yang diwajibkan untuk mendapatkan laba yang diambil. Sebuah catatan pemahaman mendetil dan dalam banyak penghormatan dari pekerjaan pertambangan emas di Sileda, dengan plakat yang mewakili bagian tambang tersebut, yang diberikan oleh Elias Hesse,* yang pada tahun 1682 menyertai Bergh-Hoofdman, Benj. Olitzsch, dan sekelompok penambang dari Saxony, dikirim oleh Perusahaan Hindia Timur Belanda untuk keperluan tersebut. Pemimpin wilayah, dengan sebagian besar rakyatnya, kehilangan penghidupan mereka, dan penanganannya gagal. Di Padang, logam dikatakan berpengaruh pada kemiskinan yang tak umum. Beberapa tahun kemudian, percobaan membuat lapisan yang terbentang di dekat pemukiman tersebut; namun pengembaliannya yang tidak memadai untuk menghabiskannya, mereka beralih ke perkebunan. Dalam beberapa tahun, mereka jatuh dalam tingkat rendah semacam itu karena lama tersingkirkan oleh penawaran publik atas sewaan dua dolar Spanyol.** Perusahaan Inggris, yang juga melakukan pertambangan yang dikatakan ditemukan di dekat Benteng Marlborough, memberikan perintah untuk mengerjakannya; namun tidak ada tanpa-tanda yang kini masih ada.

(*Catatan kaki. Ost-Indische Reise-beschreibung oder Diarium. Leipzig 1690 octavo. Lihat pula J.W. Vogel's Ost-Indianische Reise-beschreibung. Altenburg 1704 octavo.)

(**Catatan kaki. Pernyataan ini diambil dari surat buatan Tuan James Moore, seorang pegawai Perusahaan, yang dibuat di Padang pada 1778. "Mereka membuka lapisan emas di perdalaman tempat daerah tersebut. Di sana, gubernur pada suatu kali menerima seratus lima puluh tial (dua ratus ons). Ia membuat peta yang memeritahukan soal bagian tertentu dari daerah emas tersebut, yang menekankan tempat berbeda dimana mereka mengerjakannya; dan juga keadaan dua puluh satu benteng Melayu, semuanya dihuni dan diperbaiki. Distrik-distrik tersebut paling berpenduduk dibandingkan dengan bagian paling selatan dari pulau tersebut. Mereka setiap tahun mengumpulkan dan mengekspornya sekitar dua ribu lima ratus tial emas dari tempat ini ke Batavia: jumlah tersebut tak pernah mencapai tiga ribu tial maupun jatuh harga menjadi dua ribu." Ini merujuk kepada ekspor publik pada catatan perusahaan tersebut, yang selaras dengan apa yang disampaikan dalam Transaksi Batavian. "In een goed Jaar geeven de Tigablas cottas omtrent 3000 Thail, zynde 6 Thail een Mark, dus omtrent 500 Mark Goud, van 't gchalte van 19 tot 20 carat.")

Sebelum debu emas ditimbang untuk dijual, dalam rangka membersihkannya dari segala campuran kemurnian dan heterogen, entah alami atau pemalsuan, (seperti diisi tembaga atau besi), orang yang handal dipekerjakan yang, dengan ketajaman matanya dan telah berpraktek lama, mmampu memeriksa tingkat kebagusannya. Debut ersebut tersebar pada sebuah jenis tumbuhan berkayu, dan partikel-partikel dasar (lanchong) disentuh dari massa dan menempatkannya satu per satu dengan sebuah alat, yang jika diistilahkan, terbuat dari pakaian kapas yang dirajut meruncing. Jika kejujuran pembersih emas tersebut dapat bergantung pada ketangkasan mereka yang nyaris sempurna; dan seperti beberapa pengecekan terhadap logam tersebut biasanya menuangkan isi setiap wadah ketika dibersihkan pada tempat aqua-fortis, yang menempatkan akurasi mereka pada uji coba. Wadah atau tempayan yang mengemas emas dibentuk menyerupai jantung kerbau. Wadah tersebut memiliki penampilan melengkung, namun sama-sama keras dan lentur. Di belahan daerah tersebut, lalu lintas barang tersebut dianggap umum dipakai sebagai mata uang alih-alih koin; setiap orang membawa sejumlah kecil terhadapnya, dan ditukar dengan setidaknya biji-bijian atau dua padi. Berbagai benih dipakai sebagai berat emas, namun secara lebih khusus terdiri dari dua jenis: yang satu disebut rakat atau saga-timbangan (Glycine abrus L. atau Abrus maculatus dari Transaksi Batavia) merupakan potongan biji kizmir terkenal dengan wadah hitam, dua puluh empat di antaranya bernilai satu mas, dan enam belas mas senilai satu ekor: yang lainnya disebut sagapuhn dan kondori batang (Adenanthera pavonia, L.), sebuah kizmir atau batubara, yang lebih besar ketimbang kizmir dan tanpa wadah hitam. Ini merupakan berat candarin di kalangan Tionghoa, yang seratusnya membuat ekor, dan setara, menurut tabel yang diterbitkan oleh Stevens, dengan 5.7984 gr. troy; namun rata-rata berat dari barang tersebut dalam perkiraanku adalah 10.50 biji. Namun, ekor berbeda di bagian utara dan selatan pualu tersebut. Di Natal, dua puluh empat berat penny seharga sembilan biji. Di Padang, Bengkulu, dan tempat lainnya, dua puluh enam berat penny seharga dua belas biji. Di Achin, bangkal tiga puluh berat penny seharga dua puluh satu biji, adalah standar Dolar Spanyol merupakan mata uang di setiap tempat, dan catatan disimpan dalam dollars, sukus (seperempat dolar imajiner) dan kepping atau mata uang tembaga, yang bernilai empat ratus sampai satu dolar. Di samping itu, ada fanam perak, tunggal, ganda dan jamak (disebut tali) dibawa ke Madras, dua puluh empat fanam atau delapan tali setara satu dolar Spanyol, yang selalu dihargai lima shilling sterling di pemukiman Inggris. Rupee perak terkadang dibawa di Bengal untuk dipakai di pemukiman-pemukiman di pantai Sumatra, namun tidak dalah jumlah layak untuk dijadikan mata uang umum; dan pada tahun 1786, Perusahaan berkontrak dengan Tuan Boulton dari Soho untuk pencetakan koin tembaga, for a copper coinage, proporsi yang saya ingin sesuaikan, serta untuk melengkapi inskripsi-inskripsi; dan sistem yang sama, dengan banyak penunjangan yang disarankan oleh Tuan Charles Wilkins, setelah itu telah berkembang menjadi tiga Kepresidenan India. Di Achin, koin-koin emas dan perak tipis kecildulunya berharga dan masih menjadi mata uang: namun saya tak melihat potongan tersebut yang memiliki penampilan koin modern; maupun saya sadar bahwa hak kedaulatan ditentukan oleh kekuatan lain di pulau tersebut.

Timah

Timah, yang disebut timar, adalah bahan dagang yang sangat menonjol, dan banyak kargo memuatnya yang setiap tahun dibawa ke Tiongkok, dimana logam tersebut biasanya dipakai untuk keperluan keagamaan. Tambang-tambangnya berada di pulau Bangka, dekat Palembang, dan dikatakan tak sengaja ditemukan di sana pada 1710, lewat pembakaran rumah. Mereka dipekerjakan oleh koloni Tionghoa (dikatakan dalam Transaksi Batavia terdiri dari dua puluh lima ribu orang) di bawah pengarahan simbolis raja Palembang, namun untuk pencatatan dan pemanfaatan Perusahaan Belanda, yang mendorongnya untuk memonopolisasi dagang, dan sebetulnya merap dua juta pound setahun; namun menghibur jiwa para peniaga swasta, terutama Inggris dan Amerika, menemukan arti untuk melabuhkan kapal pesiarnya, dan sebagian besar perdagangan mengikutsertakan mereka. Logam tersebut diekspor untuk jumlah besar dalam potongan atau belahan kecil yang disebut tampang, dan terkadang dalam bentuk lempeng. M. Sonnerat melaporkan bahwa timah ini (disebut calin oleh para penulis Prancis), dianalisis oleh M. Daubenton, yang menemukan bahwa logam tersebut merupakan logam yang sama seperti yang dihasilkan di Inggris; namun terkadang dijual lebih tinggi ketimbang timah bijih kami. Di belahan Sumatra yang berbeda, terdapat indikasi timah bumi, atau lebih kepada pasir, dan diambil di gunung Sungei-pagu, namun tidak dalam jumlah besar. Dari pasir ini, di Bangka, satu pikul, atau 133 pound dikatakan bernilai sekitar 75 pound logam.

Tembaga

Sejumlah besar tembaga dihasilkan di Mukki dekat Labuan-haji, oleh orang-orang Achin. Jenis logam tersebut menghasilkan separuh berat aslinya dalam bentuk logam murni, dan dijual dengan harga dua puluh dolar sepikul. Gumpalan yang saya berike Museum Perusahaan Hindia Timur dikatakan merupakan tembaga asli. Orang-orang Melayu mencampur logam tersebut dengan emas dengan kadar yang setara, dan menggunakan komposisi tersebut, yang mereka sebuah swasa, dalam pembuatan kancing, kotak sirih dan kepala keris. saya tak pernah dengar perak dikatakan sebagai produksi bagian ini di dunia Timur.

Besi

Bijih besari digali di sebuah tempat bernama Turawang, di bagian timur Menangkabau, dan di sana dilelehkan, namun tidak, saya lihat, dalam jumlah besar, konsumsi penduduk asli disuplai dengan besi batang Inggris dan Swedia, yang mereka jual berdasarkan ukuran alih-alih berat.

Sulfur

Sulfur (balerang), seperti yang telah disebutkan, biasanya diambil dari sejumlah gunung berapi, dan khususnya dari tempat yang sangat besar yang terletak di sekitaran pedalaman perjalanan sehari dari Priaman. Arsenik Kuninh (barangan) juga merupakan barang dagang.

Saltpetre

Di daerah Kattaun, dekat kepala Sungai Urei, terdapat banyak gua (goha) dari tanah yang mengandung saltpetre (mesiyu mantah). M. Whalfeldt, yang bekerja sebagai surveyor, mengunjunginya pada Maret 1773. Pada kesempatan pertama, ia melangkah tujuh ratus empat puluh tiga kaki, ketika penerangannya didapatkan dari damp vapour. Pada kesempatan kedua, ia menjangkau enam ratus kaki, ketika, usai melewati perlintasan sekitar lebar tiga kaki dan tinggi lima kaki, pembukaan dalam batu berujung pada tempat setinggi empat puluh kaki. Gua yang sama dikunjungi oleh Tuan Christopher Terry dan Tuan Charles Miller. Tempat tersebut dihuni oleh burung-burung yang tak terhitung jumlahnya, yang dianggap lebih jauh ketimbang yang kamu lewati. Sarang-sarang mereka terbentuk di sekitaran bagian atas gua, dan isinya dianggap membentuk tanah (di banyak tempat dari kedalaman empat sampai enam kaki, dan dari luas lima belas sampai dua puluh kaki) yang mengandung nitre. Sebuah kaki kubik dari bumi ini, yang berukuran tujuh galon, menghasilkan tujuh pound empat belas ons saltpetre, dan percobaan kedua memberikan bagian kesembilan lainnya. Setelah itu, saya menyaksikan pemurnian tingkat tinggi; namun saya sadar bahwa nilainya tak akan menutupi pengeluaran pengolahan tersebut.

Sarang Burung

Sarang burung pangan, yang banyak disajikan sebagai makanan mewah di meja, khususnya di kalangan orang-orang Tionghoa, ditemukan di gua-gua serupa di bagian-bagian berbeda dari pulau tersebut, namun utamanya di dekat pantai, dan dalam jumlah terbesar di ujung selatannya. Dari jarak empat mil dari sungai Kroi, terdapat salah satunya yang ukurannya memadai. Burung-burung tersebut disebut layang-layang, dan mirip dengan burung pipit pada umumnya, atau mungkin lebih mirip martin. saya memiliki kesempatan memberikan beberapa sarang tersebut ke British Museum dengan telur-telur di dalamnya. Sarang-sarang tersebut terdiri dari warna putih dan hitam, yang hitam lebih langka dan mahal, hanya ditemukan dalam jumlah satu banding dua puluh lima. Jenis yang putih dijual ke Tiongkok dengan harga seribu sampai lima belas ratus dolar per pikul (menurut Badan Transaksi Batavia karena nyaris seharga perak), yang hitam biasanya dijual ke Batavia dengan harga sekitar dua puluh sampai tiga puluh dolar dengan berat yang sama, ketika saya memahami bahwa barang tersebut biasanya diolah menjadi sejenis lem. Perbedaan antara dua jenis tersebut oleh beberapa orang bergantung pada percampuran bulu burung dengan bahan yang dipakai untuk membuat sarang; dan ini merupakan kesimpulan mereka dari uji coba pengamatan sarang-sarang hitam selama jangka pendek di air panas, ketika sarang tersebut dikatakan menjadi putih pada tahap tertentu. Di kalangan penduduk asli, saya mendengar bahwa beberapa orang menganggap bahwa itu adalah hasil kerja dari jenis burung yang berbeda. Ini juga membuatku menyimpulkan bahwa sarang putih mungkin merupakan sarang musim ketika mereka diambil, dan sarang hitam semacam itu dipakai selama beberapa tahun secara berturut-turut. Opini ini nampak masuk akan, dalam penyelidikanku pada titik tersebut, dan memahami apa yang nampak banyak keterkaitannya. Ketika para penduduk asli bersiap untuk mengambil sarang-sarang tersebut, mereka memasuki gua dengan obor, dan, membentuk tangga bambu berdasarkan pada bentuk lazim, mereka meniakinnya dan menurunkan sarang-sarang tersebut, yang dikumpulkan dalam ukuran yang beragam, dari sisi ke sisi dan atas batu. saya diberitahu bahwa biasanya gua tersebut berisi sejumlah besar sarang putih yang mereka temukan, dan bahwa pada pengalaman tersebut, mereka seringkali melakukan praktek pukul jatuh dan menghancurkan sarang-sarang lama dalam jumlah besar ketimbang mereka berurusan dengan diri mereka untuk membawanya pergi, dalam rangka agar mereka menemukan sarang-sarang putih pada musim berikutnya di tempat tersebut. Butung-butung tersebut, saya anggap, nampaknya, pada musim pembuatan, dalam jumlah besar menghampiri pantai, mengumpulkan rajutan memakai paruh mereka yang dijatuhkan dengan cara selancar, yang nampak sedikit keraguan dari pembuatan sarang gelatin mereka, stelah pembuatan tersebut berlanjut, mungkin, beberapa persiapan dari pencampuran dengan liur mereka atau kotoran lainnya pada paruh atau sayap, dan bahwa ini memberikan opisi penduduk asli yang nampak dari burung yang umumnya disebut layang-buhi, pipit rajutw. Namun, Linnaeus menyangkalnya, dan dengan banyak penyangkalan, bahwa ini merupakan bahan hewan yang sering ditemukan pada pantai yang para nelayan sebut buihan atau agar-agar, dan bukannya rajutan laut, bahwa burung-burung tersebut mengumpulkannya; dan bahwa ini sebenarnya menyebutkan bahwa, dalam deskripsi menganai sarang-sarang tersebut buatan M. Hooyman, dicetak dalam Volume 3 dari Transaksi Batavia, ia memberikan wacana bahwa bahannya tak dilakukan dengan rajutan laut namun digabungkan dari makanan burung. Mr. John Crisp memberitahu saya bahwa ia telah melihat sarang pipit umum di Padang, dibangun di bawah atap rumah, yang terbuat dari lumpur dan bahan yang layak untuk sarang pangan. Burung-burung muda mereka sendiri dikatakan menjadi makanan yang sangat lezat, dan tak kalah kaya rasa dengan beccafico.

Tripan

Swala, tripan, atau sea-slug (holothurion), nampaknya adalah barang dagang untuk Batavia dan Tiongkok, diperjualkan, seperti halnya sarang burung atau vermicelli, untuk tambahan sup atau kuah, oleh orang-orang kaya. Barang tersebut dijual di Batavia seharga empat puluh lima dolar per pikul, menurut tingkat keputihan dan kualitas lainnya.

Malam

Malam lebah adalah komoditas berpengaruh besar di seluruh kepulauan timur, dari sana , barang tersebut diekspor dalam kue oblong besar ke Tiongkok, Bengal, dan belahan benua lainnya. Tidak ada luka yang dialami dari lebah, yang ditinggalkan untuk dimukimkan dimana mereka didaftarkan (umumnya pada pepohonan) dan tak pernah dikumpulkan. Madu mereka bermutu sangat rendah ketimbang madu Eropa, karena pengaruh dari alam vegetasi.

Getah Karet

Getah karet, yang disebut sebagai ampalu atau ambalu oleh penduduk asli, meskipun ditemukan pada pepohonan dan paling sering ditemukan pada dahan-dahannya, diketahui merupakan hasil kerja serangga, seperti malam yang berasal dari lebah. Barang tersebut diolah dalam jumlah kecil dari pedalaman desa Bengkulu; namun di Padang merupakan barang dagang menonjol. Namun, pasar-pasar asli mensuplai dari daerah-daerah Siam dan Camboja. Barang tersebut sangat dihargai di Sumatra karena merupakan bagian dari hewan, ditemukan di nidus serangga, yang tahan air, dan menyediakan pewarga ungu murni, yang dipakai untuk mewarnai sutra mereka dan jaringan pengolahan domestik lainnya. Seperti cochineal, barang tersebut kemungkinan, dengan tambahan tinta, menjadi barang yang bagus. saya menemukan dalam kamus Bisayan bahwa bahan tersebut dipakai oleh penduduk Kepulauan Filipina untuk mewarnai gigi mereka menjadi merah. Untuk catatan serangga karet lihat di Philosophical Transactions Volume 71 halaman 374 sebuah makalah karya Mr. James Kerr.

Gading

Hutan-hutan dihuni oleh para gajah, gading seringkali nampak melimbah, dan dibawa ke pasar Tiongkok dan Eropa. Hewan itu sendiri dulunya menjadi obyek lalu lintas dari Achin sampai pesisir Coromandel, atau daerah kling, dan kapal-kapal yang dibangun untuk transportasi mereka; namun menurutn, atau mungkin bergenti serentak, dari pertukaran ketika perang terjadi, seperti halnya taktik Eropa yang ditiru oleh para pangeran India.

Telur Ikan

Telur-telur besar dari spesies ikan (dikatakan seperti shad, namun lebih mungkin jenis mullet) diambil dalam jumlah besar di mulut Sungai Siak, digarami dan diekspor dari situ ke seluruh wilayah Malaya, dimana bahan tersebut disantap dengan nasi tanak, dan nampak lezat. Ini adalah botarga dari orang-orang Italia, dan di sini disebut trobo dan telur-trobo.

Perdagangan Impor

Barang-barang perdagangan impor paling umum adalah sebagai berikut:

Dari pantai Coromandel berbagai barang kapas, seperti baju panjang, biru putih, chintz, dan sarung tangan berwarna, yang diolah di Pulicat sangat bernilai; dan garam.

Dari Muslim Bengal, bergaris dan polos, dan beberapa jenis barang kapas lainnya, seperti cossae, baftae, hummum, dll, taffeta dan beberapa sutra lainnya; dan candu dalam jumlah yang banyak.

Dari pantai Malabar, berbagai barang kapas, kebanyakan kain mentah koarse.

Dari Tiongkok, porselen koarse, kuali atau panci besi, dalam beragam ukuran, tembakau yang bernilai sangat sempurna, lapis emas, kipas, dan sejumlah barang kecil.

Dari Sulawesi (dikenal di sini dengan berbagai nama provinsi utamanya, Mangkasar, Bugis, dan Mandar), Jawa, Balli, Ceram, dan kepulauan timur lainnya, busana kapas bergaris kasar yang disebut kain-sarong, atau busana bugis yang lebih vulgar, menjadikannya busanatubuh universal dari penduduk asli; keris dan senjata lain, bungkus keris bersutra, tudung atau topi, sejumlah kecil hiasan, umumnya bras, yang disebut rantaka, rempah-rempah, dan juga garam dalam jumlah besar, dan terkadang beras, umumnya dari Balli.

Dari Eropa perak, besi, baja, timah, alat makan, berbagai barang perangkat keras, jaring brass, dan kain papan, khususnya scarlet.

Ini bukan rencanaku untuk memperluas subyek ini dengan memasukan penjelasan pasar, atau harga beberapa barang, yang sangat berfluktuasi, sesuai dengan suplai kurang-lebih. Kebanyakan jenis barang di atas disebutkan di bagian pekerjaan lainnya, karena barang-barang tersebut berhubungan dengan jumlah penduduk asli yang menjualnya.

Bab 9

SENI DAN PENGOLAHAN.
SENI PENGOBATAN.
ILMU.
ARITMATIKA.
GEOGRAFI.
ASTRONOMI.
MUSIK, DLL.

SENI DAN PENGOLAHAN

I shall now take a view of those arts and manufactures which the Sumatrans are skilled in, and which are not merely domestic but contribute rather to the conveniences, and in some instances to the luxuries, than to the necessaries of life. I must remind the reader that my observations on this subject are mostly drawn from the Rejangs, or those people of the island who are upon their level of improvement. We meet with accounts in old writers of great foundries of cannon in the dominion of Achin, and it is certain that firearms as well as krises are at this day manufactured in the country of Menangkabau; but my present description does not go to these superior exertions of art, which certainly do not appear among those people of the island whose manners, more immediately, I am attempting to delineate.

FILIGREE

What follows, however, would seem an exception to this limitation; there being no manufacture in that part of the world, and perhaps I might be justified in saying, in any part of the world, that has been more admired and celebrated than the fine gold and silver filigree of Sumatra. This indeed is, strictly speaking, the work of the Malayan inhabitants; but as it is in universal use and wear throughout the country, and as the goldsmiths are settled everywhere along the coast, I cannot be guilty of much irregularity in describing here the process of their art.

MODE OF WORKING IT

There is no circumstance that renders the filigree a matter of greater curiosity than the coarseness of the tools employed in the workmanship, and which, in the hands of a European, would not be thought sufficiently perfect for the most ordinary purposes. They are rudely and inartificially formed by the goldsmith (pandei) from any old iron he can procure. When you engage one of them to execute a piece of work his first request is usually for a piece of iron hoop to make his wire-drawing instrument; an old hammer head, stuck in a block, serves for an anvil; and I have seen a pair of compasses composed of two old nails tied together at one end. The gold is melted in a piece of a priuk or earthen rice-pot, or sometimes in a crucible of their own making, of common clay. In general they use no bellows but blow the fire with their mouths through a joint of bamboo, and if the quantity of metal to be melted is considerable three or four persons sit round their furnace, which is an old broken kwali or iron pot, and blow together. At Padang alone, where the manufacture is more considerable, they have adopted the Chinese bellows. Their method of drawing the wire differs but little from that used by European workmen. When drawn to a sufficient fineness they flatten it by beating it on their anvil; and when flattened they give it a twist like that in the whalebone handle of a punch-ladle, by rubbing it on a block of wood with a flat stick. After twisting they again beat it on the anvil, and by these means it becomes flat wire with indented edges. With a pair of nippers they fold down the end of the wire, and thus form a leaf or element of a flower in their work, which is cut off. The end is again folded and cut off till they have got a sufficient number of leaves, which are all laid on singly. Patterns of the flowers or foliage, in which there is not very much variety, are prepared on paper, of the size of the gold plate on which the filigree is to be laid. According to this they begin to dispose on the plate the larger compartments of the foliage, for which they use plain flat wire of a larger size, and fill them up with the leaves before mentioned. To fix their work they employ a glutinous substance made of the small red pea with a black spot before mentioned, ground to a pulp on a rough stone. This pulp they place on a young coconut about the size of a walnut, the top and bottom being cut off. I at first imagined that caprice alone might have directed them to the use of the coconut for this purpose; but I have since reflected on the probability of the juice of the young fruit being necessary to keep the pulp moist, which would otherwise speedily become dry and unfit for the work. After the leaves have been all placed in order and stuck on, bit by bit, a solder is prepared of gold filings and borax, moistened with water, which they strew or daub over the plate with a feather, and then putting it in the fire for a short time the whole becomes united. This kind of work on a gold plate they call karrang papan: when the work is open, they call it karrang trus. In executing the latter the foliage is laid out on a card, or soft kind of wood covered with paper, and stuck on, as before described, with the paste of the red seed; and the work, when finished, being strewed over with their solder, is put into the fire, when, the card or soft wood burning away, the gold remains connected. The greatest skill and attention is required in this operation as the work is often made to run by remaining too long or in too hot a fire. If the piece be large they solder it at several times. When the work is finished they give it that fine high colour they so much admire by an operation which they term sapoh. This consists in mixing nitre, common salt, and alum, reduced to powder and moistened, laying the composition on the filigree and keeping it over a moderate fire until it dissolves and becomes yellow. In this situation the piece is kept for a longer or shorter time according to the intensity of colour they wish the gold to receive. It is then thrown into water and cleansed. In the manufacture of baju buttons they first make the lower part flat, and, having a mould formed of a piece of buffalo's horn, indented to several sizes, each like one half of a bullet mould, they lay their work over one of these holes, and with a horn punch they press it into the form of the button. After this they complete the upper part. The manner of making the little balls with which their works are sometimes ornamented is as follows. They take a piece of charcoal, and, having cut it flat and smooth, they make in it a small hole, which they fill with gold dust, and this melted in the fire becomes a little ball. They are very inexpert at finishing and polishing the plain parts, hinges, screws, and the like, being in this as much excelled by the European artists as these fall short of them in the fineness and minuteness of the foliage. The Chinese also make filigree, mostly of silver, which looks elegant, but wants likewise the extraordinary delicacy of the Malayan work. The price of the workmanship depends upon the difficulty or novelty of the pattern. In some articles of usual demand it does not exceed one-third of the value of the gold; but, in matters of fancy, it is generally equal to it. The manufacture is not now (1780) held in very high estimation in England, where costliness is not so much the object of luxury as variety; but, in the revolution of taste, it may probably be again sought after and admired as fashionable.

PENGOLAHAN BESI

Meskipun sedikit keterampilan yang ditunjukkan di kalangan penduduk daerah tersebut dalam pengolahan besi. Namun, mereka membuat paku meskipun tak sering dipakai oleh mereka dalam pembangunan, tusuk kayu umumnya dijadikan penggantinya; selain berbagai jenis alat, seperti prang atau bill, banchi, rembe, billiong, dan papatil, yang merupakan jenis senjata berbeda, kapak, dan pungkur atau cangkul. Api mereka dibuat dengan arang; batubara yang jarang dihasilkan di daerah tersebut, kecuali oleh orang-orang Eropa; dan tidak oleh mereka pada tahun-tahun akhir, atas alasan pembakarannya terlalu cepat: sehingga laporan yang dibuat pada 1719 menyatakan bahwa bahan tersebut lebih panas ketimbang batubara dari Inggris. Rangkaian ini (yang dikatakan lebih sebagai batu besar di atas tanah) membutuhkan perjalanan empat hari di Sungai Bencoolen, dari sana sejumlah bahan dicuci dengan aliran air. Batubara berkualitas jarang ditemukan di dekat permukaan. Pemanas mereka kemudian dibuat: dua bambu, berdiameter sekitar empat inchi dan panjang lima kaki, di dirikan di dekat api, dinyalakan di ujung atas dan dimatikan di bagian bawah. Sekitar satu atau dua inchi dari bawah, singgungan kecil bambu disinggungkan satu sama lain, yang dijadikan sebagai sulut, menajamkan , dan menyambungkan api. Untuk menghasilkan arus udara, setumpuk bulu atau bahan lebih lainnya, ditempatkan pada waktu yang lama, bekerja naik turun dalam tabung, seperti piston pipia. Saat menekan turun, alat tersebut menghembuskan udara melalui tabung horizontal kecil, dan, saat naik dan turun berulang kali, arus berkelanjutan atau hembusan timbul; untuk keperluan tersebut, seorang pemuda biasanya ditempatkan di kursi tinggi atau berdiri. Aku tak dapat membedakannya dari pernyataan soal deskripsi pemanas yang dipakai di Madagaskar, seperti yang diberikan oleh Sonnerat, Volume 2 laman 60, sehingga secara keseluruhan selaras dengan pernyataan bahwa hal ini nyaris merupakan peniruan pihak lainnya.

PEKERJAAN TUKANG KAYU

Pengerjaan yang mereka buat dalam pekerjaan tukang kayu telah ada, dimana bangunan-bangunan tersebut dideskripsikan.

TOOLS

They are ignorant of the use of the saw, excepting where we have introduced it among them. Trees are felled by chopping at the stems, and in procuring boards they are confined to those the direction of whose grain or other qualities admit of their being easily split asunder. In this respect the species called maranti and marakuli have the preference. The tree, being stripped of its branches and its bark, is cut to the length required, and by the help of wedges split into boards. These being of irregular thickness are usually dubbed upon the spot. The tool used for this purpose is the rembe, a kind of adze. Most of their smaller work, and particularly on the bamboo, is performed with the papatil, which resembles in shape as much as in name the patupatu of the New Zealanders, but has the vast superiority of being made of iron. The blade, which is fastened to the handle with a nice and curious kind of rattan-work, is so contrived as to turn in it, and by that means can be employed either as an adze or small hatchet. Their houses are generally built with the assistance of this simple instrument alone. The billiong is no other than a large papatil, with a handle of two or three feet in length, turning, like that, in its socket.

SEMEN

Semen utama yang mereka pakai untuk pekerjaan kecil adalah adonan susu kerbau, yang disebut prakat. Hal tersebut nampak pada pembuatan mentega (hanya untuk pemakaian orang-orang Eropa; kata-kata yang dipakai oleh orang-orang Melayu, untuk mentega dan keju, monteiga dan queijo, merupakan istilah Portugis murni) tidak seperti kami, dengan cara memutar, namun dengan melibatkan jenis-jenis susu sampai mentega itu sendiri adalah hal yang paling umum. Ini kemudian diambil dengan sendok, diaduk seperti halnya pada kapal datar, dan dicuci dengan dua atau tiga air. Susu asam kental yang meninggalkan di bagian bawah, ketika mentega atau krim dikeluarkan, adalah adonan yang sudah jadi. Adonan tersebut harus disejukkan, untuk membentuk kue, dan dibiarkan kering, ketika adonan tersebut berkembang nyaris sekeras batu api. Untuk pemakaian, kamu harus mengeruk beberapa kali, mencampurnya dengan kapur tohor, dan dilembabkan dengan susu. Aku pikir ini bukanlah semen yang kuat di dunia, dan menemukan bahwa ini lebih baik ketimbang lem, terutama pada cuaca panas dan lembab; menyediakan juga efek dalam pemakaian perangkat Tiongkok. Sari buah kacang kacang hijau (abrus) nampaknya dipakai di daerah tersebut sebagai semen.

TINTA

Tinta dibuat dengan mencampur lampu hitam dengan putih telur. Untuk membuat lampu jitam, mereka membakar kampu pada kuali tanah, bagian bawahnya dikeruk, dalam rangka membuat jelaga tersebut menyesuaikannya.

DESIGNING

Painting and drawing they are quite strangers to. In carving, both in wood and ivory, they are curious and fanciful, but their designs are always grotesque and out of nature. The handles of the krises are the most common subjects of their ingenuity in this art, which usually exhibit the head and beak of a bird, with the folded arms of a human creature, not unlike the representation of one of the Egyptian deities. In cane and basketwork they are particularly neat and expert; as well as in mats, of which some kinds are much prized for their extreme fineness and ornamental borders.

LOOMS

Silk and cotton cloths, of varied colours, manufactured by themselves, are worn by the natives in all parts of the country; especially by the women. Some of their work is very fine, and the patterns prettily fancied. Their loom or apparatus for weaving (tunun) is extremely defective, and renders their progress tedious. One end of the warp being made fast to a frame, the whole is kept tight, and the web stretched out by means of a species of yoke, which is fastened behind the body, when the person weaving sits down. Every second of the longitudinal threads, or warp, passes separately through a set of reeds, like the teeth of a comb, and the alternate ones through another set. These cross each other, up and down, to admit the woof, not from the extremities, as in our looms, nor effected by the feet, but by turning edgeways two flat sticks which pass between them. The shuttle (turak) is a hollow reed about sixteen inches long, generally ornamented on the outside, and closed at one end, having in it a small bit of stick, on which is rolled the woof or shoot. The silk cloths have usually a gold head. They use sometimes another kind of loom, still more simple than this, being no more than a frame in which the warp is fixed, and the woof darned with a long small-pointed shuttle. For spinning the cotton they make use of a machine very like ours. The women are expert at embroidery, the gold and silver thread for which is procured from China, as well as their needles. For common work their thread is the pulas before mentioned, or else filaments of the pisang (musa).

EARTHENWARE

Different kinds of earthenware, I have elsewhere observed, are manufactured in the island.

PERFUMES

They have a practice of perfuming their hair with oil of benzoin, which they distil themselves from the gum by a process doubtless of their own invention. In procuring it a priuk, or earthen rice-pot, covered close, is used for a retort. A small bamboo is inserted in the side of the vessel, and well luted with clay and ashes, from which the oil drops as it comes over. Along with the benzoin they put into the retort a mixture of sugar-cane and other articles that contribute little or nothing to the quantity or quality of the distillation; but no liquid is added. This oil is valued among them at a high price, and can only be used by the superior rank of people.

OIL

The oil in general use is that of the coconut, which is procured in the following manner. The fleshy part being scraped out of the nut, which for this use must be old, is exposed for some time to the heat of the sun. It is then put into a mat bag and placed in the press (kampahan) between two sloping timbers, which are fixed together in a socket in the lower part of the frame, and forced towards each other by wedges in a groove at top, compressing by this means the pulp of the nut, which yields an oil that falls into a trough made for its reception below. In the farther parts of the country this oil also, owing to the scarcity of coconuts, is dear; and not so much used for burning as that from other vegetables, and the dammar or rosin, which is always at hand.

TORCHES

When travelling at night they make use of torches or links, called suluh, the common sort of which are nothing more than dried bamboos of a convenient length, beaten at the joints till split in every part, without the addition of any resinous or other inflammable substance. A superior kind is made by filling with dammar a young bamboo, about a cubit long, well dried, and having the outer skin taken off.

These torches are carried with a view, chiefly, to frighten away the tigers, which are alarmed at the appearance of fire; and for the same reason it is common to make a blaze with wood in different parts round their villages. The tigers prove to the inhabitants, both in their journeys and even their domestic occupations, most fatal and destructive enemies. The number of people annually slain by these rapacious tyrants of the woods is almost incredible. I have known instances of whole villages being depopulated by them. Yet, from a superstitious prejudice, it is with difficulty they are prevailed upon, by a large reward which the India Company offers, to use methods of destroying them till they have sustained some particular injury in their own family or kindred, and their ideas of fatalism contribute to render them insensible to the risk.

TIGER-TRAPS

Their traps, of which they can make variety, are very ingeniously contrived. Sometimes they are in the nature of strong cages, with falling doors, into which the beast is enticed by a goat or dog enclosed as a bait; sometimes they manage that a large timber shall fall, in a groove, across his back; he is noosed about the loins with strong rattans, or he is led to ascend a plank, nearly balanced, which, turning when he is past the centre, lets him fall upon sharp stakes prepared below. Instances have occurred of a tiger being caught by one of the former modes, which had many marks in his body of the partial success of this last expedient. The escapes, at times, made from them by the natives are surprising, but these accounts in general carry too romantic an air to admit of being repeated as facts. The size and strength of the species which prevails on this island are prodigious. They are said to break with a stroke of their forepaw the leg of a horse or a buffalo; and the largest prey they kill is without difficulty dragged by them into the woods. This they usually perform on the second night, being supposed, on the first, to gratify themselves with sucking the blood only. Time is by this delay afforded to prepare for their destruction; and to the methods already enumerated, beside shooting them, I should add that of placing a vessel of water, strongly impregnated with arsenic, near the carcase, which is fastened to a tree to prevent its being carried off: The tiger having satiated himself with the flesh, is prompted to assuage his thirst with the tempting liquor at hand, and perishes in the indulgence. Their chief subsistence is most probably the unfortunate monkeys with which the woods abound. They are described as alluring them to their fate, by a fascinating power, similar to what has been supposed of the snake, and I am not incredulous enough to treat the idea with contempt, having myself observed that when an alligator, in a river, comes under an overhanging bough of a tree, the monkeys, in a state of alarm and distraction, crowd to the extremity, and, chattering and trembling, approach nearer and nearer to the amphibious monster that waits to devour them as they drop, which their fright and number renders almost unavoidable. These alligators likewise occasion the loss of many inhabitants, frequently destroying the people as they bathe in the river, according to their regular custom, and which the perpetual evidence of the risk attending it cannot deter them from. A superstitious idea of their sanctity also (or, perhaps, of consanguinity, as related in the journal of the Endeavour's voyage) preserves these destructive animals from molestation, although, with a hook of sufficient strength, they may be taken without much difficulty. A musket-ball appears to have no effect upon their impenetrable hides.

FISHING

Besides the common methods of taking fish, of which the seas that wash the coasts of Sumatra afford an extraordinary variety and abundance, the natives employ a mode, unpractised, I apprehend, in any part of Europe. They steep the root of a certain climbing plant, called tuba, of strong narcotic qualities, in the water where the fish are observed, which produces such an effect that they become intoxicated and to appearance dead, float on the surface of the water, and are taken with the hand. This is generally made use of in the basins of water formed by the ledges of coral rock which, having no outlet, are left full when the tide has ebbed.* In the manufacture and employment of the casting-net they are particularly expert, and scarcely a family near the sea-coast is without one. To supply this demand great quantities of the pulas twine are brought down from the hill-country to be there worked up; and in this article we have an opportunity of observing the effect of that conformation which renders the handiwork of orientals (unassisted by machinery) so much more delicate than that of the western people. Mr. Crisp possessed a net of silk, made in the country behind Padang, the meshes of which were no wider than a small fingernail, that opened sixteen feet in diameter. With such they are said to catch small fish in the extensive lake situated on the borders of Menangkabau.

(*Footnote. In Captain Cook's second voyage is a plate representing a plant used for the same purpose at Otaheite, which is the exact delineation of one whose appearance I was well acquainted with in Sumatra, and which abounds in many parts of the sea-beach, but which is a different plant from the tuba-akar, but may be another kind, named tuba-biji. In South America also, we are informed, the inhabitants procure fish after this extraordinary manner, employing three different kinds of plants; but whether any of them be the same with that of Otaheite or Sumatra I am ignorant. I have lately been informed that this practice is not unknown in England, but has been prohibited. It is termed foxing: the drug made use of was the Coculus indicus.)

MENANGKAP BURUNG

Burung-burung, terutama cheruling dan puyu ditangpa dengan senar atau perangkap yang dipasang di rerumputan. Perangkap tersebut disebut iju, yang mirip dengan rambut kuda, panjangnya beragam, dan dipasangkan dalam cara semacam ini untuk menjebak kaki mereka; ketika burung-burung tersebut tertancap senar. Di beberapa belahan daerah tersebut, mereka memakai sarang jebakan. Aku tak pernah melihat orang Sumatra menembaki burung, meskipun kebanyakan dari mereka, serta orang-orang yang lebih timur, melakukannya; namun cara melepaskan jarum jam, yang merupakan potongan-potongan yang biasa dibuat oleh mereka, menghalangi kemungkinan menembak ketika terbang.

GUNPOWDER

Gunpowder is manufactured in various parts of the island, but less in the southern provinces than amongst the people of Menangkabau, the Battas, and Achinese, whose frequent wars demand large supplies. It appears however, by an agreement upon record, formed in 1728, that the inhabitants of Anak-sungei were restricted from the manufacture, which they are stated to have carried to a considerable extent. It is made, as with us, of proportions of charcoal, sulphur, and nitre, but the composition is very imperfectly granulated, being often hastily prepared in small quantities for immediate use. The last article, though found in the greatest quantity in the saltpetre-caves before spoken of, is most commonly procured from goat's dung, which is always to be had in plenty.

GULA

Gula (seperti yang diamati) umum dipakai untuk pemakaian domestik dari sari buah kelapa, direbus sampai terbentuk demikian, namun secara keseluruhan mengkristal, menjadi lebih kecil ketimbang sirup kental. Ini disebarkan pada dedaunan untuk dikeringkan, dijadikan kue, dan setelah itu dibungkus dengan bungkusan sayur yang disebut upih, yang diambil dari lembaran cabang pohon pinang yang dipakai dalam pengukusan. Dalam keadaan ini, olahan tersebut disebut jaggri, dan, meskipun biasanya dipakai sebagai gula, olahan tersebut dicampur dengan chunam untuk membuat semen bangunan, dan memplester dinding yang, di pantai Coromandel, seripa dengan marmer Paria dalam hal warna putih dan alat poles. Namun di sebagian besar pulau, gula juga terbuat dari tebu. Alat giling pabrik yang dipakai untuk keperluan ini dikerjakan lewat ulir tanpa akhir alih-alih roda gigi, dan ditangani dengan tangan lewat alat-alat pengolahan batang melalui salah satu penggilingan yang lebih tinggi ketimbang yang lainnya. Sebagai bahan dagang di kalangan penduduk asli yang tak asing, mereka memiliki seni arak distilasi, yang berbahan dasar molase, bersama dengan sari anau atau buah kelapa dalam keadaan fermentasi. Namun, keduanya diolah oleh orang-orang Erop.*

(*Catatan kaki. Banyak upaya yang dibuat oleh Inggris untuk menyempurnakan pengolahan gula dan arak dari tebu; namun hasilnya, terutama di kalangan budak, seringkali mengalami hambatan. Dalam beberapa tahun (sekitar 1777), penanaman dan pengerjaan dilakukan di bawah naungan Tuan Henry Botham, hal ini nampaknya terwujud pada hal yang dilakukan oleh pekerja Tionghoa yang bekerja di lahan dan mengijinkan mereka untuk menjadikannya bahan produksi untuk pekerjaan mereka. Pengerjaan tersebut dilakukan ketika perang meraih kepastiannya; tetapi jalannya ditunjukkan, dan mungkin layak untuk dikejar. Jumlah uang yang didapatkan Batavia dari arak dan gula melimpah.)

GARAM

Seperti kebanyakan daerah lainnya, garam adalah bahan konsumsi umum disini. Garam ditawarkan untuk banyak disuplai oleh kargo-kargo yang diimpor, selain juga dipakai oleh diri mereka sendiri. Metode tersebut merupakan hal umum. Mereka menyalakan api di dekat pantai, dan secara bertahap menuangkannya ke air laut. Ketika ini berkelanjutan untuk waktu tertentu, air menguap, dan garam timbul di antara abunya, garam tersebut dikumpulkan dalam keranjang-keranjang, atau dalam corong-corong yang terbuat dari kulit pohon atau dedaunan, dan kembali menuangkan air laut ke garam sampai partikel-partikel garam tercerai berai, dan memasukkan air tersebut ke dalam wadah yang ditempatkan di bawah untuk meraihnya. Air tersebut, yang kini sangat meresap, direbus sampai garam timbul di bagian bawah dan sisi samping wadah. Dalam pembakaran, wadah persegi berbahan kayu bakar dipakai oleh orang terampil untuk mengumpulkan lima galon garam. Hal ini menimbulkan perpaduan garam dari kayu yang berpecahan, dan takl dapat dibawa menjauh dari daerah tersebut. Butiran paling kasar yang paling disukai.

ART OF MEDICINE

The art of medicine among the Sumatrans consists almost entirely in the application of simples, in the virtues of which they are well skilled. Every old man and woman is a physician, and their rewards depend upon their success; but they generally procure a small sum in advance under the pretext of purchasing charms.* The mode of practice is either by administering the juices of certain trees and herbs inwardly, or by applying outwardly a poultice of leaves chopped small upon the breast or part affected, renewing it as soon as it becomes dry. For internal pains they rub oil on a large leaf of a stimulant quality, and, heating it before the fire, clap it on the body of the patient as a blister, which produces very powerful effects. Bleeding they never use, but the people of the neighbouring island of Nias are famous for their skill in cupping, which they practise in a manner peculiar to themselves.

(*Footnote. Charms are there hung about the necks of children, as in Europe, and also worn by persons whose situations expose them to risk. They are long narrow scrolls of paper, filled with incoherent scraps of verse, which are separated from each other by a variety of fanciful drawings. A charm against an ague I once accidentally met with, which from circumstances I conclude to be a translation of such as are employed by the Portuguese Christians in India. Though not properly belonging to my subject, I present it to the reader. "(Sign of the cross). When Christ saw the cross he trembled and shaked; and they said unto him hast thou an ague? and he said unto them, I have neither ague nor fever; and whosoever bears these words, either in writing or in mind, shall never be troubled with ague or fever. So help thy servants, O Lord, who put their trust in thee!" From the many folds that appear in the original I have reason to apprehend that it had been worn, and by some Englishmen, whom frequent sickness and the fond love of life had rendered weak and superstitious enough to try the effects of this barbarous and ridiculous quackery.)

DEMAM

jika demam, mereka memberikan pengobatan dengan obat lakun, dan memandikan pasien, pada dua atau tiga pagi, di air hangat. Jika ini tak efektif, mereka menuangkan sejumlah air dingin, saat memburuk, yang dicampur dengan daun sedingin (Cotyledon laciniata) yang, dari penindakan mendadak tersebut, menyebabkan banyak keringat keluar. Luka dan bengkak pada lengan nampaknya diobati dengan keringat; namun untuk keperluan ini, mereka menutupinya dengan kain dan didudukkan di sinar matahari pada siang hari, atau, jika operasi dilakukan dalam pintu, lampu dan terkadang sepanci ramuan rebus, ditutup untuk menyelimutinya.

LEPROSY

There are two species of leprosy known in these parts. The milder sort, or impetigo, as I apprehend it to be, is very common among the inhabitants of Nias, great numbers of whom are covered with a white scurf or scales that renders them loathsome to the sight. But this distemper, though disagreeable from the violent itching and other inconveniences with which it is attended, does not appear immediately to affect the health, slaves in that situation being bought and sold for field and other outdoor work. It is communicated from parents to their offspring, but though hereditary it is not contagious. I have sometimes been induced to think it nothing more than a confirmed stage of the serpigo or ringworm, or it may be the same with what is elsewhere termed the shingles. I have known a Nias man who has effected a temporary removal of this scurf by the frequent application of the golinggang or daun kurap (Cassia alata) and such other herbs as are used to cure the ringworm, and sometimes by rubbing gunpowder and strong acids to his skin; but it always returned after some time. The other species with which the country people are in some instances affected is doubtless, from the description given of its dreadful symptoms, that severe kind of leprosy which has been termed elephantiasis, and is particularly described in the Asiatic Researches Volume 2, the skin coming off in flakes, and the flesh falling from the bones, as in the lues venerea. This disorder being esteemed highly infectious, the unhappy wretch who labours under it is driven from the village he belonged to into the woods, where victuals are left for him from time to time by his relations. A prang and a knife are likewise delivered to him, that he may build himself a hut, which is generally erected near to some river or lake, continual bathing being supposed to have some effect in removing the disorder, or alleviating the misery of the patient. Few instances of recovery have been known. There is a disease called the nambi which bears some affinity to this, attacking the feet chiefly, the flesh of which it eats away. As none but the lowest class of people seem to suffer from this complaint I imagine it proceeds in a great degree from want of cleanliness.

CAMPAK

Campak (katumbuhan) terkadang menghampiri pulau tersebut dan membuat keadaan yang mengerikan. Ini dianggap sebagai wabah, dan membuat ribuan orang dari daerah tersebut tertular. Metode penghentian persebarannya (karena mereka tak mengupayakan penyembuhan) dengan mengubah rumah sakit atau tempat singgah di berbagai belahan desa menjadi tempat sejumlah besar orang sakit berbaring, dimana mereka mengirim semua orang yang terserang oleh penyakit tersebut dari seluruh belahan daerah tersebut. Metode paling efektif adalah mendorong untuk mencegah orang manapun keluar dari desa, yang dibakar sampai rata dengan tanah ketika penularan telah menyebar dengan sendirinya atau melahap seluruh korban yang terjangkit. Inokulasi adalah sebuah gagasan yang lama tak terpikirkan dan, ketika ini menjadi tak universal, wabah tersebut menjadi eksperimen berbahaya bagi orang-orang Eropa yang membawanya, di sebuah daerah dimana penyakit tersebut muncul hanya pada bagian yang jauh, alih-alih menghabiskan waktu dan upaya yang dibuat ketika dan dimana penyakit tersebut ditangani dengan cara alami. Kesempatan semacam itu dilakukan sendiri pada 1780, ketika sejumlah besar orang (sekitar sepertiga populasi) terjangkit penyakit tersebut dan dua tahun kemudian; pada orang-orang yang berada di bawah pengaruh langsung pemukiman Inggris dan Belanda, inokulasi dipraktekkan dengan kesuksesan besar. Aku percaya bahwa pencegahan vaksinasi atau persebaran wilayah sangat mungkin handal untuk menanganikejadian mengerikan tersebut. Sebuah gejala yang disebut chachar, yang sangat mirip dengan campak, dan dalam tahap-tahap awal yang secara keliru disamakan dengan penyakit tersebut, bukanlah hal yang tak umum. Ini menimbulkan kegaduhan namun tak mematikan, dan mungkin apa yang kami sebut cacar air.

PENYAKIT KELAMIN

Penyakit kelamin, meskipun umum di daerah-daerah Melayu, di daerah pedalaman nyaris tak diketahui. Pria yang kembali ke desanya yang terinfeksi dijauh oleh para penduduk sebagai orang yang tak bersih dan terlarang. Orang-orang Melayu menyembuhkannya dengan pengobatan akar cina, yang disebut gadong oleh mereka, yang menyebabkan salivasi.

INSANITY

When a man is by sickness or otherwise deprived of his reason, or when subject to convulsion fits, they imagine him possessed by an evil spirit, and their ceremony of exorcism is performed by putting the unfortunate wretch into a hut, which they set fire to about his ears, suffering him to make his escape through the flames in the best manner he can. The fright, which would go nigh to destroy the intellects of a reasonable man, may perhaps have under contrary circumstances an opposite effect.

ILMU

Keterampilan orang-orang Sumatra dalam ilmu apapun sangat terbatas, seperti yang diperkirakan.

ARITHMETIC

Some however I have met with who, in arithmetic, could multiply and divide, by a single multiplier or divisor, several places of figures. Tens of thousands (laksa) are the highest class of numbers the Malay language has a name for. In counting over a quantity of small articles each tenth, and afterwards each hundredth piece is put aside; which method is consonant with the progress of scientific numeration, and probably gave it origin. When they may have occasion to recollect at a distance of time the tale of any commodities they are carrying to market, or the like, the country people often assist their memory by tying knots on a string, which is produced when they want to specify the number. The Peruvian quipos were I suppose an improvement upon this simple invention.

MEASURES

They estimate the quantity of most species of merchandise by what we call dry measure, the use of weights, as applied to bulky articles, being apparently introduced among them by foreigners; for the pikul and catti are used only on the sea-coast and places which the Malays frequent. The kulah or bamboo, containing very nearly a gallon, is the general standard of measure among the Rejangs: of these eight hundred make a koyan: the chupah is one quarter of a bamboo. By this measure almost all articles, even elephants' teeth, are bought and sold; but by a bamboo of ivory they mean so much as is equal in weight to a bamboo of rice. This still includes the idea of weight, but is not attended with their principal objection to that mode of ascertaining quantity which arises, as they say, from the impossibility of judging by the eye of the justness of artificial weights, owing to the various materials of which they may be composed, and to which measurement is not liable. The measures of length here, as perhaps originally among every people upon earth, are taken from the dimensions of the human body. The deppa, or fathom, is the extent of the arms from each extremity of the fingers: the etta, asta, or cubit, is the forearm and hand; kaki is the foot; jungka is the span; and jarri, which signifies a finger, is the inch. These are estimated from the general proportions of middle-sized men, others making an allowance in measuring, and not regulated by an exact standard.

GEOGRAPHY

The ideas of geography among such of them as do not frequent the sea are perfectly confined, or rather they entertain none. Few of them know that the country they inhabit is an island, or have any general name for it. Habit renders them expert in travelling through the woods, where they perform journeys of weeks and months without seeing a dwelling. In places little frequented, where they have occasion to strike out new paths (for roads there are none), they make marks on trees for the future guidance of themselves and others. I have heard a man say, "I will attempt a passage by such a route, for my father, when living, told me that he had left his tokens there." They estimate the distance of places from each other by the number of days, or the proportion of the day, taken up in travelling it, and not by measurement of the space. Their journey, or day's walk, may be computed at about twenty miles; but they can bear a long continuance of fatigue.

ASTRONOMI

Orang-orang Melayu serta Arab dan bangsa Muslim lainnya menganggap setahun terdiri dari tiga ratus lima puluh empat hari, atau dua belas bulan dua puluh sembilan setengah hari; yang setiap tahun kembali sekitar sebelas hari. Orang-orang asli Sumatra memperkirakan periode tahunan mereka dari perubahan musim, dan menghitung tahun-tahun mereka dari jumlah penanaman padi mereka (taun padi); sebuah praktek yang, meskipun tak tentu akurat, sangat berguna bagi keperluan hidup umum ketimbang periode candra, yang diadaptasi ke perayaan-perayaan agama. Mereka serta orang-orang Melayu menghitung waktu dengan pergerakan bulan, namun tak ada upaya untuk melacak hubungan atau kaitan antara ukuran-ukuran yang lebih kecil dan pergerakan surya. Meskipun daerah-daerah yang lebih terpoles mengalami kesalahan dan kesulitan dalam penentuan mereka terhadap kejadian matahari melewati gerhana, dan meskipun mengalami musim-musim nominal mereka menjadi nyaris berbalas dengan alam, orang-orang tersebut, tanpa gagasan interkalasi, menyajikannya dalam catatan tahunan mereka bebas dari hal esensial, atau setidaknya progresif dan kesalahan yang menerpanya. Pembagian bulan dalam pekan pekan aku yakini tak diketahui kecuali ketika itu diajarkan secara Islam; tanggal dari masa bulan dipakai alih-alih ketika akurasi diharuskan; meskipun mereka membagi hari berdasarkan jam. Untuk menentukan waktu hari dalam kejadian apapun, mereka perlu menentukannya untuk membicarakan yang terjadi, mereka ditekankan dengan jari mereka pada ketinggian di langit dimana matahari saat itu berdiri. Dan mode tersebut lebih umum dan pasti ketika matahari, sehingga dekat khatulistiwa, terbit dan terbenam nyaris bergantian, dan kemunculan dan pengakhiran pada seluruh musim setahun dalam beberapa menit selama enam jam. Pengamatan bintang atau rasi bintang dilakukan oleh mereka. Namun, mereka mengutamakan planet Venus, namun tak membayangkannya sama dengan periode perubahannya yang berbeda ketika planet tersebut muncul, dan kemunculan matahari. Mereka menyadari bahwa malam ketika bulan baru harusnya menampilkannya, namun orang-orang Melayu menyelaraskannya dengan arah meriam. Mereka juga mengatahuia bahwa ketika kembali pasang, yang terjadi pada ketinggian mereka, pada pesisir barat daya pulau tersebut, ketika luminer terjadi pada horizon, dan pantau surut ketika terbit. Ketika mereka mengamati bintang bersinar di dekat bulan (atau berlawanan, ketika mereka menunjukannya), mereka mengetahui akan adanay badai, seperti halnya para pelaut Eropa mengamati badai dari ketajaman tanduknya. Hal tersebut, sebagian, akibat dari kebersihan tak biasa di udara, yang, terjadi dari hal luar biasa dari keadaan atmosfer, yang secara alami disusul oleh serbuan keras dari bagian-bagian yang mengelilinginya mengembalikan keseimbangan, dan dengan demikian membuktikan keberadaan badai. Pada saat gerhana, mereka membuat suara bising dengan membunyikan alat-alat untuk menghindarkan kejadian tersebut dari hal lain, seperti halnya Tionghoa, untuk mengusir naga, sebuah anggapan yang berasal dari sistem astronomi kuno (terutama Hindu) dimana tanda-tanda bulan diidentifikasikan dengan kepala dan ekor naga. Mereka mengisahkan tentang pria di bulan yang giat mengerjakan kapas, namun setiap malam seekor tikus menggerayanginya dan membuatnya melakukan pengerjaan ulang. Ini mereka anggapan sebagai lambang pekerja yang tiada akhir dan efektif, seperti batu Sisyphus, dan saringan Danaides.

Dalam hal sejarah dan kronologi, orang-orang daerah tersebut hanya sedikit mengetahui. Ingatan peristiwa masa lalu hanya disebutkan melalui tradisi.

MUSIK

Mereka memainkan musik dan banyak alat musik yang dipakai di antara mereka, namun beberapa, setelah diselidiki, nampaknya awalnya dan kebanyakan dibawa dari Tionghoa dan orang paling timur lainnya; terutama kalintang, gong, dan sulin. Biola diketahui berasal dari wilayah barat. Kalintang mirip dengan sticcado dan harmonika; alat-alat musik yang lebih umum memiliki potongan silang, yang dipukul dengan dua palu kecil, dari potongan bambu, dan lebih sempurna ketimbang komposisi logam tertentu yang lebih nyaring. Gong, sejenis lonceng, namun berbeda dalam hal ukuran dan pembunyian di bagian luar, biasanya dipasang untuk melantunkan bait ketiga, keempat, kelima dan oktaf, dan seringkali dijadikan sebagai bass, atau di bawah bagian, dari kalintang. Alat musik tersebut juga dibunyikan untuk keperluan memanggil penduduk desa pada acara-acara tertentu; namun alat musik yang masih umum dipakai dan lebih kuno adalah batang kayu berongga yang disebut katut. Sulin adalah seruling Melayu. Seruling daerah tersebut disebut serdum. Alat musik tersebut terbuat dari bambu, sangat kurang sempurna, namun beberapa kali berhenti, dan mengingatkan pada alat musik yang dikatakan ditemukan di kalangan orang Otaheite. Sebuah lubang tunggal ditutup dengan jempol tangan kiri, dan lubang di dekat ujung dibunyikan, pada sisi depan, dengan jari tangan yang sama. Dua lubang lain ditutup dengan jari-jari tangan kanan. Ketika dibunyikan, alat musik tersebut mengeluarkan bunyi pada sisi kanan. Mereka memiliki berbagai alat musik jenis drum, terutama yang disebut tingkah, yang berjumlah sepasang dan dipukul dengan tangan pada masing-masing ujung. Alat musik tersebut terbuat dari jenis kayu tertentu yang dilubangi, ditutupi dengankulit kambing kering, dan dipotong dengan potongan rotan. Sulit untuk mengetahui pembagian skala yang sebenarnya, karena kami tak mengetahui teorinya. Interval yang kami dengar adalah oktav yang nampak terbagi dalam enam nada, tanpa semi-nada perantara, yang sangat mempengaruhi musik mereka pada satu kunci. Ini umumnya terdiri dari beberapa nada, dan nada ketiga bersifat interval yang paling sering dibunyikan. Orang-orang yang mementaskan biola memakai nada yang sama dengan pembagian kami, dan mereka melantunkan alat musik tersebut pada bait kelima sampai bagian paling sempurnanya. Alat musik tersebut memainkan oktav, namun memakai chord lainnya. Nada-nada Sumatra sangat mirip, di telingaku, dengan nada-nada Irlandia asli, dan biasanya, seperti mereka, nada ketiga datar: sama dengan yang teramati pada musik Bengal, dan musik akan menemukan bahwa kunci minor mengandung preferensi di kalangan semua orang pada tingkat peradaban tertentu.

Bab 10

Bahasa

Sebelum saya mempelajari sejumlah hukum, adat, dan kebiasaan penduduk pulau tersebut, saya perlu bertanya beberapa hal dari bahasa-bahasa berbeda yang dipakai di sana, keragaman telah menjadi bahan yang sangat dasar dan mengantar.

Bahasa Melayu

Bahasa Melayu, yang diperkirakan dipakai di semenanjung Malaya, dan dari sana menyebar sendiri ke belahan pulau-pulau timur, yang menjadi lingua franca (bahasa perantara) dari belahan dunia tersebut, dan dipakai setiap saat di sepanjang pantai Sumatra, biasanya tanpa pencampuran bahasa lain di daerah pedalaman Minangkabau dan daerah-daerah bawahan langsungnya, dan dipahami di nyaris setiap belahan pulau tersebut. Bahasa tersebut sangat diminati, dan itu wajar saja, karena kelembutan dan kemanisan dari suaranya, yang memberikannya julukan bahasa Italia dari Timur. Ini selaras dengan logat dan lantunan dalam kata-kata (dengan banyak ucapan-ucapan yang dianggap tepat) dan jarang terjadi penggabungan alot konsonan-konsonan suara. Kualitasnya juga dapat diadaptasi ke dalam bentuk syair, yang sangat diminati orang-orang Melayu.

Lagu

Mereka menjalani waktu luang mereka, yang meliputi sebagian besar hidup mereka, dengan melantunkan lagu-lagu yang sebagian besar, memberikan gambaran, atau gaya bicara yang dipakai sepanjang hidup. Beberapa lagu yang kami dengar, dalam jenis pelantunan, saat mereka bimbang atau senang, merupakan kisah-kisah cinta bersejarah seperti ballad-ballad Inggris lama kami, dan seringkali merupakan karya-karya yang luar biasa. Contoh dari jenis ini adalah sebagai berikut:

“

Apa guna passang palita, Kallo tidah dangan sumbu'nia? Apa guna bermine matta, Kalla tidah dangan sunggu'nia? Terjemahan: Apa manfaatnya menyalakan pelita, Jikalau tidak dengan sumbunya? Apa manfaat bermain mata, Jikalau tidak dengan sungguhnya (bersungguh-sungguh)?

”

Namun, harus diamati bahwa ini seringkali mengandung materi yang sangat sulit untuk melacak hubungan antara arti kiasan dan harfiah dari stanza tersebut. Khususnya dalam komposisi pantun, yang karena bagian-bagian kecil semacam itu disebut, yang lebih panjang disebut dendang, merupakan ritmus dan figur, terutama dendang, yang kami anggap sebagai nyawa dan jiwa puisi. Saya menyimpulkannya dalam upaya agar saya dapat membuat pantun dengan komposisi buatanku sendiri di kalangan penduduk asli sebagai karya kedaerahan mereka. Bahannya adalah dialog antara seorang kekasih dan seorang gundik kaya: ekspresi yang sebenarnya dari kejadian tersebut, dan dalam beberapa tingkat karakteristik. Ini dilalui dengan beberapa, selain wanita tua yang lebih kritis ketimbang yang lain yang menyatakan bahwa ini adalah "katta katta saja"--lebih ke arah perbincangan; yang artinya bahwa ini adalah tujuan dari ekspresi syair dan figuratif yang terkandang dalam puisi mereka sendiri. Bahasa mereka umumnya dipakai bersifat peribahasa dan pengkalimatan. Jika wanita muda dangan anaknya sebelum menikah yang mereka amati adalah:

“

daulu buah, kadian bunga-- buah sebelum bunga. Terjemahan: Terlebih dahulu buah, kemudian bunga-- buah sebelum bunga.(?)

”

Dan jika mendengar kematian seseorang, yang mereka katakan:

“

nen matti, matti; nen idup, bekraja: kallo sampi janji'nia, apa buli buat? Terjemahan: (Orang) yang mati, ya matilah; (orang) yang hidup, (tetap) bekerjalah: jikakalau sudah takdirnya, apa boleh dikata?

”

Frase akhir yang selalu dipakai mengekspresikan esensi keniscayaan mereka, dan lebih menonjol ketimbang terjemahan yang dapat saya kerjakan.

Abjad Arab Yang Dipakai Oleh Orang-Orang Melayu

Tulisan mereka memakai abjad Arab, dengan pengubahan untuk menyelaraskan abjad tersebut dengan bahasa mereka, dan, akibat penerapan agama mereka dari cara yang sama, sejumlah besar kata Arab dipadukan dengan kata Melayu. Portugis terlalu menambahkannya dengan banyak istilah, terutama untuk gagasan-gagasan seperti yang dimiliki oleh mereka semenjak masa penjalajah Eropa ke wilayah timur. Mereka menulis di atas kertas, memakai tinta dari komposisi mereka sendiri, dengan pena yang terbuat dari tangkai pohon anau. Saya tak pernah menemukan bahwa orang-orang Melayu memiliki abjad tertulis asli apapun yang selaras dengan diri mereka sendiri sebelum mereka memakai abjad yang kini dipakai; namun diyakini bahwa mungkin hal semacam itu telah hilang, serupa dengan nasib yang mungkin juga dialami Batak, Rejang, dan etnis-etnis lainnya di Sumatra, yang setiap hari memakai abjad Arab. Sehingga, saya seringkali berkesempatan untuk mengamati bekas bahasa yang ditulis oleh orang-orang pedalaman dalam abjad kedaerahan; yang akan menyiratkan bahwa perkataan tersebut nampaknya yang mula-mula dipakai. Kitab-kitab Melayu sangat banyak jumlahnya, baik dalam bentuk prosa dan bait. Kebanyakan dari karya-karya tersebut adalah tafsir-tafsir al-Qur'an, dan kisah percintaan atau kepahlawanan lainnya.

Bahasa Melayu termurni atau paling elehgan dikatakan, dan dengan pernyataan paling masuk akal, dipakai di Malaka. Ini berbeda dari dialek yang dipakai di Sumatra, utamanya di wilayah sini (di Bengkulu), yang kata-katanya, pada bagian akhir, dibuat dengan mengucapkan "o", sedangkan yang berada pada bagian awal, diucapkan pada akhiran "a". Dengan demikian, alih-alih menyebut "lada", mereka justru malah menyebutnya menjadi lado. Kata-kata yang berakhiran dengan "k" dalam penulisan di Sumatra, seringkali dihaluskan dalam pengucapan, dengan menembahkannya; seperti tabbe bannia menjadi tabbek banniak ("salam sejahtera'); namun orang-orang Malaka, dan secara khusus orang-orang di wilayah yang lebih timur, yang memakai dialek yang lebih luas, umumnya mereka melafalkan dengan suara penuh. Pengucapan pribadi juga merupakan suatu hal yang khas di daerah masing-masing.

Upaya-upaya dilakukan untuk mengkomposisikan tata bahasa dari pengucapan ini atas prinsip-prinsip pada pengucapan rumpun bahasa Eropa dilakukan. Namun, pembuatan hal semacam itu tidaklah berarti. Tak ada ketetapan pengucapan atau penulisan yang dapat menjadi kasus, deklensi, perasaan, atau konjugasi. Semuanya dilakukan dengan penambahan kata-kata yang memberikan pengartian menonjol, yang seharusnya tak disamakan dengan akusilier atau subservien partikel pada kata lainnya. Contohnya untuk kata "rumah"; deri pada rumah artinya "dari sebuah rumah"; namun pengucapan tanpa pemakaian atau pengartian menyatakan bahwa deri pada adalah tanda kasus ablatif dari pengucapan tersebut, karena itu setiap preposisi harusnya secara merata mengharuskan kasus yang sesuai, dan juga, sampai dan dari, mereka seharusnya memakai kata deatas rumah, di atas rumah. Sehingga pengucapan: kallo saya buli jalan, (artinya "jikalau saya diperkenankan jalan"): ini mungkin dapat berarti penekanan pendahuluan tak sempurna dari subjunktif atau perasaan potensial dari kata jalan; sehingga kalimat ini terdiri dari pengartian kata jalan, buli, dll sebagai kata-kata konstituen. Saya katakan, tak selaras membicarakan kasus pengucapan yang tak mengubah pengartiannya, atau perasaan dari sebuah kata yang tak memperlihatkan bentuknya. Serangkaian pemakaian pengamatan mungkin dikumpulkan untuk mengucapkan bahasa tersebut dengan baik dan benar, namun kami harus mandiri dengan aturan teknis bahasa yang terhimpun pada prinsip-prinsip berbeda.*

(*Catatan kaki. saya tertantang untuk melakukan upaya ini, dan juga menyiapkan kamus bahasa yang merupakan tujuanku untuk mencetak dengan sedikit penundaan karena keadaan yang akan dihadapi.)

Orang Pedalaman Yang Memakai Bahasa Berbeda Dari Melayu

Disamping bahasa Melayu, terdapat berbagai bahasa yang dipakai di Sumatra yang meskipun tak hanya bentuk manifestasi di kalangan mereka sendiri, namun juga bahasa umum yang ditemukan umum, dan asli di seluruh kepulauan laut timur; (yang terbentang) dari Madagaskar sampai wilayah-wilayah temuan terpencil dari Kapten Cook; yang memiliki kepemahaman yang lebih luas ketimbang pengucapan Romawi atau lainnya yang telah ditelaah. Contoh-contoh yang dipersengketakan dari hubungan dan kemiripan yang saya lihat dalam kertas yang diberikan kepadaku oleh Society of Antiquaries yang diterbitkan oleh mereka dalam Archaeologia, Volume 6. Di tempat-tempat berbeda, bahasa-bahasa tersebut kurang lebih telah tercampur atau dimaknai secara keliru, namun antara cabang yang tak bersinggungan, terlihat kesamaan dari banyak kata radikal, dan dalam beberapa kasus, sangat jauh dari pengartian satu sama lain dalam titik situasi, seperti halnya Filipina dan Madagaskar, pengambilan kata-kata lebih kepada yang teramati dalam dialek-dialek provinsi tetangga dari kerajaan yang sama. Untuk menyajikan perbandingan bahasa yang lebih mencolok, dan jika memungkinkan untuk menampilkan semua kata yang dipakai di seluruh dunia dalam satu sudut pandang, merupakan bahan yang tak pernah hilang dari observasi saya, namun saya berharap dapat menyelesaikan karya semacam itu dengan ketiadaan pengartian tanpa arti.

Abjad-Abjad Yang Biasa Ditulis

Bahasa-bahasa utama dari rumpun bahasa Sumatra adalah Batak, Rejang, dan Lampung, yang perbedaannya tak hanya melalui perbincangan dalam hal keadaan yang mereka ekspresikan berbeda namun juga abjad atau aksara yang biasa ditulis. Namun apakah perbedaan ini nampak radikal dan esensial, atau hanya dihasilkan oleh keadaan dan waktu, mungkin dianggap meragukan; dan, dalam rangka agar pembaca dapat membentuk kesimpulan mereka sendiri, sebuah piring yang berisi karakter-karakter abjad dari setiap bahasa, dengan mode dari penerapan markah-markah ortografi dari kata-kata dalam bahasa Rejang yang utamanya dimasukkan. Ini merupakan hal yang luar biasa, dan mungkin satu-satunya dalam sejarah penunjangan manusia, yang terbagi dalam suku bangsa di pulau yang sama, dengan klaim-klim yang sama terhadap keaslian, dalam tahap-tahap peradaban yang nyaris setara, dan mengucapkan bahasa yang berasal dari sumber yang sama, harus memakai abjad-abjad berbeda dari bahasa satu sama lain, serta dari belahan dunia lainnya.

Namun, abjad yang dipakai di pulau tetangga; yakni Jawa (yang dituturkan oleh Corneille Le Brun), yang dipakai oleh etnis Tagalog dari Filipina (yang dituturkan oleh Thevenot), dan etnis Bugis dari Sulawesi (yang dituturkan oleh Kapten Forrest), setidaknya memiliki banyak keragaman dari bahasa-bahasa tersebut dan dari bahasa satu sama lain seperti halnya Rejang dari Batak. Cendekiawan Sanskerta pada saat yang sama akan menerima beberapa analogi mereka untuk aransemen ritmikal, tergantung dengan pengucapan, yang membedakan abjad bahasa kuno tersebut yang pengaruhnya dikenal luas di wilayah tersebut. Di daerah Aceh, dimana bahasanya sangat berbeda dari Melayu, abjad Arab tak pernah diadopsi, dan pada catatan ini, bahasa tersebut sedikit mengklaim keasliannya.

Pada Kulit Pohon Dan Bambu

Manuskrip-manuskrip mereka dari gulungan manapun ditulis dengan tinta buatan mereka sendiri pada kulit dalam pohon yang dipotong menjadi selip-selip yang memiliki panjang beberapa kaki dan ditumpuk bersamaan dalam bentuk persegi; setiap persegi atau gulungan dijawab pada sebuah laman atau lembar. Untuk kejadian paling umum, mereka menulis di bagian luar dari olahan bambu, terkadang secara keseluruhan namun umumnya dipotong menjadi potongan dua atau tiga inci, dengan titik senjata dikenakan di sampingnya, yang dipakai untuk keperluan penggayaan; dan tulisan-tulisan tersebut, atau lebih kepada ukiran, seringkali ditampilkan dengan tingkat kerapian yang menonjol. Sehingga, orang Tionghoa juga dikatakan oleh para sejarawan mereka menulis pada potongan bambu sebelum mereka menciptakan kertas. Dari dua jenis manuskrip ini, saya banyak menemukan contoh dalam penelitianku. Garis-garis dibentuk dari kiri sampai kanan, berbeda dengan praktek orang-orang Melayu dan Arab.

Di Jawa, Siam (Thailand), dan belahan timur lainnya, selain bahasa umum dari daerah tersebut, terdapat bahasa sopan yang hanya dipakai oleh orang-orang berpangkat; sebuah kekhasan yang diciptakan untuk keperluan menghindari istilah vulgar, dan menginsipirasi mereka dengan kehormatan untuk apa yang mereka tak mengerti. Orang-orang Melayu juga memiliki bahasa dalam, atau gaya sopan mereka, yang terdiri dari sejumlah ekspresi yang secara familiar tak dipakai dalam pengucapan atau penulisan umum, namun dengan tanpa istilah-istilah yang berasal dari bahasa yang berbeda, melebihi, dalam bahasa Inggris, tingkat gaya dari para penyair dan sejarawan mereka. Di kalangan penduduk Sumatra pada umumnya perbedaan kondisi tersebut tak teramati dengan perbedaan yang sangat besar dari perilaku antar orang-orangnya.

Bab 11

COMPARATIVE STATE OF THE SUMATRANS IN CIVIL SOCIETY.
DIFFERENCE OF CHARACTER BETWEEN THE MALAYS AND OTHER INHABITANTS.
GOVERNMENT.
TITLES AND POWER OF THE CHIEFS AMONG THE REJANGS.
INFLUENCE OF THE EUROPEANS.
GOVERNMENT IN PASSUMMAH.

COMPARATIVE STATE OF SUMATRANS IN SOCIETY

Considered as a people occupying a certain rank in the scale or civil society, it is not easy to determine the proper situation of the inhabitants of this island. Though far distant from that point to which the polished states of Europe have aspired, they yet look down, with an interval almost as great, on the savage tribes of Africa and America. Perhaps if we distinguish mankind summarily into five classes; but of which each would admit of numberless subdivisions; we might assign a third place to the more civilized Sumatrans, and a fourth to the remainder. In the first class I should of course include some of the republics of ancient Greece, in the days of their splendour; the Romans, for some time before and after the Augustan age; France, England, and other refined nations of Europe, in the latter centuries; and perhaps China. The second might comprehend the great Asiatic empires at the period of their prosperity; Persia, the Mogul, the Turkish, with some European kingdoms. In the third class, along with the Sumatrans and a few other states of the eastern archipelago, I should rank the nations on the northern coast of Africa, and the more polished Arabs. The fourth class, with the less civilized Sumatrans, will take in the people of the new discovered islands in the South Sea; perhaps the celebrated Mexican and Peruvian empires; the Tartar hordes, and all those societies of people in various parts of the globe, who, possessing personal property, and acknowledging some species of established subordination, rise one step above the Caribs, the New Hollanders, the Laplanders, and the Hottentots, who exhibit a picture of mankind in its rudest and most humiliating aspect.

FEW IMPROVEMENTS ADOPTED FROM EUROPEANS

As mankind are by nature so prone to imitation it may seem surprising that these people have not derived a greater share of improvement in manners an arts from their long connection with Europeans, particularly with the English, who have now been settled among them for a hundred years. Though strongly attached to their own habits they are nevertheless sensible of their inferiority, and readily admit the preference to which our attainments in science, and especially in mechanics, entitle us. I have heard a man exclaim, after contemplating the structure and uses of a house-clock, "Is it not fitting that such as we should be slaves to people who have the ingenuity to invent, and the skill to construct, so wonderful a machine as this?" "The sun," he added, "is a machine of this nature." "But who winds it up?" said his companion. "Who but Allah," he replied. This admiration of our superior attainments is however not universal; for, upon an occasion similar to the above, a Sumatran observed, with a sneer, "How clever these people are in the art of getting money."

Some probable causes of this backwardness may be suggested. We carry on few or no species of manufacture at our settlements; everything is imported ready wrought to its highest perfection; and the natives therefore have no opportunity of examining the first process, or the progress of the work. Abundantly supplied with every article of convenience from Europe, and prejudiced in their favour because from thence, we make but little use of the raw materials Sumatra affords. We do not spin its cotton; we do not rear its silkworms; we do not smelt its metals; we do not even hew its stone: neglecting these, it is in vain we exhibit to the people, for their improvement in the arts, our rich brocades, our timepieces, or display to them in drawings the elegance of our architecture. Our manners likewise are little calculated to excite their approval and imitation. Not to insist on the licentiousness that has at times been imputed to our communities; the pleasures of the table; emulation in wine; boisterous mirth; juvenile frolics, and puerile amusements, which do not pass without serious, perhaps contemptuous, animadversion--setting these aside it appears to me that even our best models are but ill adapted for the imitation of a rude, incurious, and unambitious people. Their senses, not their reason, should be acted on, to rouse them from their lethargy; their imaginations must be warmed; a spirit of enthusiasm must pervade and animate them before they will exchange the pleasures of indolence for those of industry. The philosophical influence that prevails and characterizes the present age in the western world is unfavourable to the producing these effects. A modern man of sense and manners despises, or endeavours to despise, ceremony, parade, attendance, superfluous and splendid ornaments in his dress or furniture: preferring ease and convenience to cumbrous pomp, the person first in rank is no longer distinguished by his apparel, his equipage, or his number of servants, from those inferior to him; and though possessing real power is divested of almost every external mark of it. Even our religious worship partakes of the same simplicity. It is far from my intention to condemn or depreciate these manners, considered in a general scale of estimation. Probably, in proportion as the prejudices of sense are dissipated by the light of reason, we advance towards the highest degree of perfection our natures are capable of; possibly perfection may consist in a certain medium which we have already stepped beyond; but certainly all this refinement is utterly incomprehensible to an uncivilized mind which cannot discriminate the ideas of humility and meanness. We appear to the Sumatrans to have degenerated from the more splendid virtues of our predecessors. Even the richness of their laced suits and the gravity of their perukes attracted a degree of admiration; and I have heard the disuse of the large hoops worn by the ladies pathetically lamented. The quick, and to them inexplicable, revolutions of our fashions, are subject of much astonishment, and they naturally conclude that those modes can have but little intrinsic merit which we are so ready to change; or at least that our caprice renders us very incompetent to be the guides of their improvement. Indeed in matters of this kind it is not to be supposed that an imitation should take place, owing to the total incongruity of manners in other respects, and the dissimilarity of natural and local circumstances. But perhaps I am superfluously investigating minute and partial causes of an effect which one general one may be thought sufficient to produce. Under the frigid, and more especially the torrid zone, the inhabitants will naturally preserve an uninterrupted similarity and consistency of manners, from the uniform influence of their climate. In the temperate zones, where this influence is equivocal, the manners will be fluctuating, and dependent rather on moral than physical causes.

DIFFERENCE IN CHARACTER BETWEEN THE MALAYS AND OTHER SUMATRANS

The Malays and the other native Sumatrans differ more in the features of their mind than in those of their person. Although we know not that this island, in the revolutions of human grandeur, ever made a distinguished figure in the history of the world (for the Achinese, though powerful in the sixteenth century, were very low in point of civilization) yet the Malay inhabitants have an appearance of degeneracy, and this renders their character totally different from that which we conceive of a savage, however justly their ferocious spirit of plunder on the eastern coast may have drawn upon them that name. They seem rather to be sinking into obscurity, though with opportunities of improvement, than emerging from thence to a state of civil or political importance. They retain a strong share of pride, but not of that laudable kind which restrains men from the commission of mean and fraudulent actions. They possess much low cunning and plausible duplicity, and know how to dissemble the strongest passions and most inveterate antipathy beneath the utmost composure of features till the opportunity of gratifying their resentment offers. Veracity, gratitude, and integrity are not to be found in the list of their virtues, and their minds are almost strangers to the sentiments of honour and infamy. They are jealous and vindictive. Their courage is desultory, the effect of a momentary enthusiasm which enables them to perform deeds of incredible desperation; but they are strangers to that steady magnanimity, that cool heroic resolution in battle, which constitutes in our idea the perfection of this quality, and renders it a virtue.* Yet it must be observed that, from an apathy almost paradoxical, they suffer under sentence of death, in cases where no indignant passions could operate to buoy up the mind to a contempt of punishment, with astonishing composure and indifference; uttering little more on these occasions than a proverbial saying, common among them, expressive of the inevitability of fate--apa buli buat? To this stoicism, their belief in predestination, and very imperfect ideas of a future, eternal existence, doubtless contribute.

(*Footnote. In the history of the Portuguese wars in this part of the East there appear some exceptions to this remark, and particularly in the character of Laksamanna (his title of commander-in-chief being mistaken for his proper name), who was truly a great man and most consummate warrior.)

Some writer has remarked that a resemblance is usually found between the disposition and qualities of the beasts proper to any country and those of the indigenous inhabitants of the human species, where an intercourse with foreigners has not destroyed the genuineness of their character. The Malay may thus be compared to the buffalo and the tiger. In his domestic state he is indolent, stubborn, and voluptuous as the former, and in his adventurous life he is insidious, bloodthirsty, and rapacious as the latter. Thus also the Arab is said to resemble his camel, and the placid Hindu his cow.

SIFAT PENDUDUK ASLI SUMATRA

Orang Sumatra dari daerah pedalaman, meskipun ia memegang bagian dalam beberapa tingkat dari wali Melayu, dan sebagian dari pengaruh contoh, memegang banyak nilai eksklusif; namun mereka sebetulnya lebih bersifat negatif ketimbang positif. Ia bersifat rendah hati, damai dan menonjol, tanpa kemurkaan yang ditimbulkan oleh provokasi kekerasan, ketika ia ditempatkan dalam pengiriman ulangnya. Ia bersifat sederhana dan tenang, setara dalam penyajian daging dan minuman. Jenis makanan penduduk asli kebanyakan adalah sayur; air hanya sebagai minuman mereka; dan meskipun mereka akan menjagal unggas atau kambing bagi orang asing, yang mungkin tak pernah mereka lihat sebelumnya, maupun pernah ingin untuk melihat lagi, mereka jarang mendakwa tindakan tersebut untuk diri mereka sendiri, bahkan maupun pada perayaan mereka (bimbang), di saat sejumlah daging, yang banyak mereka santap selain nasi. Kesantunan mereka bersifat ekstrim, dan terikat oleh kemampuan mereka sendiri. Perilaku mereka sederhana; mereka umumnya, kecuali di kalangan pemimpin, terhindar dari kelicikan dan ketidakjujuran Melayu; sehingga diiringi dengan kecepatan penangkapan, dan pada banyak kejadian menemukan tingkat penetrasi dan kecerdikan menonjol. Dalam kaitannya dengan wanita, mereka sangat menghromati, tanpa sikap insensibilitas. Mereka sangat sederhana; terutama dipandu dengan ekspresi mereka; menghormati perilaku mereka; bersungguh-sungguh dalam kepergian mereka, baik sendiri atau tak pernah tak pernah tertawa; dan sabar pada tingkat besar. Di sisi lain, mereka gemar berperkara; malas; gemar bermain; tak jujur dalam kesepakatan mereka dengan orang asing, yang mereka anggap tak melanggar moral; memata-matai; tak memiliki rasa percaya; memperalat transaksi mereka; seperti budak; meskipun bersih dalam hal perorangan, pakaian mereka kotor, yang tak pernah mereka cuci. Mereka bersikap tak peduli dan mengabaikan masa depan, karena keinginan mereka sedikit, meskipun berkekurangan, mereka tak memiliki kebutuhan; mengambil hasil alam, dengan fasilitas luar biasa, apa yang ia dapatkan sesuai untuk keberadaan mereka. Ilmu dan seni rupa tidak ada, dengan memperluas pandangan mereka, berkontribusi pada pelebaran lingkar keinginan mereka, dan berbagai penyempurnaan kemewahan, yang dalam masyarakat yang dipoles menjadi kebutuhan hidup, secara bulat tidak diketahui oleh mereka. Orang-orang Makassar dan Bugis, yang dayang setiap tahun ke daerah mereka dari Sulawesi untuk berdagang ke Sumatra, dipandang oleh para penduduk tersebut sebagai petinggi mereka. Orang-orang Melayu terpikat untuk meniru gaya busana mereka, dan sering berangan-angan untuk bekerja sama dan mengabdi kepada orang-orang tersebut dalam lagu-lagu mereka. Reputasi mereka untuk keberanian, yang terkadang mengejutkan seluruh suku lain di laut timur, membuat mereka dicap atas sifat datar tersebut. Mereka juga memberikan sikap hormat mereka dari kekayaan kargo yang diimpor oleh kami, dan jiwa yang dijalankan oleh mereka dihasilkan dalam judi, sabung ayam dan menghisap candu.

GOVERNMENT

Having endeavoured to trace the character of these people with as much fidelity and accuracy as possible, I shall now proceed to give an account of their government, laws, customs, and manners; and, in order to convey to the reader the clearest ideas in my power, I shall develop the various circumstances in such order and connection as shall appear best to answer this intent, without confining myself, in every instance, to a rigid and scrupulous arrangement under distinct heads.

PEMBAGIAN SUKU PADA ORANG-ORANG REJANG

Orang-orang Rejang, yang, untuk alasan-alasan sebelum ditugaskan, aku memiliki kepastian terhadap standar deskripsi, namun umumnya diterapkan kepada orang ulu, atau para penduduk daerah pedalaman, yang terbagi dalam suku-suku, para keturunan dari leluhur berbeda. Dari hal itu, terdapat empat hal utama, yang dikatakan menurunkan cikal bakal mereka dari empat bersaudara, dan disatukan dari suatu waktu dalam sebuah kelompok ofensif dan defensif; meskipun diyakini bahwa ikatan persatuan yang permanen tersebut lebih dikaitkan kepada peristiwa yang diakibatkan dari keadaan mereka ketimbang kesepakatan atau kekompakan formal manapun.

THEIR GOVERNMENT

The inhabitants live in villages, called dusun, each under the government of a headman or magistrate, styled dupati, whose dependants are termed his ana-buah, and in number seldom exceed one hundred. The dupatis belonging to each river (for here, the villages being almost always situated by the waterside, the names we are used to apply to countries or districts are properly those of the rivers) meet in a judicial capacity at the kwalo, where the European factory is established, and are then distinguished by the name of proattin.

PANGERAN

Pangeran (sebuah gelar Jawa), atau pemimpin feodal daerah, memimpin secara keseluruhan. Bukanlah masalah yang mudah untuk menyebut apa yang menjadi kedudukan dupati untuk pangerannya, atau ana-buah untuk dirinya sendiri, terlalu sangat sedikit kasus yang praktis teramati. Nyaris tanpa seni, dan dengan namun industri yang sedikit, keadaan properti nyaris setara di kalangan seluruh penduduk, dan para pemimpinnya sangat berbeda namun dengan gelar dari orang banyak.

HIS AUTHORITY

Their authority is no more than nominal, being without that coercive power necessary to make themselves feared and implicitly obeyed. This is the natural result of poverty among nations habituated to peace; where the two great political engines of interest and military force are wanting. Their government is founded in opinion, and the submission of the people is voluntary. The domestic rule of a private family beyond a doubt suggested first the idea of government in society, and, this people having made but small advances in civil policy, theirs continues to retain a strong resemblance of its original. It is connected also with the principle of the feudal system, into which it would probably settle should it attain to a greater degree of refinement. All the other governments throughout the island are likewise a mixture of the patriarchal and feudal; and it may be observed that, where a spirit of conquest has reduced the inhabitants under the subjection of another power, or has added foreign districts to their dominion, there the feudal maxims prevail: where the natives, from situation or disposition, have long remained undisturbed by revolutions, there the simplicity of patriarchal rule obtains; which is not only the first and natural form of government of all rude nations rising from imperceptible beginnings, but is perhaps also the highest state of perfection at which they can ultimately arrive. It is not in this art alone that we perceive the next step from consummate refinement, leading to simplicity.

MUCH LIMITED

The foundation of right to government among these people seems, as I said, to be the general consent. If a chief exerts an undue authority, or departs from their long established customs and usages, they conceive themselves at liberty to relinquish their allegiance. A commanding aspect, an insinuating manner, a ready fluency in discourse, and a penetration and sagacity in unravelling the little intricacies of their disputes, are qualities which seldom fail to procure to their possessor respect and influence, sometimes perhaps superior to that of an acknowledged chief. The pangean indeed claims despotic sway, and as far as he can find the means scruples not to exert it; but, his revenues being insufficient to enable him to keep up any force for carrying his mandates into execution, his actual powers are very limited, and he has seldom found himself able to punish a turbulent subject any otherwise than by private assassination. In appointing the heads of dusuns he does little more than confirm the choice already made among the inhabitants, and, were he arbitrarily to name a person of a different tribe or from another place, he would not be obeyed. He levies no tax, nor has any revenue (what he derives from the India Company being out of the question), or other emolument from his subjects than what accrues to him from the determination of causes. Appeals lie to him in all cases, and none of the inferior courts or assemblies of proattins are competent to pronounce sentence of death. But, all punishments being by the laws of the country commutable for fines, and the appeals being attended with expense and loss of time, the parties generally abide by the first decision. Those dusuns which are situated nearest to the residence of the pangeran, at Sungey-lamo, acknowledge somewhat more of subordination than the distant ones, which even in case of war esteem themselves at liberty to assist or not, as they think proper, without being liable to consequences. In answer to a question on this point, "we are his subjects, not his slaves," replied one of the proattins. But from the pangeran you hear a tale widely different. He has been known to say, in a political conversation, "such and such dusuns there will be no trouble with; they are my powder and shot;" explaining himself by adding that he could dispose of the inhabitants, as his ancestors had done, to purchase ammunition in time of war.

CIKAL BAKAL PANGERAN DI RAJANG

Ayah Pangeran Mangko Raja (yang namanya diambil dari keadaan ketika ia mengambil bagian dalam pengusiran Inggris dari Benteng Marlborough pada tahun 1719) merupakan orang pertama yang menyandang gelar pangeran Sungey-lamo. Sebelumnya, ia digelari Baginda Sabyam. Sampai usia sekitar seratus tahun, pantai selatan Sumatra sejauh Sungai Urei bergantung pada raja Bantam, yang mendatangkan Jennang (letnan atau deputi) setiap tahun kepada Silebar atau Bencoolen, mengumpulkan lada dan mengisi kelowongan lewat penominasian, atau lebih kepada mengkonfirmasikan pelantikan mereka, para petinggi. Tak lama usai masa itu, Inggris mendirikan sebuah pemukiman di Bencoolen, jennang memberitahukan para pemimpin bahwa ia harus tak lebih dari mengunjungi mereka, dan, mengangkat dua pemimpin Sungey-lamo dan Sungey-itam (pemimpin Sungey-itam merupakan pemimpin daerah Lemba di kawasan Sungai Bencoolen; sementara pemimpin Sungey-lamo mengatur beberapa desa, dan merupakan kepala suku Rejang), demi martabat pangeran, menyerahkan pemerintahan ke tangan mereka di wilayah tersebut, dan menarik klaim petingginya. Catatan semacam ini diberikan oleh para pemegang cikal bakal gelar mereka saat ini, yang nyaris berkaitan dengan transaksi tercatat pada masa itu. Ini secara alami menyusul pemimpin harus menyerahkan klaim otoritas mutlak raya yang diwakili olehnya, dan di sisi lain bahwa para pemimpin harus tetapmenganggapnya selain sebagai salah satu dari mereka sendiri, dan membayarnya lebih kecil ketimbang upeti biasa. Ia tak memiliki kekuatan untuk menegakkan permohonannya, dan mereka memegang hak-hak mereka, tanpa mengambil sumpah kesetiaan, maupun menjalin ikatan melalui jalinan positif. Namun, mereka berkata kepadanya dengan hormat, dan dalam pernyataan menengah manapun yang tak berdampak pada adat atau kebiasaan mereka, mereka siap mambantunya (tolong, seperti yang mereka ekspresikan kepadanya), namun lebih kepada persoalan yang disukai ketimbang menjalankan kewajiban.

Pengecualian dari penanganan mutlak, yang ditujukan kepada para dupati, mereka diijinkan untuk menurunkan ana-buah mereka, yang memerintah mereka hanya pada pengaruh wacana. Penghormatan ditujukan kepada salah satu dari mereka lebih kecil ketimbang kepada tetua keluarga yang dihargai, dan pria tua dusun berbagi dengannya, duduk di sisinya dalam pengadilan dengan sedikit perbedaan yang timbul di antara mereka sendiri. Jika mereka tak dapat menentukan keputusan, atau bersengketa dengan salah satu desa terpisah, para pemimpin tetangga dari suku yang sama bertemu untuk keperluan tersebut. Dari litigasi yang timbul, beberapa penghormatan kecil kepada dupati, yang memberikan penghormatan kepada pihak lain lebih memberatkan ketimbang suatu kemajuan. Dalam pendirian pekerjaan-pekerjaan umum, seperti ballei atau balai kota, ia mengkontribusikan sebagian besar material. Ia menerima dan menghibur seluruh orang asing, para bawahannya memberikan pernyataan tujuan mereka pada kesempatan tertentu; dan pemberian mereka seperti halnya makanan dan penginapan tak pernah ditolak oleh orang-orang yang meminta kepada mereka.

SUKSESI DUPATI

Meskipun pangkat dupati tidaklah selalu pewarisan putra, ketika berumur dan mampu, umumnya melanjutkan almarhum ayahnya: jika terlalu muda, saudara ayahnya, atau salah satu anggota keluarga semacamnya nampaknya paling dikualifikasikan untuk memegang jabatan tersebut, bukan sebagai wali raja namun dalam haknya sendiri; dan anggota yang lebih kecil mungkin berada pada kelowongan berikutnya. Jika penempatan tersebut tak menyenangkan bagi sebagian penduduk, mereka menentukan salah satu dari mereka sendiri soal siapa pemimpin yang akan mereka ikuti, dan pergi dari desanya, atau pada beberapa keluarga, memisahkan diri mereka sendiri dari anggota keluarga yang lain, memilih pemimpin, namun saat dinominasikan, tak menyandang gelar dupati sampai dikonfirmasikan oleh pangeran, atau oleh Residen Perushaaan. Pada setiap sungai, terdapat setidaknya satu pemimpin paripurna, yang disebut pambarab, yang dipilih oleh pemimpin lainnya dan memiliki hak atau tigas memimpin penyeragaman dan upacara ketika dua desa atau lebih bersinggungan, dengan pemberian upeti yang lebih besar, dan (seperti para pahlawan menonjol oleh Homer) juga memiliki tujuan-tujuan. Jika lebih dari satu suku bermukim di sungai yang sama, masing-masing biasanya memiliki pambarab-nya. Tak hanya sungai atau daerah namun setiap dusun bersifat independen dari, meskipun tak saling terhubung dengan, tetangga-tetangganya, yang bertindak selaras dengan mereka dengan perhatian khusus.

PENGARUH EROPA

Sistem pemerintahan di kalangan rakyat dekat pesisir laut, yang, sampai ujung selatan pulau tersebut, adalah para penanam lada, yang banyak dipengaruhi oleh kekuatan Eropa, yang terlihat pada para pemimpin paripurna, dan melirik fakta dari banyaknya fungsi kedaulatan. Kemajuan yang diambil pada subyek tersebut, baik dalam esensi politik dan sipil, lebih besar ketimbang orang-orang dari kejauhan biasanya cenderung dugaan. Tekanan-tekanan terhadap terjadi di kalangan individual, namun, untuk menghormati jasa Perusahaan yang aku tambahkan, mereka sangat langka dan gampang terguncang. Dimana tingkat kekuatan dipegang satu orang menyalahgunakan kehendak, dalam hal-hal tertentu, timbul dalam beberapa contoh; kasus-kasus yang terjadi dalam ranah pribadi Residen akan diinterferensi dengan tugas publiknya; namun pintu terbuka untuk pemulihan, dan contoh-contohnya telah ada. Untuk menghancurkan pengaruh dan otoritas tersebut dalam rangka mencegah dampak-dampak untuk memotong lengan dalam rangka menghilangkan bagian yang dikeluhkan. Melalui kekuatan Perushaaan, distrik-distrik yang dikuasainya menikmati perdamaian tak terganggu. Tidak adanya kekuatan ini di setiap dusun dari setiap sungai akan menimbulkan perang dengan tetangganya. Para penduduk asli sendiri membolehkannya, dan ketika terjadi, bahkan dalam waktu singkat di saat Inggris meninggalkan pesisir, dalam perang Inggris dengan Prancis. Pertikaian daerah melawan daerah, sangat sering di kalangan independen di wilayah utama. Dalam wilayah yurisdiksi Perusahaan, hal-hal tersebut tak terdengar. Musibah-musibah yang tak diinginkan tersebut terjadi di seluruh kepulauan Melayu yang berhadapan dengan masalah pribadi namun sangat jarang terjadi. "Aku berkata kepadamu sejujurnya," kata seorang dupati, yang banyak bergesekan terhadap salah satu tetangganya, "bahwa hanya kamu," menekankan kepada Residen Laye, "yang menghindari pembidikan senjata ini ke dadaku." Residen juga dianggap sebagai pelindung rakyat dari ketidakadilan dan penindasan para pemimpin. Meskipun tak terjadi secara terbuka pada wilayah kekuasaan mereka yang tak mendukung, penindasan ini kurang mengena pada penyintasnya. Para penegak hukum, dan sangat mendasarkan pada keutamaan ini, mereka menunggu untuk memajukan kebutuhan dan penghirauan, sampai mereka melucuti harta benda, keluarga dan kebebasan pribadi mereka. Untuk menghindari praktek-praktek pemerintahan kehakiman parsial akibat suap, pengawasan saksi, dan seperti penyelidikan, sebuah kepastian berkelanjutan dari perhatian dan otoritas Residen diwajibkan, dan, ketika otoritas tersebut secara tak sengaja dilonggarkan, daerah tersebut jatuh dalam ketidaksesuaian.

It is true that this interference is not strictly consonant with the spirit of the original contracts entered into by the Company with the native chiefs, who, in consideration of protection from their enemies, regular purchase of the produce of their country, and a gratuity to themselves proportioned to the quantity of that produce, undertake on their part to oblige their dependants to plant pepper, to refrain from the use of opium, the practice of gaming, and other vicious excesses, and to punish them in case of non-compliance. But, however prudent or equal these contracts might have been at the time their form was established, a change of circumstances, the gradual and necessary increase of the Company's sway which the peace and good of the country required, and the tacit consent of the chiefs themselves (among whom the oldest living have never been used to regard the Company, who have conferred on them their respective dignities, as their equals, or as trading in their districts upon sufferance), have long antiquated them; and custom and experience have introduced in their room an influence on one side, and a subordination on the other, more consistent with the power of the Company and more suitable to the benefits derived from the moderate and humane exercise of that power. Prescription has given its sanction to this change, and the people have submitted to it without murmuring, as it was introduced not suddenly but with the natural course of events, and bettered the condition of the whole while it tended to curb the rapacity of the few. Then let not short-sighted or designing persons, upon false principles of justice, or ill-digested notions of liberty, rashly endeavour to overturn a scheme of government, doubtless not perfect, but which seems best adapted to the circumstances it has respect to, and attended with the fewest disadvantages. Let them not vainly exert themselves to procure redress of imaginary grievances, for persons who complain not, or to infuse a spirit of freedom and independence, in a climate where nature possibly never intended they should flourish, and which, if obtained, would apparently be attended with effects that all their advantages would badly compensate.

PEMERINTAHAN DI PASSUMMAH

Di Passummah, yang nyaris berbatasan dengan Rejang, di kawasan selatan, nampak ada beberapa perbedaan dalam gaya pemerintahan, meskipun jiwanya sama antar keduanya; para pemimpinnya setara tanpa kekuasaan tumpang tindih yang biasa, dan masyarakatnya secara setara bebas memilih siapa yang akan mereka layani. Ini merupakan sebuah daerah berpenduduk terkaya dan mendasar, terikat pada bagian utara oleh Lamattang, dan pada bagian tenggara oleh Lampong, sungai Padang-guchi menandai pembagian dari yang akhir, dekat pesisir laut. Ini berbeda dengan Passummah lebbar, atau besar, yang terbentang di daerah pedalaman, yang menghabiskan perjalanan sehari ke Muaro Mulang, di Sungai Palembang; dan Passummah ulu Manna, yang berada pada sisi barat perbukitan, penduduknya yang berkulit lebih putih dikatakan lebih terpencil dalam rangka menghindari pemerintahan Palembang.

Daerah tersebut diatur oleh empat pangeran, yang bersifat independen satu sama lain namun mengakui jenis kedaulatan pada sultan Palembang, dari mereka yang memegang chap (jaminan) dan menerima sebuah salin (penjamin) pada kenaikan takhta mereka. Pembawahannya adalah akibat dari pengaruh lama raja Bantam atas belahan pulau tersebut, Palembang menjadi pelabuhan yang dulunya bergantung padanya, dan kini pada Belanda, yang instrumennya adalah sultan. Terdapat pangeran yang berpangkat lebih rendah di nyaris setiap dusun (yang gelarnya nyaris seumum di Passummah seperti halnya dupati pada wilayah pesisir) yang dipilih oleh para penduduk, dan dikonfirmasikan oleh pangeran yang berpangkat lebih tinggi, yang membentuk mereka dalam menyelesaikan masalah-masalah. Di daerah hilir, di tempat para penanam lada bermukim, gelar kalippah dipakai; yang merupakan kekeliruan dari kata khalifah dalam bahasa Arab, yang artinya wakil pemimpin. Setiap pangeran memimpin berbagai suku, yang dikumpulkan pada waktu berbeda (beberapa diantaranya adalah kolonis dari Rejang, serta dari daerah timur mereka, yang bernama Haji) dan menaungkan diri mereka sendiri, beberapa di bawah satu dan beberapa di bawah pemimpin lainnya; juga pemimpin paripurna mereka, atau pambarab, seperti halnya daerah-daerah utara. Di sungai-sungai Peeno, Manna, dan Bankannon masing-masing merupakan dua kalippah, beberapa diantaranya juga merupakan pangeran, yang terakhir kalinya nampak disini alih-alih gelar kehormatan, atau kekhasan keluarga, ketimbang kepemimpinan. Mereka bersifat independen satu sama lain, tak memiliki petinggi; dan jumlah mereka, menurut pemikiran rakyat, tak dapat meningkat.

Bab 12

LAWS AND CUSTOMS. MODE OF DECIDING CAUSES.
CODE OF LAWS.

LAWS OR CUSTOMS

There is no word in the languages of the island which properly and strictly signifies law; nor is there any person or class of persons among the Rejangs regularly invested with a legislative power. They are governed in their various disputes by a set of long-established customs (adat), handed down to them from their ancestors, the authority of which is founded on usage and general consent. The chiefs, in pronouncing their decisions, are not heard to say, "so the law directs," but "such is the custom." It is true that, if any case arises for which there is no precedent on record (of memory), they deliberate and agree on some mode that shall serve as a rule in future similar circumstances. If the affair be trifling that is seldom objected to; but when it is a matter of consequence the pangeran, or kalippah (in places where such are present), consults with the proattins, or lower order of chiefs, who frequently desire time to consider of it, and consult with the inhabitants of their dusun. When the point is thus determined the people voluntarily submit to observe it as an established custom; but they do not acknowledge a right in the chiefs to constitute what laws they think proper, or to repeal or alter their ancient usages, of which they are extremely tenacious and jealous. It is notwithstanding true that, by the influence of the Europeans, they have at times been prevailed on to submit to innovations in their customs; but, except when they perceived a manifest advantage from the change, they have generally seized an opportunity of reverting to the old practice.

MODE OF DECIDING CAUSES

All causes, both civil and criminal, are determined by the several chiefs of the district, assembled together at stated times for the purpose of distributing justice. These meetings are called becharo (which signifies also to discourse or debate), and among us, by an easy corruption, bechars. Their manner of settling litigations in points of property is rather a species of arbitration, each party previously binding himself to submit to the award, than the exertion of a coercive power possessed by the court for the redress of wrongs.

The want of a written criterion of the laws and the imperfect stability of traditionary usage must frequently, in the intricacies of their suits, give rise to contradictory decisions; particularly as the interests and passions of the chiefs are but too often concerned in the determination of the causes that come before them.

COMPILATION OF LAWS

This evil had long been perceived by the English Residents, who, in the countries where we are settled, preside at the bechars, and, being instigated by the splendid example of the Governor-general of Bengal (Mr. Hastings), under whose direction a code of the laws of that empire was compiled (and translated by Mr. Halhed), it was resolved that the servants of the Company at each of the subordinates should, with the assistance of the ablest and most experienced of the natives, attempt to reduce to writing and form a system of the usages of the Sumatrans in their respective residencies. This was accordingly executed in some instances, and, a translation of that compiled in the residency of Laye coming into my possession, I insert it here, in the original form, as being attended with more authority and precision than any account furnished from my own memorandums could pretend to.

REJANG LAWS

For the more regular and impartial administration of justice in the Residency of Laye, the laws and customs of the Rejangs, hitherto preserved by tradition, are now, after being discussed, amended, and ratified, in an assembly of the pangeran, pambarabs, and proattins, committed to writing in order that they may not be liable to alteration; that those deserving death or fine may meet their reward; that causes may be brought before the proper judges, and due amends made for defaults; that the compensation for murder may be fully paid; that property may be equitably divided; that what is borrowed may be restored; that gifts may become the undoubted property of the receiver; that debts may be paid and credits received agreeably to the customs that have been ever in force beneath the heavens and on the face of the earth. By the observance of the laws a country is made to flourish, and where they are neglected or violated ruin ensues.

BECHARS, SUITS, OR TRIALS

PROCESS IN SUITS

The plaintiff and defendant first state to the bench the general circumstances of the case. If their accounts differ, and they consent to refer the matter to the decision of the proattins or bench, each party is to give a token, to the value of a suku, that he will abide by it, and to find security for the chogo, a sum stated to them, supposed to exceed the utmost probable damages.

• If the chogo do not exceed 30 dollars the bio or fee paid by each is 1 1/4 dollars.
  
• If the chogo do not exceed 30 to 50 dollars the bio or fee paid by each is 2 1/2 dollars.
  
• If the chogo do not exceed 50 to 100 dollars the bio or fee paid by each is 5 dollars.
  
• If the chogo do not exceed 100 dollars and upwards the bio or fee paid by each is 9 dollars.

All chiefs of dusuns, or independent tallangs, are entitled to a seat on the bench upon trials.

If the pangeran sits at the bechar he is entitled to one half of all bio, and of such fines, or shares of fines, as fall to the chiefs, the pambarabs, and other proattins dividing the remainder.

If the pangeran be not present the pambarabs have one-third, and the other proattins two-thirds of the foregoing. Though a single pambarab only sit he is equally entitled to the above one-third. Of the other proattins five are requisite to make a quorum.

No bechar, the chogo of which exceeds five dollars, to be held by the proattins, except in the presence of the Company's Resident, or his assistant.

If a person maliciously brings a false accusation and it is proved such, he is liable to pay a sum equal to that which the defendant would have incurred had his design succeeded; which sum is to be divided between the defendant and the proattins, half and half.

The fine for bearing false witness is twenty dollars and a buffalo.

The punishment of perjury is left to the superior powers (orang alus). Evidence here is not delivered on previous oath.

LAWS OF INHERITANCE

If the father leaves a will, or declares before witnesses his intentions relative to his effects or estate, his pleasure is to be followed in the distribution of them amongst his children.

If he dies intestate and without declaring his intentions the male children inherit, share and share alike, except that the house and pusako (heirlooms, or effects on which, from various causes, superstitious value is placed) devolve invariably to the eldest.

The mother (if by the mode of marriage termed jujur, which, with the other legal terms, will be hereafter explained) and the daughters are dependant on the sons.

If a man, married by semando, dies, leaving children, the effects remain to the wife and children. If the woman dies, the effects remain to the husband and children. If either dies leaving no children the family of the deceased is entitled to half the effects.

OUTLAWRY

Any person unwilling to be answerable for the debts or actions of his son or other relation under his charge may outlaw him, by which he, from that period, relinquishes all family connexion with him, and is no longer responsible for his conduct.

The outlaw to be delivered up to the Resident or pangeran, accompanied with his writ of outlawry, in duplicate, one copy to be lodged with the Resident, and one with the outlaw's pambarab.

The person who outlaws must pay all debts to that day.

On amendment, the outlaw may be recalled to his family, they paying such debts as he may have contracted whilst outlawed, and redeeming his writ by payment of ten dollars and a goat, to be divided among the pangeran and pambarabs.

If an outlaw commits murder he is to suffer death.

If murdered, a bangun, or compensation, of fifty dollars, is to be paid for him to the pangeran.

If an outlaw wounds a person he becomes a slave to the Company or pangeran for three years. If he absconds and is afterwards killed no bangun is to be paid for him.

If an outlaw wounds a person and is killed in the scuffle no bangun is to be paid for him.

If the relations harbour an outlaw they are held willing to redeem him, and become answerable for his debts.

THEFT

A person convicted of theft pays double the value of the goods stolen, with a fine of twenty dollars and a buffalo, if they exceed the value of five dollars: if under five dollars the fine is five dollars and a goat; the value of the goods still doubled.

All thefts under five dollars, and all disputes for property, or offences to that amount, may be compromised by the proattins whose dependants are concerned.

Neither assertion nor oath of the prosecutor are sufficient for conviction without token (chino) of the robbery, namely, some article recovered of the goods stolen; or evidence sufficient.

If any person, having permission to pass the night in the house of another, shall leave it before daybreak, without giving notice to the family, he shall be held accountable for any thing that may be that night missing.

If a person passing the night in the house of another does not commit his effects to the charge of the owner of it, the latter is not accountable if they are stolen during the night. If he has given them in charge, and the stranger's effects only are lost during the night, the owner of the house becomes accountable. If effects both of the owner and lodger are stolen, each is to make oath to the other that he is not concerned in the robbery, and the parties put up with their loss, or retrieve it as they can.

Oaths are usually made on the koran, or at the grave of an ancestor, according as the Mahometan religion prevails more or less. The party intended to be satisfied by the oath generally prescribes the mode and purport of it.

BANGUN, OR COMPENSATION FOR MURDER

• The bangun or compensation for the murder of a pambarab is 500 dollars.
  
• The bangun or compensation for the murder of an inferior proattin is 250 dollars.
  
• The bangun or compensation for the murder of a common person, man or boy, is 80 dollars.
  
• The bangun or compensation for the murder of a common person, woman or girl, is 150 dollars.
  
• The bangun or compensation for the murder of the legitimate children or wife of a pambarab is 250 dollars.

Exclusive of the above, a fine of fifty dollars and a buffalo as tippong bumi (expiation), is to be paid on the murder of a pambarab; of twenty dollars and a buffalo on the murder of any other; which goes to the pambarab and proattins.

The bangun of an outlaw is fifty dollars without tippong bumi.

No bangun is to be paid for a person killed in the commission of a robbery.

The bangun of pambarabs and proattins is to be divided between the pangeran and pambarabs one half; and the family of the deceased the other half.

The bangun of private persons is to be paid to their families; deducting the adat ulasan of ten per cent to the pambarabs and proattins.

If a man kills his slave he pays half his price as bangun to the pangeran, and the tippong bumi to the proattins.

If a man kills his wife by jujur he pays her bangun to her family, or to the proattins, according as the tali kulo subsists or not.

If a man kills or wounds his wife by semando he pays the same as for a stranger.

If a man wounds his wife by jujur slightly he pays one tail or two dollars.

If a man wounds his wife by jujur with a weapon and an apparent intention of killing her he pays a fine of twenty dollars.

If the tali kulo (tie of relationship) is broken the wife's family can no longer claim bangun or fine: they revert to the proattins.

If a pambarab wounds his wife by jujur he pays five dollars and a goat.

If a pambarab's daughter, married by jujur, is wounded by her husband he pays five dollars and a goat.

For a wound occasioning the loss of an eye or limb or imminent danger of death half the bangun is to be paid.

For a wound on the head the pampas or compensation is twenty dollars.

For other wounds the pampas from twenty dollars downwards.

If a person is carried off and sold beyond the hills the offender, if convicted, must pay the bangun. If the person has been recovered previous to the trial the offender pays half the bangun.

If a man kills his brother he pays to the proattins the tippong bumi.

If a wife kills her husband she must suffer death.

If a wife by semando wounds her husband her relations must pay what they would receive if he wounded her.

DEBTS AND CREDITS

DEBTS

On the death of a person in debt (unless he die an outlaw, or married byambel-anak) his nearest relation becomes accountable to the creditors.

Of a person married by ambel-anak the family he married into is answerable for debts contracted during the marriage: such as were previous to it his relations must pay.

A father, or head of a family, has hitherto been in all cases liable to the debts of his sons, or younger relations under his care; but to prevent as much as possible his suffering by their extravagance it is now resolved:

That if a young unmarried man (bujang) borrows money, or purchases goods without the concurrence of his father, or of the head of his family, the parent shall not be answerable for the debt. Should the son use his father's name in borrowing it shall be at the lender's risk if the father disavows it.

If any person gives credit to the debtor of another (publicly known as such, either in the state of mengiring, when the whole of his labour belongs to the creditor, or of be-blah, when it is divided) the latter creditor can neither disturb the debtor for the sum nor oblige the former to pay it. He must either pay the first debt (membulati, consolidate) or let his claim lie over till the debtor finds means to discharge it.

Interest of money has hitherto been three fanams per dollar per month, or one hundred and fifty per cent per annum. It is now reduced to one fanam, or fifty per cent per annum, and no person is to receive more, under penalty of fine, according to the circumstances of the case.

No more than double the principal can in any case be recovered at law. A person lending money at interest, and letting it lie over beyond two years, loses the surplus.

No pepper-planter to be taken as a debtor mengiring, under penalty of forty dollars.

A planter in debt may engage in any work for hire that does not interfere with the care of his garden, but must on no account mengiring, even though his creditor offers to become answerable for the care of his garden.

If a debtor mengiring absconds from his master (or creditor, who has a right to his personal service) without leave of absence he is liable to an increase of debt at the rate of three fanams per day. Females have been hitherto charged six fanams, but are now put upon a footing the same as the men.

If a debtor mengiring, without security, runs away, his debt is liable to be doubled if he is absent above a week.

If a man takes a person mengiring, without security for the debt, should the debtor die in that predicament the creditor loses his money, having no claim on the relations for it.

If a person takes up money under promise of mengiring at a certain period, should he not perform his agreement he must pay interest for the money at one fanam per dollar per month.

If a person, security for another, is obliged to pay the debt he is entitled to demand double from the debtor; but this claim to be moderated according to circumstances.

If a person sues for a debt which is denied the onus probandi lies with the plaintiff. If he fails in proof the defendant, on making oath to the justness of his denial, shall be acquitted.

If a debtor taking care of a pepper garden, or one that gives half produce to his creditor (be-blah), neglects it, the person in whose debt he is must hire a man to do the necessary work; and the hire so paid shall be added to the debt. Previous notice shall however be given to the debtor, that he may if he pleases avoid the payment of the hire by doing the work himself.

If a person's slave, or debtor mengiring, be carried off and sold beyond the hills the offender is liable to the bangun, if a debtor, or to his price, if a slave. Should the person be recovered the offender is liable to a fine of forty dollars, of which the person that recovers him has half, and the owner or creditor the remainder. If the offender be not secured the reward shall be only five dollars to the person that brings the slave, and three dollars the debtor, if on this side the hills; if from beyond the hills the reward is doubled.

LAWS REGARDING MARRIAGE

The modes of marriage prevailing hitherto have been principally by jujur, or by ambel-anak, the Malay semando being little used. The obvious ill consequences of the two former, from the debt or slavery they entailed upon the man that married, and the endless lawsuits they gave rise to, have at length induced the chiefs to concur in their being as far as possible laid aside; adopting in lieu of them the semando malayo, or mardiko, which they now strongly recommend to their dependants as free from the encumbrances of the other modes, and tending, by facilitating marriage, and the consequent increase of population, to promote the welfare of their country. Unwilling, however, to abolish arbitrarily a favourite custom of their ancestors, marriage by jujur is still permitted to take place, but under such restrictions as will, it is hoped, effectually counteract its hitherto pernicious consequences. Marriage by ambel-anak, which rendered a man and his descendants the property of the family he married into, is now prohibited, and none permitted for the future, but, by semando, or jujur, subject to the following regulations.

The jujur of a virgin (gadis) has been hitherto one hundred and twenty dollars: the adat annexed to it have been tulis-tanggil, fifteen dollars; upah daun kodo, six dollars, and tali kulo, five dollars:

The jujur of a widow, eighty dollars, without the adat; unless her children by the former marriage went with her, in which case the jujur gadis was paid in full.

It is now determined that, on a man's giving his daughter in marriage by jujur for the future, there shall, in lieu of the above, be fixed a sum not exceeding one hundred and fifty dollars, to be in full for jujur and all adat whatever. That this sum shall, when the marriage takes place, be paid upon the spot; that if credit is given for the whole, or any part, it shall not be recoverable by course of law; and as the sum includes the tali kulo, or bond of relationship, the wife thereby becomes the absolute property of the husband. The marriage by jujur being thus rendered equivalent to actual sale, and the difficulty enhanced by the necessity of paying the full price upon the spot, it is probable that the custom will in a great measure cease, and, though not positively, be virtually abolished. Nor can a lawsuit follow from any future jujur.

The adat, or custom, of the semando malayo or mardiko, to be paid by the husband to the wife's family upon the marriage taking place, is fixed at twenty dollars and a buffalo, for such as can afford it; and at ten dollars and a goat, for the poorer class of people.

Whatever may be acquired by either party during the subsistence of the marriage becomes joint property, and they are jointly liable to debts incurred, if by mutual consent. Should either contract debts without the knowledge and consent of the other the party that contracts must alone bear them in case of a divorce.

If either party insists upon, or both agree in it, a divorce must follow. No other power can separate them. The effects, debts, and credits in all cases to be equally divided. If the man insists upon the divorce he pays a charo of twenty dollars to the wife's family, if he obtained her a virgin; if a widow, ten dollars. If the woman insists on the divorce no charo is to be paid. If both agree in it the man pays half the charo.

If a man married by semando dies--Vide Inheritance.

If a man carries off a woman with her consent, and is willing either to pay her price at once by jujur, or marry her by semando, as the father or relations please, they cannot reclaim the woman, and the marriage takes place.

If a man carries off a girl under age (which is determined by her not having her ears bored and teeth filed--bulum bertinde berdabong), though with her own consent, he pays, exclusive of the adat jujur, or semando, twenty dollars if she be the daughter of a pambarab, and ten dollars for the daughter of any other, whether the marriage takes place or not.

If a risau, or person without property and character, carries off a woman (though with her own consent) and can neither pay the jujur, nor adat semando, the marriage shall not take place, but the man be fined five dollars and a goat for misdemeanour. If she be under age, his fine ten dollars and a goat.

If a man has but one daughter, whom, to keep her near him, he wishes to give in marriage by semando; should a man carry her off, he shall not be allowed to keep her by jujur, though he offer the money upon the spot. If he refuses to marry her by semando, no marriage takes place, and he incurs a fine to the father of ten dollars and a goat.

If a man carries off a woman under pretence of marriage he must lodge her immediately with some reputable family. If he carries her elsewhere, for a single night he incurs a fine of fifty dollars, payable to her parents or relations.

If a man carries off a virgin against her inclination (me-ulih) he incurs a fine of twenty dollars and a buffalo: if a widow, ten dollars and a goat, and the marriage does not take place. If he commits a rape, and the parents do not choose to give her to him in marriage, he incurs a fine of fifty dollars.

The adat libei, or custom of giving one woman in exchange for another taken in marriage, being a modification of the jujur, is still admitted of; but if the one be not deemed an equivalent for the other the necessary compensation (as the pangalappang, for nonage) must be paid upon the spot, or it is not recoverable by course of law. If a virgin is carried off (te-lari gadis) and another is given in exchange for her, by adat libei, twelve dollars must be paid with the latter as adat ka-salah.

A man married by ambel-anak may redeem himself and family on payment of the jujur and adat of a virgin before-mentioned.

The charo of a jujur marriage is twenty-five dollars. If the jujur be not yet paid in full and the man insists on a divorce he receives back what he has paid, less twenty-five dollars. If the woman insists no charo can be claimed by her relations. If the tali kulo is putus (broken) the wife is the husband's property and he may sell her if he pleases.

If a man compels a female debtor of his to cohabit with him her debt, if the fact be proved, is thereby discharged, if forty dollars and upwards: if under forty the debt is cleared and he pays the difference. If she accuses her master falsely of this offence her debt is doubled. If he cohabits with her by her consent her parents may compel him to marry her, either by jujur or semando, as they please.

If an unmarried woman proves with child the man against whom the fact is proved must marry her; and they pay to the proattins a joint fine of twenty dollars and a buffalo. This fine, if the parties agree to it, may be levied in the country by the neighbouring proattins (without bringing it before the regular court).

If a woman proves with child by a relation within the prohibited degrees they pay to the proattins a joint fine of twice fifty dollars and two buffaloes (hukum duo akup).

A marriage must not take place between relations within the third degree, or tungal nene. But there are exceptions for the descendants of females who, passing into other families, become as strangers. Of two brothers, the children may not intermarry. A sister's son may marry a brother's daughter; but a brother's son may not marry a sister's daughter.

If relations within the prohibited degrees intermarry they incur a fine of twice fifty dollars and two buffaloes, and the marriage is not valid.

On the death of a man married by jujur or purchase, any of his brothers, the eldest in preference, if he pleases, may succeed to his bed. If no brother chooses it they may give the woman in marriage to any relation on the father's side, without adat, the person who marries her replacing the deceased (mangabalu). If no relation takes her and she is given in marriage to a stranger he may be either adopted into the family to replace the deceased, without adot, or he may pay her jujur, or take her by semando, as her relations please.

If a person lies with a man's wife by force he is deserving of death; but may redeem his head by payment of the bangun, eighty dollars, to be divided between the husband and proattins.

If a man surprises his wife in the act of adultery he may put both man and woman to death upon the spot, without being liable to any bangun. If he kills the man and spares his wife he must redeem her life by payment of fifty dollars to the proattins. If the husband spares the offender, or has only information of the fact from other persons, he may not afterwards kill him, but has his remedy at law, the fine for adultery being fifty dollars, to be divided between the husband and the proattins. If he divorces his wife on this account he pays no charo.

If a younger sister be first married, the husband pays six dollars, adat pelalu, for passing over the elder.

GAMING

All gaming, except cock-fighting at stated periods, is absolutely prohibited. The fine for each offence is fifty dollars. The person in whose house it is carried on, if with his knowledge, is equally liable to the fine with the gamesters. A proattin knowing of gaming in his dusun and concealing it incurs a fine of twenty dollars. One half of the fines goes to the informer, the other to the Company, to be distributed among the industrious planters at the yearly payment of the customs.

OPIUM FARM

The fine for the retailing of opium by any other than the person who farms the license is fifty dollars for each offence: one half to the farmer, and the other to the informer.

EXECUTIVE POWER

The executive power for enforcing obedience to these laws and customs, and for preserving the peace of the country, is, with the concurrence of the pangeran and proattins, vested in the Company's Resident.

Done at Laye, in the month Rabia-al akhir, in the year of the Hejra 1193, answering to April 1779.

JOHN MARSDEN, Resident.

---

LAWS OR ADAT OF MANNA

Having procured likewise a copy of the regulations sanctioned by the chiefs of the Passummah country assembled at Manna, I do not hesitate to insert it, not only as varying in many circumstances from the preceding, but because it may eventually prove useful to record the document.

INHERITANCE

If a person dies having children these inherit his effects in equal portions, and become answerable for the debts of the deceased. If any of his brothers survive they may be permitted to share with their nephews, but rather as matter of courtesy than of right, and only when the effects of the deceased devolved to him from his father or grandfather. If he was a man of rank it is common for the son who succeeds him in title to have a larger share. This succession is not confined to the eldest born but depends much on private agreement in the family. If the deceased person leaves no kindred behind him the tribe to which he belonged shall inherit his effects, and be answerable for his debts.

DEBTS

When a debt becomes due and the debtor is unable to pay his creditors, or has no effects to deposit, he shall himself, or his wife, or his children, live with the creditor as a bond-slave or slaves until redeemed by the payment of the debt.

If a debt is contracted without any promise of interest none shall be demanded, although the debt be not paid until some time after it first became due. The rate of interest is settled at twenty per cent per annum; but in all suits relating to debts on interest, how long soever they may have been outstanding, the creditor shall not be entitled to more interest than may amount to a sum equal to the capital: if the debt is recent it shall be calculated as above. If any person lends to another a sum exceeding twenty-five dollars and sues for payment before the chiefs he shall be entitled only to one year's interest on the sum lent. If money is lent to the owner of a padi-plantation, on an agreement to pay interest in grain, and after the harvest is over the borrower omits to pay the stipulated quantity, the lender shall be entitled to receive at the rate of fifteen dollars for ten lent; and if the omission should be repeated another season the lender shall be entitled to receive double the principal. In all cases of debt contested the onus probandi lies with the demandant, who must make good his claim by creditable evidence, or in default thereof the respondent may by oath clear himself from the debt. On the other hand, if the respondent allows such a debt to have existed but asserts a previous payment, it rests with him to prove such payment by proper evidence, or in defect the demandant shall by oath establish his debt.

EVIDENCE AND OATHS

EVIDENCE

In order to be deemed a competent and unexceptionable evidence person must be of a different family and dusun from the person in whose behalf he gives evidence, of good character, and a free man: but if the dispute be between two inhabitants of the same dusun persons of such dusun are allowed to be complete evidence. In respect to the oath taken by the principals in a dispute the hukuman (or comprehensive quality of the oath) depends on the nature of the property in dispute: if it relates to the effects of the grandfather the hukuman must extend to the descendants from the grandfather; if it relates to the effects of the father it extends to the descendants of the father, etc. If any of the parties proposed to be included in the operation of the oath refuse to subject themselves to the oath the principal in the suit loses his cause.

PAWNS OR PLEDGES

If any person holding a pawn or pledge such as wearing-apparel, household effects, or krises, swords, or kujur (lances), shall pledge it for a larger sum than he advanced for it, he shall be answerable to the owner for the full value of it, on payment of the sum originally advanced. If any person holding as a pledge man, woman, or child shall pledge them to any other at an advanced sum, or without the knowledge of the owner, and by these means the person pledged should be sold as a slave, he shall make good to the owner the full value of such slave, and pay a fine of twenty-eight dollars. If any person whatever holding man, woman, or child as a pawn, either with janji lalu (term expired) or not, or with or without the consent of the original owner, shall sell such person as a slave without the knowledge of the Resident and Chiefs, he shall be fined twenty-eight dollars.

BUFFALOES

CATTLE

All persons who keep buffaloes shall register at the godong (factory­house) their tingas or mark; and, in case any dispute shall arise about a marked buffalo, no person shall be allowed to plead a mark that is not registered. If any wild (stray) buffalo or buffaloes, unmarked, shall be taken in a kandang (staked inclosure) they shall be adjudged the property of any who takes upon himself to swear to them; and, if it should happen that two or more persons insist upon swearing to the same buffaloes, they shall be divided among them equally. If no individual will swear to the property the buffaloes are to be considered as belonging to the kalippah or magistrate of the district where they were caught. The person who takes any buffaloes in his kandang shall be entitled to a gratuity of two dollars per head. If any buffaloes get into a pepper-garden, either by day or night, the owner of the garden shall have liberty to kill them, without being answerable to the owner of the buffaloes: yet, if it shall appear on examination that the garden was not properly fenced, and from this defect suffers damage, the owner shall be liable to such fine as the Resident and Chiefs shall judge it proper to impose.

THEFT

A person convicted of stealing money, wearing-apparel, household effects, arms, or the like shall pay the owner double the value of the goods stolen and be fined twenty-eight dollars. A person convicted of stealing slaves shall pay to the owner at the rate of eighty dollars per head, which is estimated to be double the value, and fined twenty­eight dollars. A person convicted of stealing betel, fowls, or coconuts shall pay the owner double the value and be fined seven dollars, half of which fine is to be received by the owner. If buffaloes are stolen they shall be valued at twelve dollars per head: padi at four bakul (baskets) for the dollar. If the stolen goods be found in the possession of a person who is not able to account satisfactorily how he came by them he shall be deemed the guilty person. If a person attempting to seize a man in the act of thieving shall get hold of any part of his clothes which are known, or his kris or siwah, this shall be deemed a sufficient token of the theft. If two witnesses can be found who saw the stolen goods in possession of a third person such person shall be deemed guilty unless he can account satisfactorily how he became possessed of the goods. The oath taken by such witnesses shall either include the descendants of their father, or simply their own descendants, according to the discretion of the chiefs who sit as judges. If several people sleep in one house, and one of them leaves the house in the night without giving notice to any of the rest, and a robbery be committed in the house that night, the person so leaving the house shall be deemed guilty of the crime, provided the owner of the stolen goods be willing to subject himself to an oath on the occasion; and provided the other persons sleeping in the house shall clear themselves by oath from being concerned in the theft: but if it should happen that a person so convicted, being really innocent, should in after time discover the person actually guilty, he shall have liberty to bring his suit and recover. If several persons are sleeping in a house and a robbery is committed that night, although none leave the house the whole shall be obliged to make oath that they had no knowledge of, or concern in, the theft, or on refusal shall be deemed guilty. In all cases of theft where only a part of the stolen goods is found the owner must ascertain upon oath the whole amount of his loss.

MURDER, WOUNDING, AND ASSAULT

A person convicted of murder shall pay to the relations of the deceased a bangun of eighty-eight dollars, one suku, and seventy-five cash; to the chiefs a fine of twenty-eight dollars; the bhasa lurah, which is a buffalo and one hundred bamboos of rice; and the palantan, which is fourteen dollars. If a son kills his father, or a father his son, or a man kills his brother, he shall pay a fine of twenty-eight dollars, and the bhasa lurah as above. If a man kills his wife the relations of the deceased shall receive half a bangun: if any other kills a man's wife the husband is entitled to the bangun, but shall pay out of it to the relations of the wife ten dollars. In wounds a distinction is made in the parts of the body. A wound in any part from the hips upward is esteemed more considerable than in the lower parts. If a person wounds another with sword, kris, kujur, or other weapon, and the wound is considerable, so as to maim him, he shall pay to the person wounded a half-bangun, and to the chiefs half of the fine for murder, with half of the bhasa lurah, etc. If the wound is trifling but fetches blood he shall pay the person wounded the tepong of fourteen dollars, and be fined fourteen dollars. If a person wounds another with a stick, bamboo, etc., he shall simply pay the tepong of fourteen dollars. If in any dispute between two people krises are drawn the person who first drew his kris shall be fined fourteen dollars. If any person having a dispute assembles together his friends with arms, he shall be fined twenty-eight dollars.

MARRIAGE, DIVORCE, ETC

MARRIAGE

There are two modes of marriage used here: one by purchase, called jujur or kulu, the other by adoption, called ambel anak. First of jujur.

JUJUR

When a person is desirous of marrying he deposits a sum of money in the hands of the father of the virgin, which is called the pagatan. This sum is not esteemed part of the purchase, but as an equivalent for the dandanan (paraphernalia, or ornamental apparel) of the bride, and is not fixed but varies according to the circumstances and rank of the father. The amount of the jujur is fixed at seventy dollars, including the hurup niawa (price of life), forty dollars, a kris with gold about the head and silver about the sheath, valued at ten dollars, and the meniudakan billi or putus kulo (completion of purchase) at twenty. If a young man runs away with a gadis or virgin without the consent of the father he does not act contrary to the laws of the country; but if he refuses to pay the full jujur on demand he shall be fined twenty­eight dollars. If the father, having received the pagatan of one man, marries his daughter to another before he returns the money to the first, he shall be fined fourteen dollars, and the man who marries the daughter shall also be fined fourteen dollars. In case of divorce (which may take place at the will of either party) the dandanan brought by the wife is to be valued and to be deducted from the purchase-money. If a divorce originates from the man, and before the whole purchase­money is paid, the man shall receive back what he has advanced after deducting the dandanan as above, and fourteen dollars, called penusutan. If the divorce originates with the woman the whole purchase-money shall be returned, and the children, if any, remain with the father. If a divorce originates with the man, when the whole purchase-money has been paid, or kulo sudah putus, he shall not be entitled to receive back the purchase-money, but may recall his wife whenever it shall be agreeable to him. An exact estimation is made of the value of the woman's ornaments, and what are not restored with her must be made good by the husband. If there are children they are in this case to be divided, or if there be only one the husband is to allow the woman fifteen dollars, and to take the child. Secondly, of ambel anak.

AMBEL ANAK

When a man marries after the custom called ambel anak he pays no money to the father of the bride, but becomes one of his family, and is entirely upon the footing of a son, the father of his wife being thenceforward answerable for his debts, etc., in the same manner as for his own children. The married man becomes entirely separate from his original family, and gives up his right of inheritance. It is however in the power of the father of the wife to divorce from her his adopted son whenever he thinks proper, in which case the husband is not entitled to any of the children, nor to any effects other than simply the clothes on his back: but if the wife is willing still to live with him, and he is able to redeem her and the children by paying the father a hundred dollars, it is not at the option of the father to refuse accepting this sum; and in that case the marriage becomes a kulo or jujur, and is subject to the same rules. If any unmarried woman is convicted of incontinence, or a married woman of adultery, they shall pay to the chiefs a fine of forty dollars, or in defect thereof become slaves, and the man with whom the crime was committed shall pay a fine of thirty dollars, or in like manner become a slave; and the parties between them shall also be at the expense of a buffalo and a hundred bamboos of rice. This is called the gawe pati or panjingan. If an unmarried woman proves with child and refuses to name the man with whom she was guilty she shall pay the whole fine of seventy dollars, and furnish the buffalo, etc. If a woman after marriage brings forth a child before the due course of nature she shall be fined twenty-eight dollars. If a man keeps a young woman in his house for any length of time, and has a child by her without being regularly married, he shall be fined twenty-eight dollars, and furnish a buffalo and a hundred bamboos of rice. If a person detects the offenders in the act of adultery, and, attempting to seize the man, is obliged to kill him in self-defence, he shall not pay the bangun, nor be fined, but only pay the bhasa lurah, which is a buffalo and a hundred bamboos of rice. On the other hand, if the guilty person kills the one who attempts to seize him, he shall be deemed guilty of murder and pay the bangun and fine accordingly. If a man holding a woman as a pawn, or in the condition of mengiring shall commit fornication with her, he shall forfeit his claim to the debt, and the woman become free.

OUTLAWRY

If the members of a family have suffered inconvenience from the ill conduct of any of their relations by having been rendered answerable for their debts, etc., it shall be in their power to clear themselves from all future responsibility on his account by paying to the chiefs the sum of thirty dollars, a buffalo, and a hundred bamboos of rice. This is termed buang surat. Should the person so cast out be afterwards murdered the relations have forfeited their right to the bangun, which devolves to the chiefs.

Dated at Manna, July 1807.

JOHN CRISP, Resident.

Bab 13

REMARKS ON, AND ELUCIDATION OF, THE VARIOUS LAWS AND CUSTOMS.
MODES OF PLEADING.
NATURE OF EVIDENCE.
OATHS.
INHERITANCE.
OUTLAWRY.
THEFT, MURDER, AND COMPENSATION FOR IT.
ACCOUNT OF A FEUD.
DEBTS.
SLAVERY.

CATATAN DAN PENJELASAN ATAS BERBAGAI HUKUM DAN ADAT.

Sistem penjelasan atas adat, atau kebiasaan wilayah, utamanya dipakai untuk penduduk asli, atau orang-orang yang mengikuti perilaku mereka pada umumnya, dan dirancang, bukan untuk ilustrasi kebiasaan, namun singkatnya sebagai standar hak, istilah yang sangat sedikit dan ringkas mungkin dibuat untuk dipakai, dan sejumlah besar bagian perlu dikenakan untuk para pembaca. Sehingga, aku harus katakan bahwa orang-orang tertentu diwajibkan menjelaskan, dan didorong untuk menyoroti jiwa dan operasi dari hukum mereka semacam itu, khususnya seperti yang nampak pada kebanyakan pergesekan gagasan kehakiman distributif mereka. Tanggapannya adalah lebih ke permohonan karena ini nampak bahwa beberapa aturan mereka, yang dikenakan secara tak konsisten dengan nurani rakyat, ditetapkan dan diberlakukan lewat alasan paling benderang dari orang-orang yang bertindak sebagai para perwakilan perusahaan Inggris dan ini sebetulnya membicarakan ulang gagasan lembaga-lembaga asli.

MODE OF PLEADING

The plaintiff and defendant usually plead their own cause, but if circumstances render them unequal to it they are allowed to pinjam mulut (borrow a mouth). Their advocate may be a proattin, or other person indifferently; nor is there any stated compensation for the assistance, though if the cause be gained a gratuity is generally given, and too apt to be rapaciously exacted by these chiefs from their clients, when their conduct is not attentively watched. The proattin also, who is security for the damages, receives privately some consideration; but none is openly allowed of. A refusal on his part to become security for his dependant or client is held to justify the latter in renouncing his civil dependence and choosing another patron.

EVIDENCE

Evidence is used among these people in a manner very different from the forms of our courts of justice. They rarely admit it on both sides of the question; nor does the witness first make a general oath to speak the truth, and nothing but the truth. When a fact is to be established, either on the part of the plaintiff or of the defendant, he is asked if he can produce any evidence to the truth of what he asserts. On answering in the affirmative he is directed to mention the person. This witness must not be a relation, a party concerned, nor even belong to the same dusun. He must be a responsible man, having a family, and a determinate place of residence. Thus qualified, his evidence may be admitted. They have a settled rule in respect to the party that is to produce evidence. For instance; A. sues B. for a debt: B. denies the debt: A. is now to bring evidence to the debt, or, on failure thereof, it remains with B. to clear himself of the debt by swearing himself not indebted. Had B. acknowledged that such a debt had formerly subsisted but was since paid, it would be incumbent on B. to prove the payment by evidence, or on failure it would rest with A. to confirm the debt's being still due, by his oath. This is an invariable mode, observed in all cases of property.

OATHS

As their manner of giving evidence differs from ours so also does the nature of an oath among them differ from our idea of it. In many cases it is requisite that they should swear to what it is not possible in the nature of things they should know to be true. A. sues B. for a debt due from the father or grandfather of B. to the father or grandfather of A. The original parties are dead and no witness of the transaction survives. How is the matter to be decided? It remains with B. to make oath that his father or grandfather never was indebted to those of A.; or that if he was indebted the debt had been paid. This, among us, would be esteemed a very strange method of deciding causes; but among these people something of the kind is absolutely necessary. As they have no sort of written accounts, nor anything like records or registers among them, it would be utterly impossible for the plaintiff to establish the debt by a positive proof in a multitude of cases; and were the suit to be dismissed at once, as with us, for want of such proof, numbers of innocent persons would lose the debts really due to them through the knavery of the persons indebted, who would scarce ever fail to deny a debt. On the side of the defendant again; if he was not permitted to clear himself of the debt by oath, but that it rested with the plaintiff only to establish the fact by a single oath, there would be a set of unprincipled fellows daily swearing debts against persons who never were indebted to any of their generation. In such suits, and there are many of them, it requires no small discernment to discover, by the attendant circumstances, where the truth lies; but this may be done in most instances by a person who is used to their manners and has a personal knowledge of the parties concerned. But what they mean by their oath, in those cases where it is impossible they should be acquainted with the facts they design to prove, is no more than this; that they are so convinced of the truth of the matter as to be willing to subject themselves to the paju sumpah (destructive consequences of perjury) if what they assert is believed by them to be false. The form of words used is nearly as follows: "If what I now declare, namely" (here the fact is recited) "is truly and really so, may I be freed and clear from my oath: if what I assert is wittingly false, may my oath be the cause of my destruction." But it may be easily supposed that, where the punishment for a false oath rests altogether with the invisible powers, where no direct infamy, no corporal punishment is annexed to the perjury, there cannot fail to be many who would makan sumpah (swallow an oath), and willingly incur the guilt, in order to acquire a little of their neighbour's property.

Although an oath, as being an appeal to the superior powers, is supposed to come within their cognizance alone, and that it is contrary to the spirit of the customs of these people to punish a perjury by human means, even if it were clearly detected; yet, so far prevalent is the opinion of their interposition in human affairs that it is very seldom any man of substance, or who has a family that he fears may suffer by it, will venture to forswear himself; nor are there wanting apparent examples to confirm them in this notion. Any accident that happens to a man who has been known to take a false oath, or to his children or grandchildren, is carefully recorded in memory, and attributed to this sole cause. The dupati of Gunong Selong and his family have afforded an instance that is often quoted among the Rejangs, and has evidently had great weight. It was notorious that he had, about the year 1770, taken in the most solemn manner a false oath. He had at that time five sons grown up to manhood. One of them, soon after, in a scuffle with some bugis (country soldiers) was wounded and died. The dupati the next year lost his life in the issue of a disturbance he had raised in the district. Two of the sons died afterwards, within a week of each other. Mas Kaddah, the fourth, is blind; and Treman, the fifth, lame. All this is attributed to, and firmly believed to be the consequence of, the father's perjury.

COLLATERAL OATHS

In administering an oath, if the matter litigated respects the property of the grandfather, all the collateral branches of the family descended from him are understood to be included in its operation: if the father's effects only are concerned, or the transaction happened in his lifetime, his descendants are included: if the affair regards only the present parties and originated with them, they and their immediate descendants only are comprehended in the consequences of the oath; and if any single one of these descendants refuses to join in the oath it vitiates the whole; that is, it has the same effect as if the party himself refused to swear; a case that not unfrequently occurs. It may be observed that the spirit of this custom tends to the requiring a weight of evidence and an increase of the importance of the oath in proportion as the distance of time renders the fact to be established less capable of proof in the ordinary way.

Sometimes the difficulty of the case alone will induce the court to insist on administering the oath to the relations of the parties, although they are nowise concerned in the transaction. I recollect an instance where three people were prosecuted for a theft. There was no positive proof against them, yet the circumstances were so strong that it appeared proper to put them to the test of one of these collateral oaths. They were all willing, and two of them swore. When it came to the turn of the third he could not persuade his relations to join with him, and he was accordingly brought in for the whole amount of the goods stolen, and penalties annexed.

These customs bear a strong resemblance to the rules of proof established among our ancestors, the Anglo-Saxons, who were likewise obliged, in the case of oaths taken for the purpose of exculpation, to produce a certain number of compurgators; but, as these might be any indifferent persons, who would take upon them to bear testimony to the truth of what their neighbour swore, from an opinion of his veracity, there seems to be more refinement and more knowledge of human nature in the Sumatran practice. The idea of devoting to destruction, by a wilful perjury, not himself only, but all, even the remotest branches, of a family which constitutes his greatest pride, and of which the deceased heads are regarded with the veneration that was paid to the dii lares of the ancients, has doubtless restrained many a man from taking a false oath, who without much compunction would suffer thirty or a hundred compurgators of the former description to take their chance of that fate. Their strongest prejudices are here converted to the most beneficial purposes.

CEREMONY OF TAKING AN OATH

The place of greatest solemnity for administering an oath is the krammat or burying-ground of their ancestors, and several superstitious ceremonies are observed on the occasion. The people near the sea-coast, in general, by long intercourse with the Malays, have an idea of the Koran, and usually employ this in swearing, which the priests do not fail to make them pay for; but the inland people keep, laid up in their houses, certain old reliques, called in the Rejang language pesakko, and in Malayan, sactian, which they produce when an oath is to be taken. The person who has lost his cause, and with whom it commonly rests to bind his adversary by an oath, often desires two or three days' time to get ready these his swearing apparatus, called on such occasions sumpahan, of which some are looked upon as more sacred and of greater efficacy than others. They consist of an old rusty kris, a broken gun barrel, or any ancient trumpery, to which chance or caprice has annexed an idea of extraordinary virtue. These they generally dip in water, which the person who swears drinks off, after having pronounced the form of words before mentioned.* The pangeran of Sungei-lamo has by him certain copper bullets which had been steeped in water drunk by the Sungei­etam chiefs, when they bound themselves never to molest his districts: which they have only done since as often as they could venture it with safety, from the relaxation of our government. But these were political oaths. The most ordinary sumpahan is a kris, and on the blade of this they sometimes drop lime-juice, which occasions a stain on the lips of the person performing the ceremony; a circumstance that may not improbably be supposed to make an impression on a weak and guilty mind. Such would fancy that the external stain conveyed to the beholders an image of the internal. At Manna the sumpahan most respected is a gun barrel. When produced to be sworn on it is carried to the spot in state, under an umbrella, and wrapped in silk. This parade has an advantageous effect by influencing the mind of the party with a high idea of the importance and solemnity of the business. In England the familiarity of the object and the summary method of administering oaths are well known to diminish their weight, and to render them too often nugatory. They sometimes swear by the earth, laying their hands upon it and wishing that it may never produce aught for their nourishment if they speak falsely. In all these ceremonies they burn on the spot a little gum benzoin--Et acerra thuris plena, positusque carbo in cespite vivo.

(*Footnote. The form of taking an oath among the people of Madagascar very nearly resembles the ceremonies used by the Sumatrans. There is a strong similarity in the articles they swear on and in the circumstance of their drinking the consecrated water.)

It is a striking circumstance that practices which boast so little of reason in their foundation, which are in fact so whimsical and childish, should yet be common to nations the most remote in situation, climate, language, complexion, character, and everything that can distinguish one race of people from another. Formed of like materials, and furnished with like original sentiments, the uncivilized tribes of Europe and of India trembled from the same apprehensions, excited by similar ideas, at a time when they were ignorant, or even denied the possibility of each other's existence. Mutual wrong and animosity, attended with disputes and accusations, are not by nature confined to either description of people. Each, in doubtful litigations, might seek to prove their innocence by braving, on the justice of their cause, those objects which inspired amongst their countrymen the greatest terror. The Sumatran, impressed with an idea of invisible powers, but not of his own immortality, regards with awe the supposed instruments of their agency, and swears on krises, bullets, and gun barrels; weapons of personal destruction. The German Christian of the seventh century, more indifferent to the perils of this life, but not less superstitious, swore on bits of rotten wood and rusty nails, which he was taught to revere as possessing efficacy to secure him from eternal perdition.

INHERITANCE

When a man dies his effects, in common course, descend to his male children in equal shares; but if one among them is remarkable for his abilities above the rest, though not the eldest, he usually obtains the largest proportion, and becomes the head of the tungguan or house; the others voluntarily yielding him the superiority. A pangeran of Manna left several children; none of them succeeded to the title, but a name of distinction was given to one of the younger, who was looked upon as chief of the family after the father's decease. Upon asking the eldest how it happened that the name of distinction passed over him and was conferred on his younger brother, he answered with great naivete, "because I am accounted weak and silly." If no male children are left and a daughter only remains they contrive to get her married by the mode of ambel anak, and thus the tungguan of the father continues. An equal distribution of property among children is more natural and conformable to justice than vesting the whole in the eldest son, as prevails throughout most part of Europe; but where wealth consists in landed estate the latter mode, beside favouring the pride of family, is attended with fewest inconveniences. The property of the Sumatrans being personal merely, this reason does not operate with them. Land is so abundant in proportion to the population that they scarcely consider it as the subject of right any more than the elements of air and water; excepting so far as in speculation the prince lays claim to the whole. The ground however on which a man plants or builds, with the consent of his neighbours, becomes a species of nominal property, and is transferable; but as it costs him nothing beside his labour it is only the produce which is esteemed of value, and the compensation he receives is for this alone. A temporary usufruct is accordingly all that they attend to, and the price, in case of sale, is generally ascertained by the coconut, durian, and other fruit-trees that have been planted on it; the buildings being for the most part but little durable. Whilst any of those subsist the descendants of the planter may claim the ground, though it has been for years abandoned. If they are cut down he may recover damages; but if they have disappeared in the course of nature the land reverts to the public.

They have a custom of keeping by them a sum of money as a resource against extremity of distress, and which common exigencies do not call forth. This is a refined antidote against despair, because, whilst it remains possible to avoid encroaching on that treasure, their affairs are not at the worst, and the idea of the little hoard serves to buoy up their spirits and encourage them to struggle with wretchedness. It usually therefore continues inviolate and descends to the heir, or is lost to him by the sudden exit of the parent. From their apprehension of dishonesty and insecurity of their houses their money is for the most part concealed in the ground, the cavity of an old beam, or other secret place; and a man on his death-bed has commonly some important discovery of this nature to make to his assembled relations.

OUTLAWRY

The practice of outlawing an individual of a family by the head of it (called lepas or buang dangan surat, to let loose, or cast out with a writing) has its foundation in the custom which obliges all the branches to be responsible for the debts contracted by any one of the kindred. When an extravagant and unprincipled spendthrift is running a career that appears likely to involve his family in ruinous consequences, they have the right of dissolving the connexion and clearing themselves of further responsibility by this public act, which, as the writ expresses it, sends forth the outcast, as a deer into the woods, no longer to be considered as enjoying the privileges of society. This character is what they term risau, though it is sometimes applied to persons not absolutely outlawed, but of debauched and irregular manners.

In the Saxon law we find a strong resemblance to this custom; the kindred of a murderer being exempt from the feud if they abandoned him to his fate. They bound themselves in this case neither to converse with him nor to furnish him with meat or other necessaries. This is precisely the Sumatran outlawry, in which it is always particularly specified (beside what relates to common debts) that if the outlaw kills a person the relations shall not pay the compensation, nor claim it if he is killed. But the writ must have been issued before the event, and they cannot free themselves by a subsequent process, as it would seem the Saxons might. If an outlaw commits murder the friends of the deceased may take personal revenge on him, and are not liable to be called to an account for it; but if such be killed, otherwise than in satisfaction for murder, although his family have no claim, the prince of the country is entitled to a certain compensation, all outlaws being nominally his property, like other wild animals.

COMPENSATION FOR MURDER

It seems strange to those who are accustomed to the severity of penal laws, which in most instances inflict punishment exceeding by many degrees the measure of the offence, how a society can exist in which the greatest of all crimes is, agreeably to established custom, expiated by the payment of a certain sum of money; a sum not proportioned to the rank and ability of the murderer, nor to the premeditation, or other aggravating circumstances of the fact, but regulated only by the quality of the person murdered. The practice had doubtless its source in the imbecility of government, which, being unable to enforce the law of retaliation, the most obvious rule of punishment, had recourse to a milder scheme of retribution as being preferable to absolute indemnity. The latter it was competent to carry into execution because the guilty persons readily submit to a penalty which effectually relieves them from the burden of anxiety for the consequences of their action. Instances occur in the history of all states, particularly those which suffer from internal weakness, of iniquities going unpunished, owing to the rigour of the pains denounced against them by the law, which defeats its own purpose. The original mode of avenging a murder was probably by the arm of the person nearest in consanguinity, or friendship, to the deceased; but this was evidently destructive of the public tranquillity, because thereby the wrong became progressive, each act of satisfaction, or justice, as it was called, being the source of a new revenge, till the feud became general in the community; and some method would naturally be suggested to put a stop to such confusion. The most direct step is to vest in the magistrate or the law the rights of the injured party, and to arm them with a vindictive power; which principle the policy of more civilized societies has refined to that of making examples in terrorem, with a view of preventing future, not of revenging past crimes. But this requires a firmness of authority to which the Sumatran governments are strangers. They are without coercive power, and the submission of the people is little other than voluntary; especially of the men of influence, who are held in subjection rather by the sense of general utility planted in the breast of mankind, attachment to their family and connexions, and veneration for the spot in which their ancestors were interred, than by the apprehension of any superior authority. These considerations however they would readily forego, renounce their fealty, and quit their country, if in any case they were in danger of paying with life the forfeit of their crimes; to lesser punishments those ties induce them to submit; and to strengthen this hold their customs wisely enjoin that every the remotest branch of the family shall be responsible for the payment of their adjudged and other debts; and in cases of murder the bangun, or compensation, may be levied on the inhabitants of the village the culprit belonged to, if it happens that neither he nor any of his relations can be found.

The equality of punishment, which allows to the rich man the faculty of committing, with small inconvenience, crimes that bring utter destruction on the poor man and his family, and which is in fact the greatest inequality, originates certainly from the interested design of those through whose influence the regulation came to be adopted. Its view was to establish a subordination of persons. In Europe the absolute distinction between rich and poor, though too sensibly felt, is not insisted upon in speculation, but rather denied or explained away in general reasoning. Among the Sumatrans it is coolly acknowledged, and a man without property, family, or connexions never, in the partiality of self-love, considers his own life as being of equal value with that of a man of substance. A maxim, though not the practice, of their law, says, "that he who is able to pay the bangun for murder must satisfy the relations of the deceased; he who is unable, must suffer death." But the avarice of the relations prefers selling the body of the delinquent for what his slavery will fetch them (for such is the effect of imposing a penalty that cannot be paid) to the satisfaction of seeing the murder revenged by the public execution of a culprit of that mean description. Capital punishments are therefore almost totally out of use among them; and it is only par la loi du plus fort that the Europeans take the liberty of hanging a notorious criminal now and then, whom however their own chiefs always condemn, and formally sentence.

CORPORAL PUNISHMENT

Corporal punishment of any kind is rare. The chain, and a sort of stocks, made of the pinang tree, are adopted from us; the word pasong, now commonly used to denote the latter, originally signifying and being still frequently applied to confinement in general. A kind of cage made use of in the country is probably their own invention. "How do you secure a prisoner (a man was asked) without employing a chain or our stocks?" "We pen him up," said he, "as we would a bear!" The cage is made of bamboos laid horizontally in a square, piled alternately, secured by timbers at the corners, and strongly covered in at top. To lead a runaway they fasten a rattan round his neck, and, passing it through a bamboo somewhat longer than his arms, they bring his hands together and make them fast to the bamboo, in a state rather of constraint than of pain, which I believe never is wantonly or unnecessarily inflicted. If the offender is of a desperate character they bind him hands and feet and sling him on a pole. When they would convey a person from accident or otherwise unable to walk they make a palanquin by splitting a large bamboo near the middle of its length, where they contrive to keep it open so that the cavity forms a bed, the ends being preserved whole, to rest upon their shoulders.

The custom of exacting the bangun for murder seems only designed with a view of making a compensation to the injured family, and not of punishing the offender. The word signifies awaking or raising up, and the deceased is supposed to be replaced, or raised again to his family, in the payment of a sum proportioned to his rank, or equivalent to his or her personal value. The price of a female slave is generally more than that of a male, and therefore, I heard a chief say, is the bangun of a woman more than that of a man. It is upon this principle that their laws take no cognizance of the distinction between a wilful murder and what we term manslaughter. The loss is the same to the family, and therefore the compensations are alike. A dupati of Laye, in an ill hour, stepped unwarily across the mouth of a cannon at the instant it was fired off for a salute, and was killed by the explosion, upon which his relations immediately sued the sergeant of the country-guard, who applied the match, for the recovery of the bangun; but they were cast, and upon these grounds: that the dupati was instrumental in his own death, and that the Company's servants, being amenable to other laws for their crimes, were not, by established custom, subject to the bangun or other penalties inflicted by the native chiefs, for accidents resulting from the execution of their duty. The tippong bumi, expiation, or purification of the earth from the stain it has received, was however gratuitously paid. No plea was set up that the action was unpremeditated, and the event chance-medley.

The introduction of this custom is beyond the extent of Sumatran tradition, and has no connexion with, or dependence on, Mahometanism, being established amongst the most inland people from time immemorial. In early ages it was by no means confined to that part of the world. The bangun is perfectly the same as the compensation for murder in the rude institutions of our Saxon ancestors and other northern nations. It is the eric of Ireland, and the apoinon of the Greeks. In the compartments of the shield of Achilles Homer describes the adjudgment of a fine for homicide. It would seem then to be a natural step in the advances from anarchy to settled government, and that it can only take place in such societies as have already a strong idea of the value of personal property, who esteem its possession of the next importance to that of life, and place it in competition with the strongest passion that seizes the human soul.

The compensation is so regularly established among the Sumatrans that any other satisfaction is seldom demanded. In the first heat of resentment retaliation is sometimes attempted, but the spirit soon evaporates, and application is usually made, upon the immediate discovery of the fact, to the chiefs of the country for the exertion of their influence to oblige the criminal to pay the bangun. His death is then not thought of unless he is unable, and his family unwilling, to raise the established sum. Instances, it is true, occur in which the prosecutor, knowing the European law in such case, will, from motives of revenge, urge to the Resident the propriety of executing the offender rather than receive the money; but if the latter is ready to pay it it is contrary to their laws to proceed further. The degree of satisfaction that attends the payment of the bangun is generally considered as absolute to the parties concerned; they receive it as full compensation, and pretend to no farther claim upon the murderer and his family. Slight provocations however have been sometimes known to renew the feud, and there are not wanting instances of a son's revenging his father's murder and willingly refunding the bangun. When in an affray there happen to be several persons killed on both sides, the business of justice is only to state the reciprocal losses, in the form of an account current, and order the balance to be discharged, if the numbers be unequal. The following is a relation of the circumstances of one of these bloody feuds, which happened whilst I was in the island, but which become every year more rare where the influence of our government extends.

ACCOUNT OF A FEUD

Raddin Siban was the head of a tribe in the district of Manna, of which Pangeran Raja-Kalippah was the official chief; though by the customs of the country he had no right of sovereignty over him. The pangeran's not allowing him what he thought an adequate share of fines, and other advantages annexed to his rank, was the foundation of a jealousy and ill will between them, which an event that happened a few years since raised to the highest pitch of family feud. Lessut, a younger brother of the pangeran, had a wife who was very handsome, and whom Raddin Siban had endeavoured to procure, whilst a virgin, for HIS younger brother, who was in love with her: but the pangeran had contrived to circumvent him, and obtained the girl for Lessut. However it seems the lady herself had conceived a violent liking for the brother of Raddin Siban, who found means to enjoy her after she was married, or was violently suspected so to have done. The consequence was that Lessut killed him to revenge the dishonour of his bed. Upon this the families were presently up in arms, but the English Resident interfering preserved the peace of the country, and settled the affair agreeably to the customs of the place by bangun and fine. But this did not prove sufficient to extinguish the fury which raged in the hearts of Raddin Siban's family, whose relation was murdered. It only served to delay the revenge until a proper opportunity offered of gratifying it. The people of the country being called together on a particular occasion, the two inimical families were assembled, at the same time, in Manna bazaar. Two younger brothers (they had been five in all) of Raddin Siban, going to the cockpit, saw Raja Muda the next brother of the pangeran, and Lessut his younger brother, in the open part of a house which they passed. They quickly returned, drew their krises, and attacked the pangeran's brothers, calling to them, if they were men, to defend themselves. The challenge was instantly accepted, Lessut, the unfortunate husband, fell; but the aggressors were both killed by Raja Muda, who was himself much wounded. The affair was almost over before the scuffle was perceived. The bodies were lying on the ground, and Raja Muda was supporting himself against a tree which stood near the spot, when Raddin Siban, who was in a house on the opposite side of the bazaar at the time the affray happened, being made acquainted with the circumstances, came over the way, with his lance in his hand. He passed on the contrary side of the tree, and did not see Raja Muda, but began to stab with his weapon the dead body of Lessut, in excess of rage, on seeing the bloody remains of his two brothers. Just then, Raja Muda, who was half dead, but had his kris in his hand, still unseen by Raddin Siban, crawled a step or two and thrust the weapon into his side, saying "Matti kau"--"die thou!" Raddin Siban spoke not a word, but put his hand on the wound and walked across to the house from whence he came, at the door of which he dropped down and expired. Such was the catastrophe. Raja Muda survived his wounds, but being much deformed by them lives a melancholy example of the effects of these barbarous feuds.

PROOF OF THEFT

In cases of theft the swearing a robbery against a person suspected is of no effect, and justly, for were it otherwise nothing would be more common than the prosecution of innocent persons. The proper proofs are either seizure of the person in the fact before witnesses, or discovery of the goods stolen in possession of one who can give no satisfactory account how he came by them. As it frequently happens that a man finds part only of what he had lost it remains with him, when the robbery is proved, to ascertain the whole amount, by oath, which in that point is held sufficient.

LAW RESPECTING DEBTS

The law which renders all the members of a family reciprocally bound for the security of each others' debts forms a strong connexion among them, and occasions the elder branches to be particularly watchful of the conduct of those for whose imprudence they must be answerable.

When a debtor is unable to pay what he owes, and has no relation or friends capable of doing it for him, or when the children of a deceased person do not find property enough to discharge the debts of their parent, they are forced to the state which is called mengiring, which simply means to follow or be dependent on, but here implies the becoming a species of bond-slaves to the creditor, who allows them subsistence and clothing but does not appropriate the produce of their labour to the diminution of their debt. Their condition is better than that of pure slavery in this, that the creditor cannot strike them, and they can change their masters by prevailing on another person to pay their debt and accept of their labour on the same terms. Of course they may obtain their liberty if they can by any means procure a sum equal to their debt; whereas a slave, though possessing ever so large property, has not the right of purchasing his liberty. If however the creditor shall demand formally the amount of his debt from a person mengiring, at three several times, allowing a certain number of days between each demand, and the latter is not able to persuade anyone to redeem him, he becomes, by the custom of the country, a pure slave, upon the creditor's giving notice to the chief of the transaction. This is the resource he has against the laziness or untoward behaviour of his debtor, who might otherwise, in the state of mengiring, be only a burden to him. If the children of a deceased debtor are too young to be of service the charge of their maintenance is added to the debt. This opens a door for many iniquitous practices, and it is in the rigorous and frequently perverted exertion of these rights which a creditor has over his debtor that the chiefs are enabled to oppress the lower class of people, and from which abuses the English Residents find it necessary to be the most watchful to restrain them. In some cases one half of the produce of the labour is applied to the reduction of the debt, and this situation of the insolvent debtor is termed be-blah. Meranggau is the condition of a married woman who remains as a pledge for a debt in the house of the creditor of her husband. If any attempt should be made upon her person the proof of it annuls the debt; but should she bring an accusation of that nature, and be unable to prove it to the satisfaction of the court, and the man takes an oath in support of his innocence, the debt must be immediately paid by the family, or the woman be disposed of as a slave.

When a man of one district or country has a debt owing to him from the inhabitant of a neighbouring country, of which he cannot recover payment, an usual resource is to seize on one or more of his children and carry them off; which they call andak. The daughter of a Rejang dupati was carried off in this manner by the Labun people. Not hearing for some time from her father, she sent him cuttings of her hair and nails, by which she intimated a resolution of destroying herself if not soon released.

SLAVERY

The right of slavery is established in Sumatra, as it is throughout the East, and has been all over the world; yet but few instances occur of the country people actually having slaves; though they are common enough in the Malayan, or sea-port towns. Their domestics and labourers are either dependant relations, or the orang mengiring above described, who are usually called debtors, but should be distinguished by the term of insolvent debtors. The simple manners of the people require that their servants should live, in a great measure, on a footing of equality with the rest of the family, which is inconsistent with the authority necessary to be maintained over slaves who have no principle to restrain them but that of personal fear,* and know that their civil condition cannot be altered for the worse.

(*Footnote. I do not mean to assert that all men in the condition of slaves are devoid of principle: I have experienced the contrary, and found in them affection and strict honesty: but that there does not result from their situation as slaves any principle of moral rectitude; whereas every other condition of society has annexed to it ideas of duty and mutual obligation arising from a sense of general utility. That sublime species of morality derived from the injunctions of religion it is almost universally their fate to be likewise strangers to, because slavery is found inconsistent with the spirit of the gospel, not merely as inculcating philanthropy but inspiring a principle of equality amongst mankind.)

There is this advantage also, that when a debtor absconds they have recourse to his relations for the amount of his debt, who, if unable to pay it, must mengiring in his room; whereas when a slave makes his escape the law can give no redress, and his value is lost to the owner. These people moreover are from habit backward to strike, and the state of slavery unhappily requires the frequent infliction of punishment in that mode. A slave cannot possess independently any property; yet it rarely happens that a master is found mean and sordid enough to despoil them of the fruits of their industry; and their liberty is generally granted them when in a condition to purchase it, though they cannot demand it of right. It is nothing uncommon for those belonging to the Europeans to possess slaves of their own, and to acquire considerable substance. Their condition is here for the most part less unhappy than that of persons in other situations of life. I am far from wishing to diminish the horror that should ever accompany the general idea of a state which, whilst it degrades the species, I am convinced is not necessary among mankind; but I cannot help remarking, as an extraordinary fact, that if there is one class of people eminently happy above all others upon earth it is the body of Caffres, or negro slaves belonging to the India Company at Bencoolen. They are well clothed and fed, and supplied with a proper allowance of liquor; their work is by no means severe; the persons appointed as their immediate overseers are chosen for their merit from amongst themselves; they have no occasion of care or anxiety for the past or future, and are naturally of a lively and open temper. The contemplation of the effects which such advantages produce must afford the highest gratification to a benevolent mind. They are usually seen laughing or singing whilst at work, and the intervals allowed them are mostly employed in dancing to their rude instrumental music, which frequently begins at sunset and ceases only with the daylight that recalls them to their labour. Since they were first carried thither, from different parts of Africa and Madagascar, to the present hour, not so much as the rumour of disturbance or discontent has ever been known to proceed from them. They hold the natives of the island in contempt, have a degree of antipathy towards them, and enjoy any mischief they can do them; and these in their turn regard the Caffres as devils half humanized.

The practice said to prevail elsewhere of men selling themselves for slaves is repugnant to the customs of the Sumatrans, as it seems to reason. It is an absurdity to barter anything valuable, much more civil existence, for a sum which, by the very act of receiving, becomes again the property of the buyer. Yet if a man runs in debt without a prospect of paying, he does virtually the same thing, and this in cases of distress is not uncommon, in order to relieve, perhaps, a beloved wife, or favourite child, from similar bondage. A man has even been known to apply in confidence to a friend to sell him to a third person, concealing from the purchaser the nature of the transaction till the money was appropriated.

Ignorant stragglers are often picked up in the country by lawless knaves in power and sold beyond the hills. These have sometimes procured their liberty again, and prosecuting their kidnappers have recovered large damages. In the district of Allas a custom prevails by which, if a man has been sold to the hill people, however unfairly, he is restricted on his return from associating with his countrymen as their equal unless he brings with him a sum of money and pays a fine for his re-enfranchisement to his kalippah or chief. This regulation has taken its rise from an idea of contamination among the people, and from art and avarice among the chiefs.

Bab 14

MODES OF MARRIAGE, AND CUSTOMS RELATIVE THERETO.
POLYGAMY.
FESTIVALS.
GAMES.
COCK-FIGHTING.
USE AND EFFECTS OF OPIUM.

MOTIVES FOR ALTERING SOME OF THEIR MARRIAGE CUSTOMS

By much the greater number of the legal disputes among these people have their source in the intricacy attending their marriage contracts. In most uncivilized countries these matters are very simple, the dictates of nature being obeyed, or the calls of appetite satisfied, with little ceremony or form of convention; but with the Sumatrans the difficulties, both precedent and subsequent, are increased to a degree unknown even in the most refined states. To remedy these inconveniences, which might be supposed to deter men from engaging in marriage, was the view of the Resident of Laye, before mentioned, who prevailed upon them to simplify their engagements, as the means of preventing litigation between families, and of increasing the population of the country. How far his liberal views will be answered by having thus influenced the people to change their customs, whether they will not soon relapse into the ancient track; and whether in fact the cause that he supposed did actually contribute to retard population, I shall not pretend to determine; but as the last is a point on which a difference of opinion prevails I shall take the liberty of quoting here the sentiments of another servant of the Company (the late Mr. John Crisp) who possessed an understanding highly enlightened.

REASONS AGAINST THIS ALTERATION

This part of the island is in a low state of population, but it is an error to ascribe this to the mode of obtaining wives by purchase. The circumstance of children constituting part of the property of the parents proves a most powerful incentive to matrimony, and there is not perhaps any country on the face of the earth where marriage is more general than here, instances of persons of either sex passing their lives in a state of celibacy being extremely rare. The necessity of purchasing does not prove such an obstacle to matrimony as is supposed. Was it indeed true that every man was obliged to remain single till he had accumulated, from the produce of his pepper-garden, a sum adequate to the purchase of a wife, married pairs would truly be scarce. But the people have other resources; there are few families who are not in possession of some small substance; they breed goats and buffaloes, and in general keep in reserve some small sum for particular purposes. The purchase-money of the daughter serves also to provide wives for the sons. Certain it is that the fathers are rarely at a loss for money to procure them wives so soon as they become marriageable. In the districts under my charge are about eight thousand inhabitants, among whom I do not conceive it would be possible to find ten instances of men of the age of thirty years unmarried. We must then seek for other causes of the paucity of inhabitants, and indeed they are sufficiently obvious; among these we may reckon that the women are by nature unprolific, and cease gestation at an early age; that, almost totally unskilled in the medical art, numbers fall victims to the endemic diseases of a climate nearly as fatal to its indigenous inhabitants as to the strangers who settle among them: to which we may add that the indolence and inactivity of the natives tend to relax and enervate the bodily frame, and to abridge the natural period of their lives.

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MODES OF MARRIAGE

The modes of marriage, according to the original institutions of these people, are by jujur, by ambel anak, or by semando. The jujur is a certain sum of money given by one man to another as a consideration for the person of his daughter, whose situation, in this case, differs not much from that of a slave to the man she marries, and to his family. His absolute property in her depends however upon some nice circumstances. Beside the batang jujur (or main sum) there are certain appendages or branches, one of which, the tali kulo, of five dollars, is usually, from motives of delicacy or friendship, left unpaid, and so long as that is the case a relationship is understood to subsist between the two families, and the parents of the woman have a right to interfere on occasions of ill treatment: the husband is also liable to be fined for wounding her, with other limitations of absolute right. When that sum is finally paid, which seldom happens but in cases of violent quarrel, the tali kulo (tie of relationship) is said to be putus (broken), and the woman becomes to all intents the slave of her lord.*

(*Footnote. I cannot omit to remark here that, however apposite the word tali, which in Malayan signifies a cord, may be to the subject of the marriage tie, there is very strong evidence of the term, as applied to this ceremony, having been adopted from the customs of the Hindu inhabitants of the peninsula of India, in whose language it has a different meaning. Among others who have described their rites is M. Sonnerat. In speaking of the mode of marriage called pariam, which, like the jujur, n'est autre chose qu'un achat que le mari fait de sa femme, he says, le mari doit aussi fournir le tali, petit joyau d'or, qu'il attache avec un cordon au col de la fille; c'est la derniere ceremonie; elle donne la sanction au marriage, qui ne peut plus etre rompu des que le tali est attache. Voyage aux Indes etc. tome 1 page 70. The reader will also find the Sumatran mode of marriage by ambel anak, or adoption, exactly described at page 72. An engraving of the tali is given by P. Paolino, Systema Brahmanicum tab. 22. This resemblance is not confined to the rites of marriage, for it is remarked by Sir W. Jones that, "among the laws of the Sumatrans two positive rules concerning sureties and interest appear to be taken word for word from the Indian legislators." Asiatic Researches Volume 3 page 9.)

She has then no title to claim a divorce in any predicament; and he may sell her, making only the first offer to her relations. The other appendages as already mentioned are the tulis tanggil (the meaning of which I cannot satisfactorily ascertain, this and many other of the legal terms being in the Rejang or the Passummah and not the Malayan language) and the upah daun kodo, which is a consideration for the expense of the marriage feast, paid to the girl's parent, who provides it. But sometimes it is deposited at the wedding, when a distribution is made of it amongst the old people present. The words allude to the leaf in which the rice is served up. These additional sums are seldom paid or claimed before the principal is defrayed, of which a large proportion, as fifty, eighty, and sometimes a hundred and four dollars, is laid down at the time of marriage, or in the first visit (after the parties are determined in their regards) made by the father of the young man, or the bujang himself, to the father of the woman. Upon opening his design this money is tendered as a present, and the other's acceptance of it is a token that he is inclined to forward the match. It lies often in his hands three, six, or twelve months before the marriage is consummated. He sometimes sends for more, and is seldom refused. Until at least fifty dollars are thus deposited the man cannot take his wife home; but so long as the matter continues dalam rasa-an (under consideration) it would be deemed scandalous in the father to listen to any other proposals. When there is a difficulty in producing the necessary sum it is not uncommon to resort to an expedient termed mengiring jujur, that is, to continue a debtor with the family until he can raise money sufficient to redeem himself; and after this long credit is usually given for the remainder. Years often elapse, if the families continue on good terms, without the debt being demanded, particularly when a hundred and four dollars have been paid, unless distress obliges them to it. Sometimes it remains unadjusted to the second and third generation, and it is not uncommon to see a man suing for the jujur of the sister of his grandfather. These debts constitute in fact the chief part of their substance; and a person is esteemed rich who has several of them due to him for his daughters, sisters, aunts, and great aunts. Debts of this nature are looked upon as sacred, and are scarcely ever lost. In Passummah, if the race of a man is extinct, and some of these remain unpaid, the dusun or village to which the family belonged must make it good to the creditor; but this is not insisted upon amongst the Rejangs.

In lieu of paying the jujur a barter transaction, called libei, sometimes takes place, where one gadis (virgin) is given in exchange for another; and it is not unusual to borrow a girl for this purpose from a friend or relation, the borrower binding himself to replace her or pay her jujur when required, A man who has a son and daughter gives the latter in exchange for a wife to the former. The person who receives her disposes of her as his own child or marries her himself. A brother will give his sister in exchange for a wife, or, in default of such, procure a cousin for the purpose. If the girl given in exchange be under age a certain allowance per annum is made till she becomes marriageable. Beguppok is a mode of marriage differing a little from the common jujur, and probably only taking place where a parent wants to get off a child labouring under some infirmity or defect. A certain sum is in this case fixed below the usual custom, which, when paid, is in full for her value, without any appendages. In other cases likewise the jujur is sometimes lessened and sometimes increased by mutual agreement; but on trials it is always estimated at a hundred and twenty dollars. If a wife dies soon after marriage, or at any time without children, the full jujur cannot be claimed; it is reduced to eighty dollars; but should more than that have been laid down in the interim there is no refunding. The jujur of a widow, which is generally eighty dollars, without appendages, is again reduced upon a third marriage, allowances being made for dilapidation. A widow being with child cannot marry again till she is delivered, without incurring a penalty. In divorces it is the same. If there be no appearance of pregnancy she must yet abstain from making another choice during the period of three months and ten days.

When the relations and friends of the man go in form to the parents of the girl to settle the terms of the marriage they pay at that time the adat besasala, or earnest, of six dollars generally; and these kill a goat or a few fowls to entertain them. It is usually some space of time (except in cases of telari gadis or elopement) after the payment of the besasala, before the wedding takes place; but, when the father has received that, he cannot give his daughter to any other person without incurring a fine, which the young lady sometimes renders him liable to; for whilst the old folk are planning a match by patutan, or regular agreement between families, it frequently happens that miss disappears with a more favoured swain and secures a match of her own choice. The practice styled telari gadis is not the least common way of determining a marriage, and from a spirit of indulgence and humanity, which few codes can boast, has the sanction of the laws. The father has only the power left of dictating the mode of marriage, but cannot take his daughter away if the lover is willing to comply with the custom in such cases. The girl must be lodged, unviolated, in the house of some respectable family till the relations are advised of the enlevement and settle the terms. If however upon immediate pursuit they are overtaken on the road, she may be forced back, but not after she has taken sanctuary.

By the Mosaic law, if a man left a widow without children his brother was to marry her. Among the Sumatrans, with or without children, the brother, or nearest male relation of the deceased, unmarried (the father excepted), takes the widow. This is practised both by Malays and country people. The brother, in taking the widow to himself, becomes answerable for what may remain due of her purchase money, and in every respect represents the deceased. This is phrased ganti tikar bantal'nia--supplying his place on his mat and pillow.

CHASTITY OF THE WOMEN

Chastity prevails more perhaps among these than any other people. It is so materially the interest of the parents to preserve the virtue of their daughters unsullied, as they constitute the chief of their substance, that they are particularly watchful in this respect. But as marriages in general do not take place so early as the forwardness of nature in that climate would admit, it will sometimes happen, notwithstanding their precaution, that a young woman, not choosing to wait her father's pleasure, tastes the fruit by stealth. When this is discovered he can oblige the man to marry her, and pay the jujur; or, if he chooses to keep his daughter, the seducer must make good the difference he has occasioned in her value, and also pay the fine, called tippong bumi, for removing the stain from the earth. Prostitution for hire is I think unknown in the country, and confined to the more polite bazaars, where there is usually a concourse of sailors and others who have no honest settlement of their own, and whom, therefore, it is impossible to restrain from promiscuous concubinage. At these places vice generally reigns in a degree proportioned to the number and variety of people of different nations who inhabit them or occasionally resort thither. From the scenes which these sea-ports present travellers too commonly form their judgment, and imprudently take upon them to draw, for the information of the world, a picture of the manners of a people.

The different species of horrid and disgustful crimes, which are emphatically denominated, against nature, are unknown on Sumatra; nor have any of their languages terms to express such ideas.

INCEST

Incest, atau pernikahan orang-orang dalam tingkatan persaudaraan tertentu, yang, mungkin (setidaknya seetelah tingkat pertama), ketimbang pertentangan melawan lembaga-lembaga kemanusiaan alih-alih kejahatan alami, dilarang menurut adat istiadat mereka dan dihukum denda: sehingga kesalahan tersebut seringkali diproses lewat sebuah acara, dan pernikahan tersebut terkonfirmasi dalam banyak percontohan.

ZINA

Zina dihukum berat; namun kejahatan tersebut bersifat jarang, dan keselarasan subyek masih kurang terjadi. Sang suami mungkin entah merasa malu atau membalasnya dengan tangannya sendiri.

DIVORCES

If a man would divorce a wife he has married by jujur he may claim back what he has paid in part, less twenty-five dollars, the adat charo, for the damage he has done her; but if he has paid the jujur in full the relations may choose whether they will receive her or not; if not he may sell her. If a man has paid part of a jujur but cannot raise the remainder, though repeatedly dunned for it, the parents of the girl may obtain a divorce; but if it is not with the husband's concurrence they lose the advantage of the charo, and must refund all they have received. A woman married by jujur must bring with her effects to the amount of ten dollars, or, if not, it is deducted from the sum; if she brings more the husband is accountable for the difference. The original ceremony of divorce consists in cutting a rattan­cane in two, in presence of the parties, their relations, and the chiefs of the country.

SECOND MODE OF MARRIAGE

In the mode of marriage by ambel anak the father of a virgin makes choice of some young man for her husband, generally from an inferior family, which renounces all further right to, or interest in, him, and he is taken into the house of his father-in-law, who kills a buffalo on the occasion, and receives twenty dollars from the son's relations. After this the buruk baik'nia (the good and bad of him) is vested in the wife's family. If he murders or robs they pay the bangun, or the fine. If he is murdered they receive the bangun. They are liable to any debts he may contract after marriage; those prior to it remaining with his parents. He lives in the family in a state between that of a son and a debtor. He partakes as a son of what the house affords, but has no property in himself. His rice plantation, the produce of his pepper-garden, with everything that he can gain or earn, belong to the family. He is liable to be divorced at their pleasure, and, though he has children, must leave all, and return naked as he came. The family sometimes indulge him with leave to remove to a house of his own, and take his wife with him; but he, his children, and effects are still their property. If he has not daughters by the marriage he may redeem himself and wife by paying her jujur; but if there are daughters before they become emancipated the difficulty is enhanced, because the family are likewise entitled to their value. It is common however when they are upon good terms to release him on the payment of one jujur, or at most with the addition of an adat of fifty dollars. With this addition he may insist upon a release whilst his daughters are not marriageable. If the family have paid any debts for him he must also make them good. Should he contract more than they approve of, and they fear his adding to them, they procure a divorce, and send him back to his parents; but must pay his debts to that time. If he is a notorious spendthrift they outlaw him by means of a writ presented to the magistrate. These are inscribed on slips of bamboo with a sharp instrument, and I have several of them in my possession. They must banish him from home, and if they receive him again, or assist him with the smallest sum, they are liable to all his debts. On the prodigal son's return, and assurance of amendment, this writ may be redeemed on payment of five dollars to the proattins, and satisfying the creditors. This kind of marriage is productive of much confusion, for till the time it takes place the young man belongs to one dusun and family, and afterwards to another, and as they have no records to refer to there is great uncertainty in settling the time when debts were contracted, and the like. Sometimes the redemption of the family and their return to the former dusun take place in the second or third generation; and in many cases it is doubtful whether they ever took place or not; the two parties contradicting each other, and perhaps no evidence to refer to. Hence arise various and intricate bechars.

THIRD, OR MALAYAN MODE OF MARRIAGE

Besides the modes of marriage above described, a third form, called semando, has been adopted from the Malays, and thence termed semando malayo or mardika (free). This marriage is a regular treaty between the parties, on the footing of equality. The adat paid to the girl's friends has usually been twelve dollars. The agreement stipulates that all effects, gains, or earnings are to be equally the property of both, and in case of divorce by mutual consent the stock, debts, and credits are to be equally divided. If the man only insists on the divorce he gives the woman her half of the effects, and loses the twelve dollars he has paid. If the woman only claims the divorce she forfeits her right to the proportion of the effects, but is entitled to keep her tikar, bantal, and dandan (paraphernalia), and her relations are liable to pay back the twelve dollars; but it is seldom demanded. This mode, doubtless the most conformable to our ideas of conjugal right and felicity, is that which the chiefs of the Rejang country have formally consented to establish throughout their jurisdiction, and to their orders the influence of the Malayan priests will contribute to give efficacy.

In the ambel anak marriage, according to the institutions of Passummah, when the father resolves to dismiss the husband of his daughter and send him back to his dusun the sum for which he can redeem his wife and family is a hundred dollars: and if he can raise that, and the woman is willing to go with him, the father cannot refuse them; and now the affair is changed into a kulo marriage; the man returns to his former tungguan (settlement or family) and becomes of more consequence in society. These people are no strangers to that sentiment which we call a regard to family. There are some families among them more esteemed than others, though not graced with any title or employment in the state. The origin of this distinction it is difficult to trace; but it may have arisen from a succession of men of abilities, or from the reputation for wisdom or valour of some ancestor. Everyone has a regard to his race; and the probability of its being extinct is esteemed a great unhappiness. This is what they call tungguan putus, and the expression is used by the lowest member of the community. To have a wife, a family, collateral relations, and a settled place of residence is to have a tungguan, and this they are anxious to support and perpetuate. It is with this view that, when a single female only remains of a family, they marry her by ambel anak; in which mode the husband's consequence is lost in the wife's, and in her children the tungguan of her father is continued. They find her a husband that will menegga tungguan, or, as it is expressed amongst the Rejangs menegga rumah, set up the house again.

The semando marriage is little known in Passummah. I recollect that a pangeran of Manna, having lost a son by a marriage of this kind with a Malay woman, she refused upon the father's death to let the boy succeed to his dignities, and at the same time become answerable for his debts, and carried him with her from the country; which was productive of much confusion. The regulations there in respect to incontinence have much severity, and fall particularly hard on the girl's father, who not only has his daughter spoiled but must also pay largely for her frailty. To the northward the offence is not punished with so much rigour, yet the instances are there said to be rarer, and marriage is more usually the consequence. In other respects the customs of Passummah and Rejang are the same in these matters.

UPACARA PERNIKAHAN

Upacara peernikahan, nikah (dari bahasa Arab), sederhananya terdiri dari dalam jabat tangan antar pihak dan membahas mempelai pria dan istri, tanpa upacara besar yang menampilkan hiburan yang diberikan pada acara tersebut. Ini ditunjukkan oleh salah satu ayah atau kepala dusun, menurut adat asli daerah tersebut; namun ketika Mahometanisme menerapkan caranya, seorang pendeta atau imam melangsungkan usaha tersebut.

COURTSHIP

But little apparent courtship precedes their marriages. Their manners do not admit of it, the bujang and gadis (youth of each sex) being carefully kept asunder, and the latter seldom trusted from under the wing of their mothers. Besides, courtship with us includes the idea of humble entreaty on the man's side, and favour and condescension on the part of the woman, who bestows person and property for love. The Sumatran on the contrary, when he fixes his choice and pays all that he is worth for the object of it, may naturally consider the obligation on his side. But still they are not without gallantry. They preserve a degree of delicacy and respect towards the sex, which might justify their retorting on many of the polished nations of antiquity the epithet of barbarians. The opportunities which the young people have of seeing and conversing with each other are at the bimbangs, or public festivals, held at the balei, or town hall of the dusun. On these occasions the unmarried people meet together and dance and sing in company. It may be supposed that the young ladies cannot be long without their particular admirers. The men, when determined in their regards, generally employ an old woman as their agent, by whom they make known their sentiments and send presents to the female of their choice. The parents then interfere and, the preliminaries being settled, a bimbang takes place.

PERAYAAN PERNIKAHAN

Pada perayaan tersebut, seekor kambing, seekor kerbau, atau sejenisnya, menurut pangkat penyelenggara, disembelih, tak hanya untuk menghiburan para kerabat dan tamu undangan namun seluruh penduduk dari daerah tetangga yang memilih untuk menyaksikannya. Pemberian yang lebih besar lainnya adalah hak tuan rumah, yang umumnya pada kesempatan tersebut merupakan ayah dari gadis; namun cabang-cabang keluarga yang berbeda, dan kemudian seluruh orang dusun, memberikan sejumlah beras.

ORDER OBSERVED

The young women proceed in a body to the upper end of the balei where there is a part divided off for them by a curtain. The floor is spread with their best mats, and the sides and ceiling of that extremity of the building are hung with pieces of chintz, palampores, and the like. They do not always make their appearance before dinner; that time, with part of the afternoon, previous to a second or third meal, being appropriated to cock-fighting and other diversions peculiar to the men. Whilst the young are thus employed the old men consult together upon any affair that may be at the time in agitation; such as repairing a public building or making reprisals upon the cattle of a neighbouring people. The bimbangs are often given on occasions of business only, and, as they are apt to be productive of cabals, the Europeans require that they shall not be held without their knowledge and approbation. To give authority to their contracts and other deeds, whether of a public or private nature, they always make one of these feasts. Writings, say they, may be altered or counterfeited, but the memory of what is transacted and concluded in the presence of a thousand witnesses must remain sacred. Sometimes, in token of the final determination of an affair, they cut a notch in a post, before the chiefs, which they call taka kayu.

AMUSEMENT OF DANCING

In the evening their softer amusements take place, of which the dances are the principal. These are performed either singly or by two women, two men, or with both mixed. Their motions and attitudes are usually slow, and too much forced to be graceful; approaching often to the lascivious, and not unfrequently the ludicrous. This is I believe the general opinion formed of them by Europeans, but it may be the effect of prejudice. Certain I am that our usual dances are in their judgment to the full as ridiculous. The minuets they compare to the fighting of two game-cocks, alternately approaching and receding. Our country dances they esteem too violent and confused, without showing grace or agility. The stage dances I have not a doubt would please them. Part of the female dress, called the salendang, which is usually of silk with a gold head, is tied round the waist, and the ends of this they at times extend behind them with their hands. They bend forward as they dance, and usually carry a fan, which they close and strike smartly against their elbows at particular cadences. They keep time well, and the partners preserve a consistency with each other though the figure and steps are ad libitum. A brisker movement is sometimes adopted which proves more conformable to the taste of the English spectators.

SINGING

Dancing is not the only amusement on these occasions. A gadis sometimes rises and, leaning her face on her arm, supporting herself against a pillar, or the shoulder of one of her companions, with her back to the audience, begins a tender song. She is soon taken up and answered by one of the bujangs in company, whose greatest pretensions to gallantry and fashion are founded on an adroitness at this polite accomplishment. The uniform subject on such occasions is love, and, as the words are extempore, there are numberless degrees of merit in the composition, which is sometimes surprisingly well turned, quaint, and even witty. Professed story-tellers are sometimes introduced, who are raised on a little stage and during several hours arrest the attention of their audience by the relation of wonderful and interesting adventures. There are also characters of humour amongst them who, by buffoonery, mimicry, punning, repartee, and satire (rather of the sardonic kind) are able to keep the company in laughter at intervals during the course of a night's entertainment. The assembly seldom breaks up before daylight, and these bimbangs are often continued for several days and nights together till their stock of provisions is exhausted. The young men frequent them in order to look out for wives, and the lasses of course set themselves off to the best advantage.

BUSANA

Mereka mengenakan busana dengan sutra terbaik, yang mereka rajut sendiri; karena banyak hiasan yang ditambahkan ketika dibuat; cincin perak pada tangan dan kaki mereka; dan penindikan pada bagian tertentu. Rambut mereka dipakaikan dengan bunga-bunga dan diharumkan dengan minyak benzoin. Civet juga dipakai, namun lebih sering dipakai oleh pria.

COSMETIC USED, AND MODE OF PREPARING IT

To render their skin fine, smooth, and soft they make use of a white cosmetic called pupur. The mode of preparing it is as follows. The basis is fine rice, which is a long time steeped in water and let to ferment, during which process the water becomes of a deep red colour and highly putrid, when it is drained off, and fresh added successively until the water remains clear, and the rice subsides in the form of a fine white paste. It is then exposed to the sun to dry, and, being reduced to a powder, they mix with it ginger, the leaves of a plant called by them dilam, and by Europeans patch-leaf (Melissa lotoria, R.), which gives to it a peculiar smell, and also, as is supposed, a cooling quality. They add likewise the flowers of the jagong (maize); kayu chendana (sandalwood); and the seeds of a plant called there kapas antu (fairy-cotton), which is the Hibiscus abelmoschus, or musk seed. All these ingredients, after being moistened and well mixed together, are made up into little balls, and when they would apply the cosmetic these are diluted with a drop of water, rubbed between the hands, and then on the face, neck, and shoulders. They have an apprehension, probably well founded, that a too abundant or frequent application will, by stopping the pores of the skin, bring on a fever. It is used with good effect to remove that troublesome complaint, so well known to Europeans in India, by the name of the prickly heat; but it is not always safe for strangers thus to check the operations of nature in a warm climate. The Sumatran girls, as well as our English maidens, entertain a favourable opinion of the virtues of morning dew as a beautifier, and believe that by rubbing it to the roots of the hair it will strengthen and thicken it. With this view they take pains to catch it before sunrise in vessels as it falls.

CONSUMMATION OF MARRIAGES

If a wedding is the occasion of the bimbang the couple are married, perhaps, the second or third day; but it may be two or three more ere the husband can get possession of his bride; the old matrons making it a rule to prevent him, as long as possible, and the bride herself holding it a point of honour to defend to extremity that jewel which she would yet be disappointed in preserving.*

(*Footnote. It is recorded that the jealousy between the English and Dutch at Bantam arose from a preference shown to the former by the king at a festival which he gave upon obtaining a victory of this nature, which his bride had long disputed with him. For a description of a Malayan wedding, with an excellent plate representing the conclusion of the ceremony and the sleeping apartment, I beg to refer the reader to Captain Forrest's Voyage to New Guinea page 286 quarto edition. The bed-place is described at page 232 and the processional car (per­arakan) at page 241. His whole account of the domestic manners of the people of Mindanao, at the court of which he lived on terms of familiarity, will be found highly amusing.)

They sit up in state at night on raised cushions, in their best clothes and trinkets. They are sometimes loaded on the occasion with all the finery of their relations, or even the whole dusun, and carefully eased of it when the ceremony is over. But this is not the case with the children of persons of rank. I remember being present at the marriage of a young woman, whose beauty would not have disgraced any country, with a son of Raddin, prince of Madura, to whom the English gave protection from the power of the Dutch after his father had fallen a sacrifice.* She was decked in unborrowed plumes. Her dress was eminently calculated to do justice to a fine person; her hair, in which consists their chief pride, was disposed with extreme grace; and an uncommon elegance and taste were displayed in the workmanship and adjustment of her ornaments. It must be confessed however that this taste is by no means general, especially amongst the country people. Simplicity, so essential to the idea, is the characteristic of a rude and quite uncivilized people, and is again adopted by men in their highest state of refinement. The Sumatrans stand removed from both these extremes. Rich and splendid articles of dress and furniture, though not often procured, are the objects of their vanity and ambition.

(*Footnote. The circumstances of this disgraceful affair are preserved in a book entitled A Voyage to the East Indies in 1747 and 1748. This Raddin Tamanggung, a most intelligent and respectable man, died at Bencoolen in the year 1790. His sons possess the good qualities of their father, and are employed in the Company's service.)

The bimbangs are conducted with great decorum and regularity. The old women are very attentive to the conduct of the girls, and the male relations are highly jealous of any insults that may be shown them. A lad at one of these entertainments asked another his opinion of a gadis who was then dancing. "If she was plated with gold," replied he, "I would not take her for my concubine, much less for my wife." A brother of the girl happened to be within hearing, and called him to account for the reflection thrown on his sister. Krises were drawn but the bystanders prevented mischief. The brother appeared the next day to take the law of the defamer, but the gentleman, being of the risau description, had absconded, and was not to be found.

JUMLAH ISTRI

Adat orang-orang Sumatra mengijinkan mereka memiliki banyak istri sepanjang mereka dapat memenuhi kebutuhan atau keinginan yang diutamakan; namun sangat jarang contoh yang terjadi pada mereka yang memiliki lebih dari satu, dan hanya di kalangan sedikit pemimpin. This continence they in some measure owe to their poverty. The dictates of frugality are more powerful with them than the irregular calls of appetite, and make them decline an indulgence that their law does not restrain them from. In talking of polygamy they allow it to be the privilege of the rich, but regard it as a refinement which the poor Rejangs cannot pretend to. Some young risaus have been known to take wives in different places, but the father of the first, as soon as he hears of the second marriage, procures a divorce. A man married by semando cannot take a second wife without repudiating the first for this obvious reason that two or more persons could not be equally entitled to the half of his effects.

QUESTION OF POLYGAMY

Montesquieu infers that the law which permits polygamy is physically conformable to the climate of Asia. The season of female beauty precedes that of their reason, and from its prematurity soon decays. The empire of their charms is short. It is therefore natural, the president observes, that a man should leave one wife to take another: that he should seek a renovation of those charms which had withered in his possession. But are these the real circumstances of polygamy? Surely not. It implies the contemporary enjoyment of women in the same predicament; and I should consider it as a vice that has its source in the influence of a warm atmosphere upon the passions of men, which, like the cravings of other disordered appetites, make them miscalculate their wants. It is probably the same influence, on less rigid nerves, that renders their thirst of revenge so much more violent than among northern nations; but we are not therefore to pronounce murder to be physically conformable to a southern climate. Far be it from my intention however to put these passions on a level; I only mean to show that the president's reasoning proves too much. It must further be considered that the genial warmth which expands the desires of the men, and prompts a more unlimited exertion of their faculties, does not inspire their constitutions with proportionate vigour; but on the contrary renders them in this respect inferior to the inhabitants of the temperate zone; whilst it equally influences the desires of the opposite sex without being found to diminish from their capacity of enjoyment. From which I would draw this conclusion, that if nature intended that one woman only should be the companion of one man, in the colder regions of the earth it appears also intended a fortiori that the same law should be observed in the hotter; inferring nature's design, not from the desires, but from the abilities with which she has endowed mankind.

Montesquieu has further suggested that the inequality in the comparative numbers of each sex born in Asia, which is represented to be greatly superior on the female side, may have a relation to the law that allows polygamy. But there is strong reason to deny the reality of this supposed excess. The Japanese account, taken from Kaempfer, which makes them to be in the proportion of twenty-two to eighteen, is very inconclusive, as the numbering of the inhabitants of a great city can furnish no proper test; and the account of births at Bantam, which states the number of girls to be ten to one boy, is not only manifestly absurd, but positively false. I can take upon me to assert that the proportion of the sexes throughout Sumatra does not sensibly differ from that ascertained in Europe; nor could I ever learn from the inhabitants of the many eastern islands whom I have conversed with that they were conscious of any disproportion in this respect.

CONNEXION BETWEEN POLYGAMY AND PURCHASE OF WIVES

But from whatever source we derive polygamy its prevalence seems to be universally attended with the practice of giving a valuable consideration for the woman, instead of receiving a dowry with her. This is a natural consequence. Where each man endeavours to engross several, the demand for the commodity, as a merchant would express it, is increased, and the price of course enhanced. In Europe on the contrary, where the demand is small; whether owing to the paucity of males from continual diminution; their coldness of constitution, which suffers them rather to play with the sentimental than act from the animal passion; their corruption of manners leading them to promiscuous concubinage; or, in fine, the extravagant luxury of the times, which too often renders a family an insupportable burden--whatever may be the cause it becomes necessary, in order to counteract it and produce an additional incitement to the marriage state, that a premium be given with the females. We find in the history of the earliest ages of the world that, where a plurality of women was allowed of, by law or custom, they were obtained by money or service. The form of marriage by semando among the Malays, which admits but of one partner, requires no sum to be paid by the husband to the relations of the wife except a trifle, by way of token, or to defray the expenses of the wedding-feast. The circumstance of the rejangs confining themselves to one, and at the same time giving a price for their wives, would seem an exception to the general rule laid down; but this is an accidental and perhaps temporary restraint, arising, it may be, from the European influence, which tends to make them regular and industrious, but keeps them poor: affords the means of subsistence to all, but the opportunity of acquiring riches to few or none. In their genuine state war and plunder caused a rapid fluctuation of property; the little wealth now among them, derived mostly from the India Company's expenditure, circulates through the country in an equal stream, returning chiefly, like the water exhaled in vapours from the sea, to its original source. The custom of giving jujurs had most probably its foundation in polygamy; and the superstructure subsists, though its basis is partly mouldered away; but, being scarcely tenantable, the inhabitants are inclined to quit, and suffer it to fall to the ground. Moderation in point of women destroying their principle, the jujurs appear to be devoid of policy. Open a new spring of luxury, and polygamy, now confined to a few individuals amongst the chiefs, will spread throughout the people. Beauty will be in high request; each fair one will be sought for by many competitors; and the payment of the jujur be again esteemed a reasonable equivalent for possession. Their acknowledging the custom under the present circumstances to be a prejudicial one, so contrary to the spirit of eastern manners, which is ever marked with a blind veneration for the establishments of antiquity, contributes to strengthen considerably the opinion I have advanced.

GAMING

Through every rank of the people there prevails a strong spirit of gaming, which is a vice that readily insinuates itself into minds naturally indisposed to the avocations of industry; and, being in general a sedentary occupation, is more adapted to a warm climate, where bodily exertion is in few instances considered as an amusement.

DICE. OTHER MODES

Beside the common species of gambling with dice, which, from the term dadu applied to it, was evidently introduced by the Portuguese, they have several others; as the judi, a mode of playing with small shells, which are taken up by handfuls, and, being counted out by a given number at a time (generally that of the party engaged), the success is determined by the fractional number remaining, the amount of which is previously guessed at by each of the party.

CATUR

Mereka juga memiliki berbagai permainan papan atau lainnya, dan orang-orang berpangkat tinggi umumnya terlibat dalam permainan catur, yang mereka namai main gajah serta menamai pion-pionnya sebagai berikut: raja; ratu atau wazir, mantri; uskup atau gajah; kesatria atau kuda; kastil, benteng, atau kereta kuda, ter; dan budak atau prajurit kaki. Untuk skak, mereka memakai kata sah; dan untuk skakmat, mat atau mati. Di antara nama-nama tersebut, hanya satu yang nampak diwajibkan karena these names the only one that appears to require observation as being peculiar is that for the castle or rook, which they have borrowed from the Tamul language of the peninsula of India, wherein the word ter (answering to the Sanskrit rat'ha) signifies a chariot (particularly such as are drawn in the processions of certain divinities), and not unaptly transferred to this military game to complete the constituent parts of an army. Gambling, especially with dice, is rigorously forbidden throughout the pepper districts, because it is not only the child, but the parent of idleness, and by the events of play often throws whole villages into confusion. Debts contracted on this account are declared to be void.

SABUNG AYAM

To cock-fighting they are still more passionately addicted, and it is indulged to them under certain regulations. Where they are perfectly independent their propensity to it is so great that it resembles rather a serious occupation than a sport. You seldom meet a man travelling in the country without a cock under his arm, and sometimes fifty persons in a company when there is a bimbang in one of the neighbouring villages. A country-man coming down, on any occasion, to the bazaar or settlement at the mouth of the river, if he boasts the least degree of spirit must not be unprovided with this token of it. They often game high at their meetings; particularly when a superstitious faith in the invincibility of their bird has been strengthened by past success. A hundred Spanish dollars is no very uncommon risk, and instances have occurred of a father's staking his children or wife, and a son his mother or sisters, on the issue of a battle, when a run of ill luck has stripped them of property and rendered them desperate. Quarrels, attended with dreadful consequences, have often arisen on these occasions.

RULES OF COCKING

By their customs there are four umpires appointed to determine on all disputed points in the course of the battles; and from their decision there lies no appeal except the Gothic appeal to the sword. A person who loses and has not the ability to pay is immediately proscribed, departs with disgrace, and is never again suffered to appear at the galan­gang. This cannot with propriety be translated a cockpit, as it is generally a spot on the level ground, or a stage erected, and covered in. It is inclosed with a railing which keeps off the spectators; none but the handlers and heelers being admitted withinside. A man who has a high opinion of and regard for his cock will not fight him under a certain number of dollars, which he places in order on the floor: his poorer adversary is perhaps unable to deposit above one half: the standers-by make up the sum, and receive their dividends in proportion if successful. A father at his deathbed has been known to desire his son to take the first opportunity of matching a certain cock for a sum equal to his whole property, under a blind conviction of its being betuah, or invulnerable.

MATCHES

Cocks of the same colour are never matched but a grey against a pile, a yellow against a red, or the like. This might have been originally designed to prevent disputes or knavish impositions. The Malay breed of cocks is much esteemed by connoisseurs who have had an opportunity of trying them. Great pains is taken in the rearing and feeding; they are frequently handled and accustomed to spar in public, in order to prevent any shyness. Contrary to our laws, the owner is allowed to take up and handle his cock during the battle to clear his eye of a feather or his mouth of blood. When a cock is killed, or runs, the other must have sufficient spirit and vigour left to peck at him three times, on his being held to him for that purpose, or it becomes a drawn battle; and sometimes an experienced cocker will place the head of his vanquished bird in such an uncouth posture as to terrify the other and render him unable to give this proof of victory. The cocks are never trimmed, but matched in full feather. The artificial spur used in Sumatra resembles in shape the blade of a scimitar, and proves a more destructive weapon than the European spur. It has no socket but is tied to the leg, and in the position of it the nicety of the match is regulated. As in horse-racing weight is proportioned to inches, so in cocking a bird of superior weight and size is brought to an equality with his adversary by fixing the steel spur so many scales of the leg above the natural spur, and thus obliging him to fight with a degree of disadvantage. It rarely happens that both cocks survive the combat.

In the northern parts of the island, where gold-dust is the common medium of gambling, as well as of trade, so much is accidentally dropped in weighing and delivering that at some cock-pits, where the resort of people is great, the sweepings are said, probably with exaggeration, to be worth upwards of a thousand dollars per annum to the owner of the ground; beside his profit of two fanams (five pence) for each battle.

QUAIL-FIGHTING

In some places they match quails, in the manner of cocks. These fight with great inveteracy, and endeavour to seize each other by the tongue. The Achinese bring also into combat the dial-bird (murei) which resembles a small magpie, but has an agreeable though imperfect note. They sometimes engage one another on the wing, and drop to the ground in the struggle.

FENCING

They have other diversions of a more innocent nature. Matches of fencing, or a species of tournament, are exhibited on particular days; as at the breaking up of their annual fast, or month of ramadan, called there the puasa. On these occasions they practise strange attitudes, with violent contortions of the body, and often work themselves up to a degree of frenzy, when the old men step in and carry them off. These exercises in some circumstances resemble the idea which the ancients have given us of the pyrrhic or war dance; the combatants moving at a distance from each other in cadence, and making many turns and springs unnecessary in the representation of a real combat. This entertainment is more common among the Malays than in the country. The chief weapons of offence used by these people are the kujur or lance and the kris. This last is properly Malayan, but in all parts of the island they have a weapon equivalent, though in general less curious in its structure, wanting that waving in the blade for which the kris is remarkable, and approaching nearer to daggers or knives.

Among their exercises we never observe jumping or running. They smile at the Europeans, who in their excursions take so many unnecessary leaps. The custom of going barefoot may be a principal impediment to this practice in a country overrun with thorny shrubs, and where no fences occur to render it a matter of expediency.

DIVERSION OF TOSSING A BALL

They have a diversion similar to that described by Homer as practised among the Phaeacians, which consists in tossing an elastic wicker ball or round basket of split rattans into the air, and from one player to another, in a peculiar manner. This game is called by the Malays sipak raga, or, in the dialect of Bencoolen, chipak rago, and is played by a large party standing in an extended circle, who endeavour to keep up the ball by striking it either perpendicularly, in order to receive it again, or obliquely to some other person of the company, with the foot or the hand, the heel or the toe, the knee, the shoulder, the head, or with any other part of the body; the merit appearing to consist in producing the effect in the least obvious or most whimsical manner; and in this sport many of them attain an extraordinary degree of expertness. Among the plates of Lord Macartney's Embassy will be found the representation of a similar game, as practised by the natives of Cochin­china.

SMOKING OF OPIUM

The Sumatrans, and more particularly the Malays, are much attached, in common with many other eastern people, to the custom of smoking opium. The poppy which produces it not growing on the island, it is annually imported from Bengal in considerable quantities, in chests containing a hundred and forty pounds each. It is made up in cakes of five or six pounds weight, and packed with dried leaves; in which situation it will continue good and vendible for two years, but after that period grows hard and diminishes considerably in value. It is of a darker colour, and is supposed to have less strength than the Turkey opium. About a hundred and fifty chests are consumed annually on the west coast of Sumatra, where it is purchased, on an average, at three hundred dollars the chest, and sold again in smaller quantities at five or six. But on occasions of extraordinary scarcity I have known it to sell for its weight in silver, and a single chest to fetch upwards of three thousand dollars.

PREPARATION

The method of preparing it for use is as follows. The raw opium is first boiled or seethed in a copper vessel; then strained through a cloth to free it from impurities; and then a second time boiled. The leaf of the tambaku, shred fine, is mixed with it, in a quantity sufficient to absorb the whole; and it is afterwards made up into small pills, about the size of a pea, for smoking. One of these being put into the small tube that projects from the side of the opium pipe, that tube is applied to a lamp, and the pill being lighted is consumed at one whiff or inflation of the lungs, attended with a whistling noise. The smoke is never emitted by the mouth, but usually receives vent through the nostrils, and sometimes, by adepts, through the passage of the ears and eyes. This preparation of the opium is called maddat, and is often adulterated in the process by mixing jaggri, or pine sugar, with it; as is the raw opium, by incorporating with it the fruit of the pisang or plantain.

EFFECTS OF OPIUM

The use of opium among these people, as that of intoxicating liquors among other nations, is a species of luxury which all ranks adopt according to their ability, and which, when once become habitual, it is almost impossible to shake off. Being however like other luxuries expensive, few only among the lower or middling class of people can compass the regular enjoyment of it, even where its use is not restrained, as it is among the pepper-planters, to the times of their festivals. That the practice of smoking opium must be in some degree prejudicial to the health is highly probable; yet I am inclined to think that effects have been attributed to it much more pernicious to the constitution than it in reality causes. The bugis soldiers and others in the Malay bazaars whom we see most attached to it, and who use it to excess, commonly appear emaciated; but they are in other respects abandoned and debauched. The Limun and Batang Assei gold-traders, on the contrary, who are an active, laborious class of men but yet indulge as freely in opium as any others whatever, are notwithstanding the most healthy and vigorous people to be met with on the island. It has been usual also to attribute to the practice destructive consequences of another nature from the frenzy it has been supposed to excite in those who take it in quantities. But this should probably rank with the many errors that mankind have been led into by travellers addicted to the marvellous; and there is every reason to believe that the furious quarrels, desperate assassinations, and sanguinary attacks, which the use of opium is said to give birth to, are idle notions, originally adopted through ignorance and since maintained from the mere want of investigation, without having any solid foundation. It is not to be controverted, that those desperate acts of indiscriminate murder, called by us mucks, and by the natives mengamok, do actually take place, and frequently too in some parts of the East (in Java in particular) but it is not equally evident that they proceed from any intoxication except that of their unruly passions. Too often they are occasioned by excess of cruelty and injustice in their oppressors. On the west coast of Sumatra about twenty thousand pounds weight of this drug are consumed annually, yet instances of this crime do not happen (at least within the scope of our knowledge) above once in two or three years. During my residence there I had an opportunity of being an eyewitness but to one muck. The slave of a Portuguese woman, a man of the island of Nias, who in all probability had never handled an opium pipe in his life, being treated by his mistress with extreme severity for a trifling offence, vowed he would have revenge if she attempted to strike him again, and ran down the steps of the house with a knife in each hand, as it is said. She cried out, mengamok! The civil guard was called, who, having the power in these cases of exercising summary justice, fired half a dozen rounds into an outhouse where the unfortunate wretch had sheltered himself on their approach, and from whence he was at length dragged, covered with wounds. Many other mucks might perhaps be found, upon scrutiny, of the nature of the foregoing, where a man of strong feelings was driven by excess of injury to domestic rebellion.

It is true that the Malays, when in a state of war they are bent on any daring enterprise, fortify themselves with a few whiffs of opium to render them insensible to danger, as the people of another nation are said to take a dram for the same purpose; but it must be observed that the resolution for the act precedes, and is not the effect of, the intoxication. They take the same precaution previous to being led to public execution; but on these occasions show greater signs of stupidity than frenzy. Upon the whole it may be reasonably concluded that the sanguinary achievements, for which the Malays have been famous, or infamous rather, in history, are more justly to be attributed to the natural ferocity of their disposition, or to the influence upon their manners of a particular state of society, than to the qualities of any drug whatever. The pretext of the soldiers of the country-guard for using opium is that it may render them watchful on their nightly posts: we on the contrary administer it to procure sleep, and according to the quantity it has either effect. The delirium it produces is known to be so very pleasing that Pope has supposed this to have been designed by Homer when he describes the delicious draught prepared by Helen, called nepenthe, which exhilarated the spirits and banished from the mind the recollection of woe.

It is remarkable that at Batavia, where the assassins just now described, when taken alive, are broken on the wheel, with every aggravation of punishment that the most rigorous justice can inflict, the mucks yet happen in great frequency, whilst at Bencoolen, where they are executed in the most simple and expeditious manner, the offence is extremely rare. Excesses of severity in punishment may deter men from deliberate and interested acts of villainy, but they add fuel to the atrocious enthusiasm of desperadoes.

PIRATICAL ADVENTURES

A further proof of the influence that mild government has upon the manners of people is that the piratical adventures so common on the eastern coast of the island are unknown on the western. Far from our having apprehensions of the Malays, the guards at the smaller English settlements are almost entirely composed of them, with a mixture of Bugis or Makasar people. Europeans, attended by Malays only, are continually travelling through the country. They are the only persons employed in carrying treasure to distant places; in the capacity of secretaries for the country correspondence; as civil officers in seizing delinquents among the planters and elsewhere; and as masters and supercargoes of the tambangans, praws, and other small coasting vessels. So great is the effect of moral causes and habit upon a physical character esteemed the most treacherous and sanguinary.

Bab 15

KEBIASAAN MENGUNYAH BETEL.
KEMUNCULAN LAMBANG.
PIDATO.
ANAK-ANAK.
NAMA.
SUNAT.
PEMAKAMAN.
AGAMA.

Kebiasaan Mengunyah Sirih

Whether to blunt the edge of painful reflection, or owing to an aversion our natures have to total inaction, most nations have been addicted to the practice of enjoying by mastication or otherwise the flavour of substances possessing an inebriating quality. The South Americans chew the cocoa and mambee, and the eastern people the betel and areca, or, as they are called in the Malay language, sirih and pinang. This custom has been accurately described by various writers, and therefore it is almost superfluous to say more on the subject than that the Sumatrans universally use it, carry the ingredients constantly about them, and serve it to their guests on all occasions--the prince in a gold stand, and the poor man in a brass box or mat bag. The betel-stands of the better rank of people are usually of silver embossed with rude figures. The Sultan of Moco-moco was presented with one by the India Company, with their arms on it; and he possesses beside another of gold filigree. The form of the stand is the frustum of a hexagonal pyramid reversed, about six or eight inches in diameter. It contains many smaller vessels fitted to the angles, for holding the nut, leaf, and chunam, which is quicklime made from calcined shells; with places for the instruments (kachip) employed in cutting the first, and spatulas for spreading the last.

When the first salutation is over, which consists in bending the body, and the inferior's putting his joined hands between those of the superior, and then lifting them to his forehead, the betel is presented as a token of hospitality and an act of politeness. To omit it on the one hand or to reject it on the other would be an affront; as it would be likewise in a person of subordinate rank to address a great man without the precaution of chewing it before he spoke. All the preparation consists in spreading on the sirih leaf a small quantity of the chunam and folding it up with a slice of the pinang nut. Some mix with these gambir, which is a substance prepared from the leaves of a tree of that name by boiling their juices to a consistence, and made up into little balls or squares, as before spoken of: tobacco is likewise added, which is shred fine for the purpose, and carried between the lip and upper row of teeth. From the mastication of the first three proceeds a juice which tinges the saliva of a bright red, and which the leaf and nut, without the chunam, will not yield. This hue being communicated to the mouth and lips is esteemed ornamental; and an agreeable flavour is imparted to the breath. The juice is usually (after the first fermentation produced by the lime) though not always swallowed by the chewers of betel. We might reasonably suppose that its active qualities would injure the coats of the stomach, but experience seems to disprove such a consequence. It is common to see the teeth of elderly persons stand loose in the gums, which is probably the effect of this custom, but I do not think that it affects the soundness of the teeth themselves. Children begin to chew betel very young, and yet their teeth are always beautifully white till pains are taken to disfigure them by filing and staining them black. To persons who are not habituated to the composition it causes a strong giddiness, astringes and excoriates the tongue and fauces, and deadens for a time the faculty of taste. During the puasa, or fast of ramadan, the Mahometans among them abstain from the use of betel whilst the sun continues above the horizon; but excepting at this season it is the constant luxury of both sexes from an early period of childhood, till, becoming toothless, they are reduced to the necessity of having the ingredients previously reduced to a paste for them, that without further effort the betel may dissolve in the mouth. Along with the betel, and generally in the chunam, is the mode of conveying philtres, or love charms. How far they prove effectual I cannot take upon me to say, but suppose that they are of the nature of our stimulant medicines, and that the direction of the passion is of course indiscriminate. The practice of administering poison in this manner is not followed in latter times; but that the idea is not so far eradicated as entirely to prevent suspicion appears from this circumstance, that the guest, though taking a leaf from the betel-service of his entertainer, not unfrequently applies to it his own chunam, and never omits to pass the former between his thumb and forefinger in order to wipe off any extraneous matter. This mistrustful procedure is so common as not to give offence.

TEMBAKAU

Disamping cara sebelumnya-disebutkan menikmati rasa tembakau juga dihisap oleh penduduk asli dan untuk kegunaannya--setelah mematangkannya sempurna dalam keadaan hijau dan mengeringkannya sesambil memutarnya pada dedaunan tipis dari sebuah pohon, dan menciptakan bentuk yang disebut roko, sebuah kata yang nampaknya diambil dari bahasa Belanda. Roko dibawa dalam kotak sirih, atau lebih umum di bawah destar atau kerajinan tangan yang, dalam peniruan turband, mengelilingi kepala. Kebanyakan tembakau nampaknya diimpor dari Tiongkok dan dijual dengan harga tinggi. Ini nampak lebih menjual ketimbang tanaman Sumatra, yang orang-orang tanap untuk mereka pakai sendiri di bagian-bagian pedalaman pulau tersebut.

PERSEMBAHAN SIMBOLIS

Kebiasaan mengirim persembahan simbolis dalam rangka memberitahukan, dalam cara diam-diam, skelahiran, perjuangan, atau bertukar pemikiran tertentu, dilakukan disini, seperti di beberapa belahan Timur lainnya; dan tak hanya bunga-bungaan dari berbagai jenis yang memiliki pengartian mereka, namun juga cabai cayenne, daun sirih, garam, dan bahan lain yang dipahami untuk melambangkan cinta, kecemburuan, pemberian, kebencian dan perasaan kuat lainnya.

PIDATO

Orang-orang Sumatra pada umumnya adalah jurubicara yang bagus. Karunia berpidato dipandang alamiah bagi mereka. Aku mengetahui beberapa dari mereka yang handal berpidato yang aku simak dengan kesenangan dan kekaguman. Ini mungkin dilakukan dari konstitusi pemerintah mereka, yang sangat jauh dari despotisme nampak membuat kagum, dalam beberapa tingkatan, setiap anggota masyarakat untuk berbagi deliberasi publik. Ketika dukungan pribadi, seperti yang teramati, akan sing timbul orang menonjol dalam pengaruh masyarakat, petinggi yang menjadi pemimpin simbolis, terdapat pembelajaran mutlak untuk pengasahan bakat-bakat bernilai tersebut. Bentuk semacam penindakan yudisial mereka, dimana tak ada advokat yang diangkat dan setiap orang bergantong pada kemampuan temannya untuk mengurusi kepentingan mereka, kebanyakan keraguan berkontribusi pada rangkaian kebiasaan mereka. Mereka menambahkan konjektur tersebut pada ranah perilaku domestik mereka, yang memperkenalkan putra-putra pada masa hidup awal dalam usaha keluarga, dan pengasuh lansia merekas. Sedikit dari mereka yang memiliki kegemaran untuk olahraga kekanak-kanakan yang menandai karakter pemuda-pemuda mereka dari usia tujuh sampai empat belas tahun. Di Sumatra, kamu dapat mengamati para bayi, yang tidak mencapai usia awal, dipakaikan busana penuh dan dipersenjatai dengan keris, duduk di lingkaran pria tua dari dusun, dan menghadiri debat mereka dengan pendampingan yang tak dilampaui oleh kakek-kakek mereka. Sehingga menginisiasikan mereka terkualifikasi untuk memberikan opini pada masyarakat pada masa hidup ketika seorang pelajar Inggris dapat kembali menjawab pertanyaan terhadap batas-batas tata bahasa atau sintaksnya, yang mereka pelajari berturut-turut . Tak sedikit yang tak tercatat bahwa masyarakat ini, yang melakukan seni berpidato dalam tingkat tinggi semacam itu, dan membuktikan diri mereka sendiri atas pencapaiannya, harus mengambil banyak luka untuk menghancurkan organ-organ pidato dalam mengisi dan lainnya mengotorkan gigi mereka; dan nampaknya mengadopsi praktek memenuhi mulut mereka dengan sihir ketika mereka bersiap untuk melakukannya. Kami harus menyimbulkan bahwa ini bukanlah karunia yang mereka nilai dari seorang orator, namun penanganan kesenian dan hukumnya dari bahan subyek tersebut; bersama dengan penyalinan frase, menunjang pemikiran, aransemen maju dan kesiapan, khususnya, pada kesulitan dan intrik dari gaya mereka.

CHILD-BEARING

The curse entailed on women in the article of child-bearing does not fall so heavy in this as in the northern countries. Their pregnancy scarcely at any period prevents their attendance on the ordinary domestic duties; and usually within a few hours after their delivery they walk to the bathing-place, at a small distance from the house. The presence of a sage femme is often esteemed superfluous. The facility of parturition may probably be owing to the relaxation of the frame from the warmth of the climate; to which cause also may be attributed the paucity of children borne by the Sumatran women and the early decay of their beauty and strength. They have the tokens of old age at a season of life when European women have not passed their prime. They are like the fruits of the country, soon ripe and soon decayed. They bear children before fifteen, are generally past it at thirty, and grey-headed and shrivelled at forty. I do not recollect hearing of any woman who had six children except the wife of Raddin of Madura, who had more; and she, contrary to the universal custom, did not give suck to hers.

PERLAKUAN ANAK

Para ibu tak membawa anak dengan tangan, seperti yang dilakukan perawat kami, namun menyandarkannya di panggul, dan biasanya didukung oleh kain yang diikat dengan ikatan pada pundak sebelahnya. Praktek tersebut dapat dikatakan umum di beberapa bagian Wales. Ini lebih anak ketimbang metode lain, mengurangi kelelahan bagi perawat, dan anak tersebut didudukan dalam gaya yang kurang melelahkan: namun zirah pertahanan dipakai, dan senjata tempur yang disebut jarum, menjadi beberapa pertentangan dengan pengenalan fesyen umum di Inggris. Anak-anak dirawat namun jarang, tidak dipakaikan bedong atau perban, dan, dibiarkan berguling di lantai, kemudian diajarkan berjalan dan menggerakkan diri mereka sendiri.Ketika keranjang bayi dipakai, mereka mengayunkannya dari langit-langit ruangan.

AGE OF THE PEOPLE

The country people can very seldom give an account of their age, being entirely without any species of chronology. Among those country people who profess themselves Mahometans to very few is the date of the Hejra known; and even of those who in their writings make use of it not one in ten can pronounce in what year of it he was born. After a few taun padi (harvests) are elapsed they are bewildered in regard to the date of an event, and only guess at it from some contemporary circumstance of notoriety, as the appointment of a particular dupati, the incursion of a certain enemy, or the like. As far as can be judged from observation it would seem that not a great proportion of the men attain to the age of fifty, and sixty years is accounted a long life.

NAMA

Anak-anak Rejang umumnya memiliki nama yang diberikan kepada mereka oleh orangtua mereka tak lama setelah kelahiran mereka, yang disebut namo daging. Galar (cognomen), jenis nama lainnya, atau gelar, karena kami keliru menerjemahkannya, dipakai berkelanjutan, namun tak pada waktu tertentu: terkadang sebagai panggilan masa dewasa, saat penghiburan yang diberikan oleh orangtua, pada beberapa kesempatan tertentu; dan biasanya pada pernikahan mereka. Nama tersebut umumnya diberikan oleh tetua dari desa-desa tetangga, ketika berkumpul; namun contoh yang terjadi tak biasa dilakukan oleh orang-orang itu sendiri; dan beberapa orang tak pernah menerima galar apapun. Kebiasaan tersebut juga merupakan hal lazim, di sebuah pertemuan yang diadakan untuk bisnis pengaruh, untuk mengganti galar satu atau dua orang penting ke para petinggi lainnya; meskipun tidak muda menemukan hal tersebut lebih dini, penerapannya secara keseluruhan bersifat arbitrer, atas keinginan orang-orang yang menganugerahkannya: mungkin dengan suara sopan, atau alusi yang lebih tinggi dalam esensi tersebut, yang terkadang dilakukan pada nada bombastis yang luar biasa, seperti contohnya Pengunchang bumi, atau Pengguncang Dunia, gelar pangeran Manna. Namun, klimaksnya tak selalu terlihat dalam perubahan.

BAPAK DINAMAKAN DARI ANAKNYA

Ayah, di banyak belahan negara tersebut, terutama di Passummah, dibedakan berdasarkan pada nama anak sulungnya, seperti Pa-Ladin, atau Pa-Rindu (Pa untuk bapa, yang artinya ayah), dan kehilangan namanya sendiri yang sebenarnya. Ini adalah kebiasaan tunggal, dan kurang sesuai dengan tatanan alami alih-alih menamakan putra dari ayah. Disana, memberikan galar kepada mereka bukanlah hal lazim pernikahan mereka, seperti halnya orang-orang Rejang, yang memandang filionimik bukanlah hal yang sangat umum, meskipun terkadang dipaaki, dan terkadang digabungkan dengan galar; contohnya Radin-pa-Chirano. Wanita tak pernah mengubah nama yang diberikan kepada mereka pada masa kelahiran mereka; sehingga seringkali mereka disebut, secara terhormat, dari putra sulung mereka, Ma-si-ano, ibu dari orang semacam itu; namun lebih bersifat santun ketimbang sebuah nama. Kata atau panggilan Si diawali dengan nama-nama lahir orang, yang bahkan nyaris hanya terdiri dari sebuah kata tunggal, seperti Si Bintang, Si Tolong; dan mereka ditemukan dari perjalanan Kapten Forrest yang di Mindanao bayi putra Raja Muda dinamai Se Mama.

DIWARISKAN UNTUK MENGUCAPKAN NAMA MEREKA SENDIRI

A Sumatran ever scrupulously abstains from pronouncing his own name; not as I understand from any motive of superstition, but merely as a punctilio in manners. It occasions him infinite embarrassment when a stranger, unacquainted with their customs, requires it of him. As soon as he recovers from his confusion he solicits the interposition of his neighbour.

PENYEBUTAN TERHADAP ORANG KETIGA

Ia tak pernah menyebutkan penyebutan orang kecuali, kecuali dalam kasus petinggi yang mendiktekan bawahannya, namun selalu pada orang ketiga; memakai nama atau gelarnya alih-alih panggilan; dan ketika tak diketahui, gelar kehormatan umum dijadikan gantinya, dan mereka berkata, contohnya, apa orang kaya punia suka, apa kesenangan kehormatannya untuk apa kesenanganmu, atau kesenangan kehormatanmu? Ketika penjahat atau orang-orang tercela lainnya diberi sebutan pribadi kau (sebuah kependekan dari kata angkau) terutama ekspresif perhatian. Gagasan ketidakhormatan ditujukan kepada pemakaian orang kedua dalam perbincangan, meskipun sulit untuk mencatatnya, yang nampak sangat umum di dunia. Untuk menghindari kesalahpahaman, orang-orang Eropa mengganti bilangan tunggal untuk jamak; namun aku pikir adalah kurangnya ketonjolan dampak ketimbang gaya Asiatik; jika diambil dari sebutan kasar yang ditujukan kepada suatu hal.

SUNAT

Anak laki-laki disunat, sesuai dengan kebiasaan Mahometanisme, antara usia enam dan sepuluh tahun. Upacara tersebut disebut krat kulop dan buang atau lepas malu, dan bimbang biasanya diberikan pada upacara tersebut; serta upacara melubangi telinga dan mengikir gigi anak-anak perempuan (sebelum dideskripsikan), yang dilakukan pada usia sekitar sepuluh atau dua belas tahun; dan sampai usia tersebut menunjukkan bahwa mereka tak dapat menikah.

PEMAKAMAN

At their funerals the corpse is carried to the place of interment on a broad plank, which is kept for the public service of the dusun, and lasts for many generations. It is constantly rubbed with lime, either to preserve it from decay or to keep it pure. No coffin is made use of; the body being simply wrapped in white cloth, particularly of the sort called hummums. In forming the grave (kubur), after digging to a convenient depth they make a cavity in the side, at bottom, of sufficient dimensions to contain the body, which is there deposited on its right side. By this mode the earth literally lies light upon it; and the cavity, after strewing flowers in it, they stop up by two boards fastened angularly to each other, so that the one is on the top of the corpse, whilst the other defends it on the open side, the edge resting on the bottom of the grave. The outer excavation is then filled up with earth, and little white flags or streamers are stuck in order around. They likewise plant a shrub, bearing a white flower, called kumbang­kamboja (Plumeria obtusa), and in some places wild marjoram. The women who attend the funeral make a hideous noise, not much unlike the Irish howl. On the third and seventh day the relations perform a ceremony at the grave, and at the end of twelve months that of tegga batu, or setting up a few long elliptical stones at the head and foot, which, being scarce in some parts of the country, bear a considerable price. On this occasion they kill and feast on a buffalo, and leave the head to decay on the spot as a token of the honour they have done to the deceased, in eating to his memory.* The ancient burying-places are called krammat, and are supposed to have been those of the holy men by whom their ancestors were converted to the faith. They are held in extraordinary reverence, and the least disturbance or violation of the ground, though all traces of the graves be obliterated, is regarded as an unpardonable sacrilege.

(*Footnote. The above ceremonies (with the exception of the last) are briefly described in the following lines, extracted from a Malayan poem. Setelah sudah de tangisi, nia Lalu de kubur de tanamkan 'nia De ambel koran de ajikan 'nia Sopaya lepas deri sangsara 'nia Mengaji de kubur tujuh ari Setelah de khatam tiga kali Sudah de tegga batu sakali Membayer utang pada si-mati.)

AGAMA

Dalam pengerjaan deskriptif dari perilaku masuaralat sedikit yang diketahui dunia soal catatan agama mereka yang biasanya menjadi bagian dari pengaruh pertama. Kehendak berharga bekerja dalam kemajuan sebaliknya. Agama kuno dan asli Rejang, jika pada kenyataannya pernah ada, kini berakar; dan apa yang diutamakan ditambahkan pada ketidakjelasannya, dan kesulitan mendapatkan informasi tentang subyek tersebut, bahkan orang-orang di antara mereka yang tak diinisiasikan dalam prinsip-prinsip Mahometanisme sehingga selaras dengan orang-orang yang miliki sebagaimana halnyaorang-orang memajukan langkah dalam pengetahuan atas mereka, dan sehingga menimbulkan keadaan tersendiri bahwa mereka masih tak tercerahkan. Upacara-upacara tertuju pada umat manusia, dan tanpa memandang apa yang mereka pandang menghimpun profanum vulgus secara alami memberikan mereka peran untuk beberapa hal misterius dan di luar kemampuan mereka, dan dianggap membayarkan hadiah kehormatan kepada mereka. Dengan Mahometanisme, bidang pengetahuan yang lebih luas (aku katakan dalam perbandingan) terbuka pada orang-orang yang memeluknya, dan beberapa catatan ilmu tambahan disertakan. Ini membantu memberikannya pengaruh, namun harus diauki bahwa mereka tidaklah sangat murni dalam hal agama yang menemukan cara mereka sampai Sumatra; maupun bahwa bagian-bagian seremonial sangat melekat dalam mengikutinya. Kebanyakan orang yang memutuskan untuk mengikutinya memberikan diri mereka sendiri tak setidaknya perhatian terhadap persinggungannya, atau bahkan mengetahui apa yang mereka wajibkan. Seorang Melayu di Manna mendatangi orang daerah dengan penghirauan penuh terhadap agama yang tersebar pada bangsanya. "Kamu melakukan penyembahan terhadap pemakaman leluhurmu: apa dasar yang kau miliki untuk menjunjung leluhurmu yang meninggal dapat memberikanmu bantuan?" "Ini mungkin benar," jawab lainnya, "namun apa dasarmu untuk meminta bantuan dari Allah dan Mahomet?" "Apakah kau tak sadar, jawab Melayu, apa yang ditulis dalam Kitab? Apa kau tak mendengar al-Qur'an?" Orang-orang asli Passummah, yang sadar akan kerendahannya, mengajukan unsur dari argumen ini.

Jika agama artinya adalah bentuk pemujaan umum atau pribadi dari jenis apapun, dan jika doa, upacara, pertemuan, persembahan, gambar atau imam adalah hal yang mereka butuhkan untuk mengikutinya, aku dapat menyatakan bahwa orang-orang Rejang sepenuhnya tanpa agama dan tak dapat sepenuhnya dianggap sebagai pagan, seperti yang aku amati, jika mengikuti gagasan pemujaan keliru. Mereka memuja Tuhan, iblis maupun berhala. Namun, mereka bukannya tanpa kepercayaan tertinggi dari banyak jenis, dan memiliki pernyataan pengakuan iman, meskipun mungkin dibawa dari interaksi dengan orang lain, dari beberapa jenis hal paripurna yang memiliki kekuatan yang membuat diri mereka sendiri terlihat atau tak terlihat dalam kesenangan. Disana, mereka disebut orang alus, makhluk halus, atau samar, dan memandang mereka menghimpun pengetahuan soal perilaku yang baik atau buruk, meredakan kemarahan mereka dalam hal kesialan yang terjadi atau menunjukkan masa depan yang selaras dalam pemikiran mereka. Namun kapan mereka membicarakan yang mereka sebut dengan sebutan maleikat dan jin, yang merupakan para malaikat dan roh-roh jahat dalam bahasa Arab, dan gagasan yang mungkin diambil pada masa yang sama dengan nama-nama tersebut. Hal tersebut adalah kekuatan yang juga mereka sebut dalam sumpah. Aku mendengar seorang dupati berkata, "Kakekku memegang sumpah agar aku tak akan menuntut jujur dari wanita tersebut, dan menerima kutukan terhadap para keturunannya yang melakukannya: Aku tak pernah memiliki, maupun dapat benar-benar bersih dari salah kapada maleikat--sebuah tawaran melawan para malaikat." Sehingga mereka juga berkata, de talong nabi, maleikat, nabi dan para malaikat yang membantu. Ini adalah Mahometanisme murni.

TIADA NAMA UNTUK TUHAN

Bukti paling jelas menyatakan bahwa mereka tak pernah memegang gagasan Teisme atau keyakinan akan satu kekuatan terbesar yang tidak ada istilahnya dalam bahasa mereka untuk menyebut sosok Tuhan, kecuali Allah tala oleh Melayu, yang disalahsebutkan oleh mereka menjadi Ulah tallo. Sehingga ketika ditanyakan tentang hal tersebut mereka menganggap pengetahuan mereka soal tuhan berasal dari leluhur mereka, meskipun pemikiran-pemikiran mereka tak pernah menyinggung tentangnya; namun ini tak menandakan bahwa para leluhur mereka serta mereka sendiri telah mendengar Allah Mahometan (Allah orang islam).

GAGASAN HAL-HAL TAK TERLIHAT

They use, both in Rejang and Passummah, the word dewa to express a superior invisible class of beings; but each country acknowledges it to be of foreign derivation, and they suppose it Javanese. Radin, of Madura, an island close to Java, who was well conversant with the religious opinions of most nations, asserted to me that dewa was an original word of that country for a superior being, which the Javans of the interior believed in, but with regard to whom they used no ceremonies or forms of worship:* that they had some idea of a future life, but not as a state of retribution, conceiving immortality to be the lot of rich rather than of good men. I recollect that an inhabitant of one of the islands farther eastward observed to me, with great simplicity, that only great men went to the skies; how should poor men find admittance there? The Sumatrans, where untinctured with Mahometanism, do not appear to have any notion of a future state. Their conception of virtue or vice extends no farther than to the immediate effect of actions to the benefit or prejudice of society, and all such as tend not to either of these ends are in their estimation perfectly indifferent.

(*Footnote. In the Transactions of the Batavian Society Volumes 1 and 3 is to be found a History of these Dewas of the Javans, translated from an original manuscript. The mythology is childish and incoherent. The Dutch commentator supposes them to have been a race of men held sacred, forming a species of Hierarchy, like the government of the Lamas in Tartary.)

Notwithstanding what is asserted of the originality of the word dewa, I cannot help remarking its extreme affinity to the Persian word div or diw, which signifies an evil spirit or bad genius. Perhaps, long antecedent to the introduction of the faith of the khalifs among the eastern people, this word might have found its way and been naturalized in the islands; or perhaps its progress was in a contrary direction. It has likewise a connexion in sound with the names used to express a deity or some degree of superior being by many other people of this region of the earth. The Battas, inhabitants of the northern end of Sumatra, whom I shall describe hereafter, use the word daibattah or daivattah; the Chingalese of Ceylon dewiju, the Telingas of India dai-wundu, the Biajus of Borneo dewattah, the Papuas of New Guinea 'wat, and the Pampangos of the Philippines diuata. It bears likewise an affinity (perhaps accidental) to the deus and deitas of the Romans.*

(*Footnote. At the period when the above was written I was little aware of the intimate connexion now well understood to have anciently subsisted between the Hindus and the various nations beyond the Ganges. The most evident proofs appear of the extensive dissemination both of their language and mythology throughout Sumatra, Java, Balli (where at this day they are best preserved), and the other eastern islands. To the Sanskrit words dewa and dewata, signifying divinities in that great mother-tongue, we are therefore to look for the source of the terms, more or less corrupted, that have been mentioned in the text. See Asiatic Researches Volume 4 page 223.)

PEMULIAAN UNTUK JIWA-JIWA DAN MAKAM-MAKAM PARA LELUHUR MEREKA

Penjunjungan tang memiliki pengaruh terkuat pada pikiran orang-orang Sumatra, dan yang paling mendekati unsur agama, adalah dorongan mereka untuk memuliakan, nyaris pada titik pemujaan, terhadap makam-makam dan jiwa-jiwa almarhum leluhur mereka (nenek puyang). Hal tersebut dilakukan oleh mereka secara kuat seperti kehidupannya sendiri, dan mendorong mereka untuk menghilangkan krammat dari wilayah mereka seperti menumbangkan pohon sampai ke akar-akarnya; ini dianggap utama oleh orang-orang daerah yang paling asli, ketika mereka memegang sumpah tunggal, dan sampai sini mereka melakukannya dalam contoh-contoh bencana mendadak. Mereka memiliki kesenian membuat gambar atau perwakilan lain dari mereka yang akan mereka jadikan para dewa besar, pengampun atau rumah tangga. Hal ini membuatku menganggap bahwa para penduduk asli (selaras dengan apa yang mereka katakan oleh beberapa penjelajah awal) bahwa pada masa yang sangat kuno, orang-orang Sumatra melakukan praktek pembakaran jasad terhadap orang-orang mati, namun aku tak pernah dapat menemukan jejak kebiasaan apapun, atau keadaan apapun yang menyiratkannya.

METEMPSYCHOSIS

They have an imperfect notion of a metempsychosis, but not in any degree systematic, nor considered as an article of religious faith. Popular stories prevail amongst them of such a particular man being changed into a tiger or other beast. They seem to think indeed that tigers in general are actuated with the spirits of departed men, and no consideration will prevail on a countryman to catch or to wound one but in self-defence, or immediately after the act of destroying a friend or relation. They speak of them with a degree of awe, and hesitate to call them by their common name (rimau or machang), terming them respectfully satwa (the wild animals), or even nenek (ancestors), as really believing them such, or by way of soothing and coaxing them; as our ignorant country folk call the fairies the good people. When a European procures traps to be set, by the means of persons less superstitious, the inhabitants of the neighbourhood have been known to go at night to the place and practise some forms in order to persuade the animal, when caught, or when he shall perceive the bait, that it was not laid by them, or with their consent. They talk of a place in the country where the tigers have a court and maintain a regular form of government, in towns, the houses of which are thatched with women's hair. It happened that in one month seven or eight people were killed by these prowling beasts in Manna district; upon which a report became current that fifteen hundred of them were come down from Passummah, of which number four were without understanding (gila), and having separated from the rest ran about the country occasioning all the mischief that was felt. The alligators also are highly destructive, owing to the constant practice of bathing in the rivers, and are regarded with nearly the same degree of religious terror. Fear is the parent of superstition, by ignorance. Those two animals prove the Sumatran's greatest scourge. The mischief the former commit is incredible, whole villages being often depopulated by them, and the suffering people learn to reverence as supernatural effects the furious ravages of an enemy they have not resolution to oppose.

The Sumatrans are firmly persuaded that various particular persons are what they term betuah (sacred, impassive, invulnerable, not liable to accident), and this quality they sometimes extend to things inanimate, as ships and boats. Such an opinion, which we should suppose every man might have an opportunity of bringing to the test of truth, affords a humiliating proof of the weakness and credulity of human nature, and the fallibility of testimony, when a film of prejudice obscures the light of the understanding. I have known two men, whose honesty, good faith, and reasonableness in the general concerns of life were well established, and whose assertions would have weight in transactions of consequence: these men I have heard maintain, with the most deliberate confidence and an appearance of inward conviction of their own sincerity, that they had more than once in the course of their wars attempted to run their weapons into the naked body of their adversary, which they found impenetrable, their points being continually and miraculously turned without any effort on the part of the orang betuah: and that hundreds of instances of the like nature, where the invulnerable man did not possess the smallest natural means of opposition, had come within their observation. An English officer, with more courage and humour than discretion, exposed one imposture of this kind. A man having boasted in his presence that he was endowed with this supernatural privilege, the officer took an opportunity of applying to his arm the point of a sword and drew the blood, to the no little diversion of the spectators, and mortification of the pretender to superior gifts, who vowed revenge, and would have taken it had not means been used to keep him at a distance. But a single detection of charlatanerie is not effectual to destroy a prevalent superstition. These impostors are usually found among the Malays and not the more simple country people.

TANPA MISIONARIS

Sepanjang yang aku pikirkan, tak ada upaya yang dibuat oleh misionaris atau pihak lainnya untuk memasukkan para penduduk pulau tersebut ke agama Kristen, dan aku sangat ragu apakah bisa dan dapat menuai kesuksesan dalam pewartaan tersebut. Dari sekitar ribuan orang yang dibaptis di kepulauan timur oleh Fransiskus Xaverius pada abad keenam belas bukanlah salah satu keturunan mereka yang kini ditemukan menetap di serangkaian wilayah yang kami lalui; dan mungkin, karena hanya dan bukan keputusan yang memasukkan orang-orang percaya awal untuk memeluh keyakinan baru, penekanan tersebut tak lebih dari sentimen yang direkomendasikannya, dan menghilang dengan cepat karena pewarta itu mengembara. Namun di bawah pengaruh pemerintahan Spanyol di Manila dan Belanda di Batavia, terdapat banyak umat Kristen asli, yang terdidik semenjak kanak-kanak. Dalam bahasa Melayu, Portugis dan Kristen disebut dengan nama umum yang sama; Portugis disebut orang Zerani, yang merupakan kesalahan penyebutan dari kata Nazerani. Ini menandakan misi-misi ke Sumatra adalah satu sebab bahwa bagian dalam negara tersebut sangat sedikit yang diketahui pada dunia berperadaban.

Bab 16

DAERAH LAMPUNG DAN PENDUDUKNYA.
BAHASA.
PEMERINTAHAN.
PERANG.
ADAT ISTIADAT.
AGAMA.

DAERAH LAMPUNG DAN PENDUDUKNYA

Sejauh yang dikatakan mengenai kebiasaan dan adat istiadat orang-orang Rejang secara lebih khususnya, dan yang dimajukan, seperti yang disajikan, terhadap orang-orang Passummah, yang nyaris mirip dengan mereka, saya kini harus mempersembahkan pandangan keadaan soal tetangga selatannya, penduduk pribumi daerah Lampung, yang berbeda dari mereka, meskipun ketimpangan ini tak sangat menonjol; dan perlu menambahkan informasi semacam itu karena aku mendapatkan penghormatan orang-orang Korinchi ("Kerinci") dan suku-suku lainnya yang menghuni bagian atas perbukitan penghasil lada.

BATAS DAERAH LAMPONG

Melalui daerah Lampong adalah pemahaman bagian paling selatan pulau tersebut, bermula pada pantai barat, di sungai Padang-guchi, yang memisahkannya dari Passummah, dan terbentang sampai Palembang, di sisi timur laut. Di sana, tempat ujung pemukim kebanyakan adalah orang-orang Jawa. Di sisi selatan dan timur, daerah tersebut berhadapan dengan laut, memiliki banyak pelabuhan di Selat Sunda, terutama Teluk Keysers dan Lampong; dan sungai besar Tulang-bawang melewati jantung daerah tersebut, yang timbul dari danau antar rangkaian pegunungan. Pemisahan yang meliputi Padang-guchi, dan sebuah tempat bernama Nassal, ditonjolkan dengan nama Briuran, dan sehingga bagian selatannya sampai ke Titik Datar, melalui Laut-Kawur; meskipun Kawur juga sering disebut terbentang di bagian utara.

SUNGAI TULANG BAWANG

Pada Tulang-bawang, di sebuah tempat yang disebut Mangala, tiga puluh enam liga dari muaranya, Belanda memiliki pos benteng. Terdapat juga perwakilan raja Bantam, yang mengklaim kekuasaan atas seluruh wilayah Lampong, memiliki kediamannya, sungai Masusi, yang mengalir ke tempatnya, menjadi perbatasan wilayahnya dan wilayah sultan Palembang. Di wilayah sungai tersebut, tanahnya sangat rendah karena terkikis pada musim hujan, atau bulan-bulan Januari dan Februari, ketika perairan tersebut naik beberapa kaki selama beberapa jam, desa-desa, yang terletak di tempat-tempat yang lebih tinggi, nampak seperti pulau-pulau. Rumah-rumah orang yang tinggal dekat tepi sungai dibangun pada tiang-tiang batang kayu jati, dan masing-masing bersebelahan dengan rakit apung untuk tujuan pencucian. Di bagian barat, sampai Samangka, bersifat sebaliknya, tanahnya bergunung-gunung, dan Puncak Keyser, serta Pugong, terlihat dari kejauhan di laut.

PENDUDUK

Daerah tersebut banyak dihuni di bagian tengah dan pegunungan, dimana warga hidup mandiri, dan dalam beberapa hal terlindungi dari pergerakan tetangga timur mereka, suku Jawa, yang, dari sekitaran Palembang dan Selat, seringkali berniat untuk menjamah mereka. Mungkin selama berabad-abad, pantai barat daya daerah tersebut telah menjadi pemukiman sejumlah besar orang; dan masih kurang dikunjungi oleh orang-orang asing, menjadikannya wilayah sekitaran laut tak berpenghuni, dan dikatakan secara umum, yang didapati keliaran navigasi dan bahaya untuk kapal-kapal daerah; dan sungai-sungainya kecil dan kencang, dengan bagian-bagian dangkal dan biasanya ditujukan untuk penjelajahan. Jika kamu tanya orang-orang daerah tersebut maka mereka biasanya menjawab berasal dari perbukitan dan menyatakan bahwa tempat pedalaman dekat danau besar dari apa yang mereka sebut leluhur mereka yang berimigrasi: dan selain itu tak memungkinkan untuk dijangkau. Mereka semua orang-orang Sumatra yang memiliki sangat mirip dengan Tionghoa, terutama kebulatan wajah dan bentuk mata. Mereka juga merupakan suku teradil di pulau tersebut, dan wanitanya paling tinggi dan orang-orang terhormatnya sangat tampan.

BAHASA

Bahasa mereka sangat berbeda, meskipun tak secara esensial, daribahasa orang-orang Rejang, dan karakter-karakter yang dipakai oleh mereka bersifat pekuliar untuk diri mereka sendiri, seperti yang nampak pada percontohan-percontohan yang teramati.

PEMERINTAHAN

Gelar-gelar pemerintahannya adalah pangeran (dari orang-orang Jawa), kariyer, dan kiddimong atau nebihi; yang nyaris terjawab pada dupati di kalangan orang-orang Rejang. Distrik Kroi, dekat Gunung Pugong, diperintah oleh lima magistrat yang disebut Panggau-limo, dan pemimpin keenam, disebut menurut cara Panggau; namun otoritas mereka dikatakan terampas dan seringkali dipersengketakan. Kata tersebut secara umum menonjolkan gladiator atau petarung penghargaan. Pangeran Suko, di perbukitan, memiliki empat atau lima ribu bawahan, dan terkadang, sepanjang perjalanan, ia memberikan tali, atau seperdelapan dolar, kepada setiap keluarga, yang menunjukkan otoritasnya yang lebih arbitrer dan mungkin sangat feodal ketimbang orang-orang Rejang, ketika pemerintah lebih bersifat patriarkhal. Perbedaan ini memiliki keraguan terhadap sumbernya dalam perang dan invasi yang dilakukannya ketika diamati.

PERANG

Banditti Jawa, seperti yang teramati, seringkali maju ke daerah tersebut, dan membuat tekanan terhadap para penduduk, yang bukanlah, secara umum, sebanding bagi mereka. Mereka tak memakai senjata api. Selain senjata umum di pulau tersebut, mereka bertarung dengan tombak panjang yang dibawa oleh tiga orang, ujung lancip dikedepankan dan melindungi dirinya sendiri dan pengikutnya dengan tameng besar. Sehingga rangkaian tersebut akan menjadi rekanan dari phalanx Makedonia, namun dapat diakui, aku harus nyatakan, meskipun sedikit orang yang berperang yang bertingkah tidak karuan, dan lebih dalam cara diam-diam ketimbang terbuka, ketika pasukan itu sendiri yang bersenjata dapat bertindak cakap.

Di Samangka, di Selat Sunda, terdapat distrik, yang dikatakan orang-orang Lampong, dihuni oleh orang-orang yang disebut orang Abung, yang menjadi teror bagi daerah sekitarnya sampai desa-desa mereka dihancurkan beberapa tahun lampau lewat ekspedisi dari bekas tempat tersebut. Jenis sifat mereka untuk penyerangan melawan komunitas mereka sendiri, atau, menurut penjelasan Malaya dalam pandanganku, menyandarkan diri mereka sendiri pada para istri, dengan mengirim kepala-kepala orang asing ke dusun-dusun mereka. Catatan tersebut mungkin benar, namun tanpa keotentikan lebih lanjut, cerita-cerita semacam itu tak terlalu terimplikasi pada kepercayaan orang-orang yang berani dan bergantung pada kekuatan. Sehingga, mereka meyakini bahwa para penduduk pulau Engano semuanya adalah perempuan, yang dihamili oleh orang-orang liar, seperti para kuda betina dalam Georgics karya Virgil.

ADAT ISTIADAT

Adat istiadat orang-orang Lampong lebih bebas, atau lebih leluasa, ketimbang orang-orang dari suku asli Sumatra lainnya. Kebebasan hubungan luar biasa diijinkan antara kaum muda dari jenis kelamin yang berbeda, dan kehilangan kegadisan perempuan bukanlah akibat hal yang sangat tidak umum. Namun, pertentangan nampak lebih sedikit, dan alih-alih menghukum pihak-pihak tersebut, seperti di Passummah dan tempat lainnya, mereka lebih memajukan untuk melakukan pemasangan sah di antara mereka. Namun, jika hal tersebut tidak berdampak pada perempuan yang masih perawan, potongan dan gelang tangan, dan menempatkannya pada perayaan-perayaan. Hal tersebut tak hanya pada perayaan-perayaan umum tersebut yang pria muda dan wanita memiliki kesempatan untuk menjalin hubungan, seperti di kebanyakan bagian di pulau tersebut. Mereka seringkali berkumpul bersama pada waktu lain; and the former are seen gallantly reclining in the maiden's lap, whispering soft nonsense, whilst she adjusts and perfumes his hair, or does a friendly office of less delicacy to a European apprehension. At bimbangs the women often put on their dancing dress in the public hall, letting that garment which they mean to lay aside dexterously drop from under, as the other passes over the head, but sometimes, with an air of coquetry, displaying as if by chance enough to warm youthful imaginations. Both men and women anoint themselves before company when they prepare to dance; the women their necks and arms, and the men their breasts. They also paint each others faces; not, seemingly, with a view of heightening or imitating the natural charms, but merely as matter of fashion; making fantastic spots with the finger on the forehead, temples, and cheeks, of white, red, yellow, and other hues. A brass salver (tallam) covered with little china cups, containing a variety of paints, is served up for this purpose.

Instances have happened here, though rarely, of very disagreeable conclusions to their feasts. A party of risaus among the young fellows have been known suddenly to extinguish the lights for the purpose of robbing the girls, not of their chastity, as might be apprehended, but of the gold and silver ornaments of their persons. An outrage of this nature I imagine could only happen in Lampong, where their vicinity to Java affords the culprits easier and surer means of escape, than in the central parts of the island; and here too their companies appear to be more mixed, collected from greater distances, and not composed, as with the Rejang people, of a neighbourly assemblage of the old men and women of a few contiguous villages with their sons and daughters, for the sake of convivial mirth, of celebrating a particular domestic event, and promoting attachments and courtship amongst the young people.

PARTICULAR CUSTOMS

In every dusun there is appointed a youth, well fitted by nature and education for the office, who acts as master of ceremonies at their public meetings, arranges the young men and women in their proper places, makes choice of their partners, and regulates all other circumstances of the assembly except the important economy of the festival part or cheer, which comes under the cognizance of one of the elders. Both parts of the entertainment are preceded by long complimentary speeches, delivered by the respective stewards, who in return are answered and complimented on their skill, liberality, and other qualities, by some of the best bred amongst the guests. Though the manner of conducting, and the appendages of these feasts, are superior in style to the rustic hospitality of some of the northern countries, yet they are esteemed to be much behind those in the goodness and mode of dressing their food. The Lampongs eat almost all kinds of flesh indiscriminately, and their guleis (curries or made dishes) are said, by connoisseurs, to have no flavour. They serve up the rice divided into portions for each person, contrary to the practice in the other countries; the tallam being covered with a handsome crimson napkin manufactured for that use. They are wont to entertain strangers with much more profusion than is met with in the rest of the island. If the guest is of any consequence they do not hesitate to kill, beside goats and fowls, a buffalo, or several, according to the period of his stay, and the number of his attendants. One man has been known to entertain a person of rank and his suite for sixteen days, during which time there were not less than a hundred dishes of rice spread each day, containing some one, some two bamboos. They have dishes here, of a species of china or earthenware, called batu benauang, brought from the eastward, remarkably heavy, and very dear, some of them being valued at forty dollars a piece. The breaking one of them is a family loss of no small importance.

RECEPTION OF STRANGERS

Abundantly more ceremony is used among these people at interviews with strangers than takes place in the countries adjacent to them. Not only the chief person of a party travelling, but every one of his attendants, is obliged, upon arriving at a town, to give a formal account of their business, or occasion of coming that way. When the principal man of the dusun is acquainted by the stranger with the motives of his journey he repeats his speech at full length before he gives an answer; and if it is a person of great consequence, the words must pass through two or three mouths before they are supposed to come with sufficient ceremony to his ears. This in fact has more the air of adding to his own importance and dignity than to that of the guest; but it is not in Sumatra alone that respect is manifested by this seeming contradiction.

The terms of the jujur, or equivalent for wives, is the same here, nearly, as with the Rejangs. The kris-head is not essential to the bargain, as among the people of Passummah. The father of the girl never admits of the putus tali kulo, or whole sum being paid, and thereby withholds from the husband, in any case, the right of selling his wife, who, in the event of a divorce, returns to her relations. Where the putus tali is allowed to take place, he has a property in her, little differing from that of a slave, as formerly observed. The particular sums which constitute the jujur are less complex here than at other places. The value of the maiden's golden trinkets is nicely estimated, and her jujur regulated according to that and the rank of her parents. The semando marriage scarcely ever takes place but among poor people, where there is no property on either side, or in the case of a slip in the conduct of the female, when the friends are glad to make up a match in this way instead of demanding a price for her. Instances have occurred however of countrymen of rank affecting a semando marriage in order to imitate the Malayan manners; but it has been looked upon as improper and liable to create confusion.

The fines and compensation for murder are in every respect the same as in the countries already described.

AGAMA

Agama Islam dianggap kuat di kalangan masyarakat Lampong, dan kebanyakan desa mereka memiliki masjid di dalamnya: sehingga penghormatan asli di daerah tersebut meliputi hal-hal yang berkaitan dengan pemuliaan tempat makam kuno para ayah mereka, yang mereka taati dan dilindungi dari cuaca.

SUPERSTITIOUS OPINIONS

In some parts, likewise, they superstitiously believe that certain trees, particularly those of a venerable appearance (as an old jawi-jawi or banyan tree) are the residence, or rather the material frame of spirits of the woods; an opinion which exactly answers to the idea entertained by the ancients of the dryads and hamadryads. At Benkunat in the Lampong country there is a long stone, standing on a flat one, supposed by the people to possess extraordinary power or virtue. It is reported to have been once thrown down into the water and to have raised itself again to its original position, agitating the elements at the same time with a prodigious storm. To approach it without respect they believe to be the source of misfortune to the offender.

The inland people of that country are said to pay a kind of adoration to the sea, and to make to it an offering of cakes and sweetmeats on their beholding it for the first time, deprecating its power of doing them mischief. This is by no means surprising when we consider the natural proneness of unenlightened mankind to regard with superstitious awe whatever has the power of injuring them without control, and particularly when it is attended with any circumstances mysterious and inexplicable to their understandings. The sea possesses all these qualities. Its destructive and irresistible power is often felt, and especially on the coasts of India where tremendous surfs are constantly breaking on the shore, rising often to their greatest degree of violence without any apparent external cause. Add to this the flux and reflux and perpetual ordinary motion of that element, wonderful even to philosophers who are acquainted with the cause, unaccountable to ignorant men, though long accustomed to the effects; but to those who only once or twice in their lives have been eyewitnesses to the phenomena, supernatural and divine. It must not however be understood that anything like a regular worship is paid to the sea by these people, any more than we should conclude that people in England worship witches when they nail a horseshoe on the threshold to prevent their approach, or break the bottoms of eggshells to hinder them from sailing in them. It is with the inhabitants of Lampong no more than a temporary sentiment of fear and respect, which a little familiarity soon effaces. Many of them indeed imagine it endowed with a principle of voluntary motion. They tell a story of an ignorant fellow who, observing with astonishment its continual agitation, carried a vessel of sea water with him, on his return to the country, and poured it into a lake, in full expectation of seeing it perform the same fanciful motions he had admired it for in its native bed.*

(*Footnote. The manners of the natives of the Philippine or Luzon Islands correspond in so many striking particulars with those of the inland Sumatrans, and especially where they differ most from the Malays, that I think no doubt can be entertained, if not of a sameness of origin, at least of an intercourse and connection in former times which now no longer exists. The following instances are taken from an essay preserved by Thevenot, entitled Relation des Philippines par un religieux; traduite d'un manuscrit Espagnol du cabinet de Monsieur Dom. Carlo del Pezzo (without date), and from a manuscript communicated to me by Alex Dalrymple, Esquire. "The chief Deity of the Tagalas is called Bathala mei Capal, and also Diuata; and their principal idolatry consists in adoring those of their ancestors who signalised themselves for courage or abilities, calling them Humalagar, i.e. manes: They make slaves of the people who do not keep silence at the tombs of their ancestors. They have great veneration for the crocodile, which they call nono, signifying grandfather, and make offerings to it. Every old tree they look upon as a superior being, and think it a crime to cut it down. They worship also stones, rocks, and points of land, shooting arrows at these last as they pass them. They have priests who, at their sacrifices, make many contortions and grimaces, as if possessed with a devil. The first man and woman, they say, were produced from a bamboo, which burst in the island of Sumatra; and they quarrelled about their marriage. The people mark their bodies in various figures, and render them of the colour of ashes, have large holes in their ears, blacken and file their teeth, and make an opening which they fill up with gold, they used to write from top to bottom till the Spaniards taught them to write from left to right, bamboos and palm leaves serve them for paper. They cover their houses with straw, leaves of trees, or bamboos split in two which serve for tiles. They hire people to sing and weep at their funerals, burn benzoin, bury their dead on the third day in strong coffins, and sometimes kill slaves to accompany their deceased masters.")

The latter account is more particular, and appears of modern date.

They held the caiman, or alligator, in great reverence, and when they saw him they called him nono, or grandfather, praying with great tenderness that he would do them no harm, and to this end, offered him of whatever they had in their boats, throwing it into the water. There was not an old tree to which they did not offer divine worship, especially that called balete; and even at this time they have some respect for them. Beside these they had certain idols inherited from their ancestors, which the Tagalas called Anita, and the Bisayans, Divata. Some of these were for the mountains and plains, and they asked their leave when they would pass them: others for the corn fields, and to these they recommend them, that they might be fertile, placing meat and drink in the fields for the use of the Anitos. There was one, of the sea, who had care of their fishing and navigation; another of the house, whose favour they implored at the birth of a child, and under whose protection they placed it. They made Anitos also of their deceased ancestors, and to these were their first invocations in all difficulties and dangers. They reckoned amongst these beings, all those who were killed by lightning or alligators, or had any disastrous death, and believed that they were carried up to the happy state, by the rainbow, which they call Balan-gao. In general they endeavoured to attribute this kind of divinity to their fathers, when they died in years, and the old men, vain with this barbarous notion, affected in their sickness a gravity and composure of mind, as they conceived, more than human, because they thought themselves commencing Anitos. They were to be interred at places marked out by themselves, that they might be discovered at a distance and worshipped. The missionaries have had great trouble in demolishing their tombs and idols; but the Indians, inland, still continue the custom of pasing tabi sa nano, or asking permission of their dead ancestors, when they enter any wood, mountain, or corn field, for hunting or sowing; and if they omit this ceremony imagine their nonos will punish them with bad fortune.

Their notions of the creation of the world, and formation of mankind, had something ridiculously extravagant. They believed that the world at first consisted only of sky and water, and between these two, a glede; which, weary with flying about, and finding no place to rest, set the water at variance with the sky, which, in order to keep it in bounds, and that it should not get uppermost, loaded the water with a number of islands, in which the glede might settle and leave them at peace. Mankind, they said, sprang out of a large cane with two joints, that, floating about in the water, was at length thrown by the waves against the feet of the glede, as it stood on shore, which opened it with its bill, and the man came out of one joint, and the woman out of the other. These were soon after married by consent of their God, Batkala Meycapal, which caused the first trembling of the earth; and from thence are descended the different nations of the world."

Bab 17

ACCOUNT OF THE INLAND COUNTRY OF KORINCHI.
EXPEDITION TO THE SERAMPEI AND SUNGEI-TENANG COUNTRIES.

COUNTRY OF KORINCHI

At the back of the range of high mountains by which the countries of Indrapura and Anak-sungei are bounded lies the district or valley of Korinchi, which, from its secluded situation, has hitherto been little known to Europeans. In the year 1800 Mr. Charles Campbell, whose name I have had frequent occasion to mention, was led to visit this spot, in the laudable pursuit of objects for the improvement of natural history, and from his correspondence I shall extract such parts as I have reason to hope will be gratifying to the reader.

MR. CAMPBELL'S JOURNEY

Says this indefatigable traveller:

The country of Korinchi first occupied my attention. From the sea-coast at Moco-moco to the foot of the mountains cost us three days' weary journey, and although our path was devious I cannot estimate the distance at less than thirty miles, for it was late on the fourth day when we began to ascend. Your conjecture that the ridge is broader betwixt the plains of Anak-sungei and valley of Korinchi than that which we see from Bencoolen is just. Our route in general lay north-east until we attained the summit of the first high range, from which elevated situation, through an opening in the wood, the Pagi or Nassau Islands were clearly visible. During the next day our course along the ridge of hills was a little to the northward of north­west, and for the two following days almost due north, through as noble a forest as was ever penetrated by man. On the evening of the last we descended by a steep and seemingly short path from the summit of the second range (for there are obviously two) into the Korinchi country.

SITUATION OF LAKE

This descent did not occupy us more than twenty minutes, so that the valley must lie at a great height above the level of the sea; but it was yet a few days march to the inhabited and cultivated land on the border of the great lake, which I conjecture to be situated directly behind Indrapura, or north-east from the mouth of that river. There are two lakes, but one of them is inconsiderable. I sailed for some time on the former, which may be nearly as broad as the strait between Bencoolen and Rat Island. My companions estimated it at seven miles; but the eye is liable to much deception, and, having seen nothing for many days but rivulets, the grandeur of the sheet of water, when it first burst upon our sight, perhaps induced us to form too high a notion of its extent. Its banks were studded with villages; it abounds with fish, particularly the summah, a species of cyprinus; its waters are clear and beautiful from the reflection of the black and shining sand which covers the bottom in many places to the depth of eight or ten inches.

INHABITANTS

The inhabitants are below the common stature of the Malays, with harder visages and higher cheekbones, well knit in their limbs, and active; not deficient in hospitality, but jealous of strangers. The women, excepting a few of the daughters of the chiefs, were in general ill­favoured, and even savage in their aspect. At the village of In-juan on the borders of the lake I saw some of them with rings of copper and shells among their hair; they wore destars round their heads like the men, and almost all of them had siwars or small daggers at their sides. They were not shut up or concealed from us, but mixed with our party, on the contrary, with much frankness.

BUILDINGS

The people dwell in hordes, many families being crowded together in one long building. That in which I lived gave shelter to twenty-five families. The front was one long undivided verandah, where the unmarried men slept; the back part was partitioned into small cabins, each of which had a round hole with a door to fit it, and through this the female inmates crept backwards and forwards in the most awkward manner and ridiculous posture. This house was in length two hundred and thirty feet, and elevated from the ground. Those belonging to the chiefs were smaller, well constructed of timber and plank, and covered with shingles or thin plates of board bound on with rattans, about the size and having much the appearance of our slates.

DRESSES

The dresses of the young women of rank were pretty enough. A large blue turband, woven with silver chains, which, meeting behind and crossing, were fastened to the earrings in festoons, decorated their heads. In this was placed a large plume of cock's feathers, bending forward over the face. The jacket was blue, of a silky texture, their own work, and bordered with small gold chain. The body-dress, likewise of their own weaving, was of cotton mingled with silk, richly striped and mixed with gold thread; but they wear it no lower than the knees. The youths of fashion were in a kind of harlequin habit, the forepart of the trousers white, the back-part blue; their jacket after the same fashion. They delighted much in an instrument made from some part of the iju palm-tree, which resembled and produced a sound like the jews-harp.

MEMASAK

Ekonomi domestik mereka (aku membicarakan rumah-rumah pemimpin wilayah) nampak baik diatur ketimbang yang umum terjadi di wilayah-wilayah tersebut; mereka nampak mentoleransi kemajuan dalam seni memasak, dan memiliki banyak ragam makanan; seperti daging rusa, yang didapatkan memakai jerat rotan, bebek liar, yang ditangkap di danau; merpati hijau, yang berjumlah tak terkira; dan beragam jenis ikan di samping summah yang telah disebutkan, dan ikan gadis, sebuah spesies kerapu yang memiliki ukuran yang lebih besar di sini ketimbang di sungai-sungai.

ESCULENT VEGETABLES

The potato, which was introduced there many years ago, is now a common article of food, and cultivated with some attention. Their plantations supply many esculent herbs, fruits, and roots; but the coconut, although reared as a curiosity, is abortive in these inland regions, and its place is supplied by the buah kras (Juglans camirium), of which they also make their torches. Excellent tobacco is grown there, also cotton and indigo, the small leafed kind. They get some silk from Palembang, and rear a little themselves. The communication is more frequent with the north-west shore than with the eastern, and of late, since the English have been settled at Pulo Chinco, they prefer going there for opium to the more tedious (though less distant) journey by which they formerly sought it at Moco-moco.

EMAS

Sejumlah besar emas berada di kokpit mereka, dan aku dipandang kalah jumlah oleh para pecundang tersebut. Saya diberitahu bahwa logam tersebut mereka ambil di daerah mereka sendiri, meskipun mereka enggan menjalani seluruh penyelidikan terhadap subyek tersebut.

BUBUK MERIAM

Mereka membuat bubuk meriam, dan ini merupakan olahraga umum dikalangan anak laki-laki dengan menembakkannya dari bambu. Dalam pandangan mereka, mereka memperlengkapi diri mereka dengan abu lada dalam rangka meningkatkan kekuatannya.

KUSTA

di bagian kecil pada pinggiran danau, bergantung dengan tebing yang sangat curam dan hanya dapat diakses oleh air, aku menyaksikan salah satu tempat yang dihuni orang-orang pengidap kusta dan orang-orang lain yang terjangkit penyakit menular. Aku mendarat dengan banyak pertentangan dari para konduktorku, yang tak keluar perahu. Terdapat seluruh tujuh orang kurang beruntung yang berjemur di pantai dan menghangatkan tubuh mereka dengan sinar matahari. Mereka bersantap pada masa yang ditentukan oleh kontribusi bersama dari desa-desa tetangga, dan aku diberi tau bahwa upaya apapun untuk keluar dari pengasingan mengerikan tersebut akan dihukum mati.

PECULIAR PLANTS

I had little time for botanizing; but I found there many plants unknown to the lowlands. Among them were a species of prune, the water-hemlock, and the strawberry. This last was like that species which grows in our woods; but it was insipid. I brought the roots with me to Fort Marlborough, where it lingered a year or two after fruiting and gradually died.* I found there also a beautiful kind of the Hedychium coronarium, now ranked among the kaempferias. It was of a pale orange, and had a most grateful odour. The girls wear it in their hair, and its beautiful head of lily flowers is used in the silent language of love, to the practice of which, during your stay here, I suppose you were no stranger, and which indicates a delicacy of sentiment one would scarcely expect to find in the character of so rude a people.

(*Footnote. This plant has fruited also in England, but doubts are entertained of its being really a fragaria, By Dr. Smith it is termed a potentilla.)

CHARACTER OF PEOPLE

Although the chiefs received us with hospitality yet the mass of people considered our intentions as hostile, and seemed jealous of our intrusion. Of their women however they were not at all jealous, and the familiarity of these was unrestrained. They entertained us with dances after their fashion, and made some rude attempts at performing a sort of pantomime. I may now close this detail with observing that the natives of this mountainous region have stronger animal spirits than those of the plains, and pass their lives with more variety than the torpid inhabitants of the coast; that they breathe a spirit of independence, and being frequently engaged in warfare, village against village, they would be better prepared to resist any invasion of their liberties.

SUSPICIONS

They took great offence at a large package carried by six men which contained our necessaries, insisting that within it we had concealed a priuk api, for so they call a mortar or howitzer, one of which had been used with success against a village on the borders of their country during the rebellion of the son of the sultan of Moco-moco; and even when satisfied respecting this they manifested so much suspicion that we found it necessary to be constantly on our guard, and were once nearly provoked by their petulance and treachery to proceed to violence. When they found our determination they seemed humble, but were not even then to be trusted; and when we were on our return a friendly chief sent us intelligence that an ambuscade had been laid for us in one of the narrow passes of the mountains. We pursued our journey however without meeting any obstruction.

---

On the subject of gold I have only to add to Mr. Campbell's information that, in the enumeration by the natives of places where there are gold-mines, Karinchi is always included.

EKSPEDISI KE DAERAH PEDALAMAN

Kesempatan mengunjungi daerah pedalaman pulau tersebut sangat jarang dilakukan, atau mungkin dilakukan, yang tak dapat aku temukan pada bacaan abstrak jurnal yang disimpan oleh Letnan Hastings Dare (kini kapten di wilayah Bengal) sesambil mengkomandani ekspedisi menuju daerah-daerah Ipu, Serampei, dan Sungei-tenang, yang berbatasan dengan bagian tenggara dari daerah Korinchi yang disebutkan di atas; memakai waktu yang sama untuk mempelajari pria berwibawa dengan melakukan komunikasi, dan aku meminta maaf karena lancang terhadap subyekku yang dibutuhkan untuk mendapatkan penjelasan.

ORIGIN OF DISTURBANCES

Sultan Asing, brother to the present sultan of Moco-moco, in conjunction with Pa Muncha and Sultan Sidi, two hill-chiefs his relations, residing at Pakalang-jambu and Jambi, raised a small force with which, in the latter part of the year 1804, they made a descent on Ipu, one of the Company's districts, burnt several villages and carried off a number of the inhabitants. The guard of native Malay troops not being sufficiently strong to check these depredations, a party was ordered from Fort Marlborough under the command of Lieutenant Hastings Dare, consisting of eighty-three sepoy officers and men, with five lascars, twenty­two Bengal convicts, and eighteen of the Bugis-guard; in the whole one hundred and twenty-eight.

November 22 1804. Marched from Fort Marlborough, and December 3 arrived at Ipu. The roads extremely bad from the torrents of rain that fell. 4th. Mr. Hawthorne, the Resident, informed us that the enemy had fortified themselves at a place called Tabe-si-kuddi, but, on hearing of the approach of the detachment, had gone off to the hills in the Sungei­tenang country and fortified themselves at Koto Tuggoh, a village that had been a receptacle for all the vagabonds from the districts near the coast. 13th. Having procured coolies and provisions, for which we have been hitherto detained, quitted Ipu in an east-north-east direction, and passed through several pepper and rice plantations. At dusun Baru one of our people caught a fine large fish, called ikan gadis. 14th. Marched in a south-east direction; crossed several rivulets, and reached again the banks of Ipu river, which we crossed. It was about four feet deep and very rapid. Passed the night at dusun Arah. The country rather hilly; thermometer 88 degrees at noon. 15th. Reached dusun Tanjong, the last place in the Ipu district where rice or any other provision is to be found, and these were sent on from Talang Puttei, this place being deserted by its inhabitants, several of whom the enemy had carried off with them as slaves. The country very hilly, and roads, in consequence of the heavy rains, bad and slippery. 16th. Marched in a north and east direction.

MATA AIR HANGAT

Usai melintasi aliran Ayer Ikan sebanyak dua kali, kami datang ke beberapa mata air hangat, yang berjarak sekitar tiga atau empat mil melewati wilayah alam liar yang kami lakukan dari dusun Tanjong, yang berada di titik berlumpur rendah, memiliki luas sekitar enam puluh yard. Mata air tersebut sangat hangat di setiap bagiannya, kecuali (yang sangat luar biasa) satu tempat di sisi timurnya, meskipun mata air hangat tersebut bergelembung di satu sisi tersebut, air yang mengalir dari sana sedingin mata air pada umumnya. Akibat sifat panas ditempat tersebut dan kelembutan tanahnya, tak ada dari kami yang dapat mendekati mata air; namun saat memakai termometer pada tiga bagian di antara mereka langsung naik sampai 120 derajat Fahrenheit. Kami tak dapat mengangkat jari kami di air tersebut pada waktu itu. Mata air tersebut berwarna tembaga dan berasa pahit; terdapat bau sulfur yang kuat di tempat tersebut, dan sedimen hijau di bagian bawah dan samping mata air, dengan buih kemerahan atau berwarna tembaga yang mengambang di permukaan. Setelah kembali melintasi aliran Ikan, kami datang ke dusun Simpang. Musuh berada disana, dan membakar nyaris separuh desa dan membawa para penduduk. Jalan dari Tanjong sampai Simpang sepenuhnya melewati serangkaian tempat penanaman padi dan lada. Kami kini berada di perbukitan. Daerah dengan tingkat penanaman yang lebih tinggi ketimbang daerah dekat pesisir, namun nyaris gersang, dan kemudian harus menjadi tempat pembuangan. Tempat tersebut tak dapat dilampaui musuh. Gubuk-gubuk dibangun di Ayer Ikan di Napah Kapah. Berjalan ke arah selatan dan melintasi Ayer Tubbu, melintasi sejumlah pohon durian di tepiannya. Kembali melintasi aliran beberapa kali. Awalnya datang ke Tabe-si-kuddi, sebuah talang kecil. Disana, musuh membuat tiga tempat jaga atau persinggahan dan meninggalkannya dengan sejumlah biji-bijian, namun banyak tumbuhan dan tak layak untuk dipakai. Sebelum kami mencapai persinggahan tersebut, beberapa detasemen terluka di kaki oleh ranjau-ranjau, yang tertanam di tanah di setiap arah, dan membuat kami sangat berhat0hari dalam melangkah samapai kami datang ke tepi sungai kecil, yang disebut Nibong, yang berjarak dua atau tiga mil.

RANJAU

Ranjau adalah selipan bambu yang ditajamkan di setiap ujung, bagian yang ditusuk ke tanah lebih tajam ketimbang ujung satunya, yang dijadikan titik tipis murninya, dan dikeraskan dengan mencelupkannya ke dalam minyak dan memasukannya dengan asap lentera dekat api. Alat tersebut ditanam di tempat jalan kaki, terkadang timbul, terkadang masuk tanah, pada lubang-lubang kecil, atau di tempat berlumpur dan ktoor, dan ketika diinjak (karena alat tersebut juga tersembunyi karena tak mudah terlihat) alat tersebut menusuk melalui kaki dan membuat luka yang sangat menyakitkan, bambu yang tertinggal berada dalam bungkusan berambut bundar pada bagian luar, yang mengiritasi, membakar, dan mencegahnya dari penyembuhan. Seluruh jalan pada hari itu terbentang sepanjang jalan perbukitan, dan bagian perbukitan ditutupi dengan hutan lebat. Seluruh detasemen tak mencapai gubuk-gubuk kami di tepi aliran Nibong sampai sore, kebanyakan waktu dajalankan dengan mengirim mortar dan tempat senjata. Picked up pouches, musket stocks, etc., and saw new huts, near one of which was a quantity of clotted blood and a fresh grave. 18th. Proceeded east-north-east and passed several rivulets. Regained the banks of the Ipu river, running north-east to south-west here tolerably broad and shallow, being a succession of rapids over a rough stony bed. Encamped both this night and the last where the enemy had built huts. 19th. Marched in a north direction. More of the detachment wounded by ranjaus planted in the pathways. Roads slippery and bad from rains, and the hills so steep it is with difficulty we get the mortar and heavy baggage forward. Killed a green snake with black spots along its back, about four feet long, four to five inches in girt, and with a thick stumpy tail. The natives say its bite is venomous. Our course today has been north along the banks of the Ipu river; the noise of the rapids so great that when near it we can with difficulty hear each other speak. 20th. Continued along the river, crossing it several times. Came to a hot spring in the water of which the thermometer rose to 100 degrees at a considerable distance from its source. The road today tolerably level and good.

LEECHES

We were much plagued by a small kind of leech, which dropped on us from the leaves of the trees, and got withinside our clothes. We were in consequence on our halting every day obliged to strip and bathe ourselves in order to detach them from our bodies, filled with the blood they had sucked from us. They were not above an inch in length, and before they fixed themselves as thin as a needle, so that they could penetrate our dress in any part. We encamped this evening at the conflux of the Simpang stream and Ipu river. Our huts were generally thatched with the puar or wild cardamum leaf, which grows in great abundance on the banks of the rivers in this part of the country. It bears a pleasant acid fruit, growing much in the same way as the maize. In long journeys through the woods, when other provisions fail, the natives live principally on this. The leaf is something like that of the plantain, but not nearly so large. 21st. Arrived at a spot called Dingau-benar, from whence we were obliged to return on account of the coolies not being able to descend a hill which was at least a hundred and fifty yards high, and nearly perpendicular. In effecting it we were obliged to cling to the trees and roots, without which assistance it would have been impracticable. It was nearly evening before one half of the detachment had reached the bottom, and it rained so excessively hard that we were obliged to remain divided for the night; the rear party on the top of the steep hill, and the advanced on the brow of another hill. One of the guides and a Malay coolie were drowned in attempting to find a ford across the Ipu river. I was a long time before we could get any fire, everything being completely soaked through, and the greater part of the poor fellows had not time to build huts for themselves. Military disposition for guarding baggage, preventing surprise, etc. 22nd. We had much difficulty in getting the mortar and its bed down, being obliged to make use of long thick rattans tied to them and successively to several trees. It was really admirable to observe the patience of the sepoys and Bengal convicts on this occasion. On mustering the coolies, found that nearly one half had run during the night, which obliged us to fling away twenty bags of rice, besides salt and other articles. Our course lay north, crossing the river several times. My poor faithful dog Gruff was carried away by the violence of the stream and lost. We were obliged to make bridges by cutting down tall trees, laying them across the stream, and interlacing them with rattans.

We were now between two ranges of very high hills; on our right hand Bukit Pandang, seen from a great distance at sea; the road shockingly bad. Encamped on the western bank. 23rd. Marched in a north direction, the roads almost impassable. The river suddenly swelled so much that the rear party could not join the advanced, which was so fortunate as to occupy huts built by the enemy. There were fires in two of them. We were informed however that the Serampei and Sungei-tenang people often come this distance to catch fish, which they dry and carry back to their country. At certain times of the year great quantities of the ringkis and ikan-gadis are taken, besides a kind of large conger-eel. We frequently had fish when time would admit of the people catching them. It is impossible to describe the difficulties we had to encounter in consequence of the heavy rains, badness of the roads, and rapidity of the river. The sepoy officer and many men ill of fluxes and fevers, and lame with swelled and sore feet. 24th. Military precautions. Powder damaged. Thunder and lightning with torrents of rain. Almost the whole of the rice rotten or sour. 25th. Continued to march up the banks of the river. No inhabitants in this part of the country.

IRREGULARITY OF COMPASS

The compass for these several days has been very irregular. We have two with us and they do not at all agree. The road less bad. At one place we saw bamboos of the thickness of a man's thigh. There were myriads of very small flies this evening, which teased us much. Occupied some huts we found on the eastern bank. This is Christmas evening; to us, God knows, a dull one. Our wines and liquors nearly expended, and we have but one miserable half-starved chicken left although we have been on short allowance the whole way. 26th. Roads tolerable. Passed a spot called Kappah, and soon after a waterfall named Ipu-machang, about sixty feet high. Picked up a sick man belonging to the enemy. He informed us that there were between two and three hundred men collected at Koto Tuggoh, under the command of Sutan Sidi, Sutan Asing, and Pa Muncha. These three chiefs made a festival, killing buffaloes, as is usual with the natives of Sumatra on such occasions, at this place, and received every assistance from the principal Dupati, who is also father-in-law to Pa Muncha. They possess sixty stand of muskets, beside blunderbusses and wall-pieces. They had quitted the Company's districts about twenty-three days ago, and are gone, some to Koto Tuggoh, and others to Pakalang-jambu. 27th. Marched in a north-north-east direction; passed over a steep hill which took us three hours hard walking. The river is now very narrow and rapid, not above twelve feet across; it is a succession of waterfalls every three or four yards. After this our road was intricate, winding, and bad. We had to ascend a high chasm formed in the rock, which was effected by ladders from one shelf to another. Arrived at the foot of Bukit Pandang, where we found huts, and occupied them for the night. We have been ascending the whole of this day. Very cold and rainy. At night we were glad to make large fires and use our blankets and woollen clothes. Having now but little rice left we were obliged to put ourselves to an allowance of one bamboo or gallon measure among ten men; and the greater part of that rotten.

ASCEND A HIGH MOUNTAIN

28th. Ascended Bukit Pandang in an east-north-east direction. Reached a small spring of water called Pondo Kubang, the only one to be met with till the hill is descended. About two miles from the top, and from thence all the way up, the trees and ground were covered very thick with moss; the trees much stunted, and altogether the appearance was barren and gloomy; to us particularly so, for we could find little or nothing wherewith to build our huts, nor procure a bit of dry wood to light a fire. In order to make one for dressing the victuals, Lieutenant Dare was compelled to break up one of his boxes, otherwise he and Mr. Alexander, the surgeon, must have eaten them raw. It rained hard all night, and the coolies and most of the party were obliged to lie down on the wet ground in the midst of it.

MEN DIE FROM SEVERITY OF THE WEATHER

It was exceedingly cold to our feelings; in the evening the thermometer was down to 50 degrees, and in the night to 45 degrees. In consequence of the cold, inclemency, and fatigue to which the coolies were exposed, seven of them died that night. The lieutenant and surgeon made themselves a kind of shelter with four tarpaulins that were fortunately provided to cover the medicine chest and surgical instruments, but the place was so small that it scarcely held them both. In the evening when the former was sitting on his camp­stool, whilst the people were putting up the tarpaulins, a very small bird, perfectly black, came hopping about the stool, picking up the worms from the moss. It was so tame and fearless that it frequently perched itself on his foot and on different parts of the stool; which shows that these parts of the country must be very little frequented by human beings. 29th. Descended Bukit Pandang. Another coolie died this morning. We are obliged to fling away shells. After walking some time many of the people recovered, as it was principally from cold and damps they suffered. Crossed a stream called Inum where we saw several huts. In half an hour more arrived at the banks of the greater Ayer Dikit River, which is here shallow, rapid, and about eighty yards broad. We marched westerly along its banks, and reached a hut opposite to a spot called Rantau Kramas, where we remained for the night, being prevented from crossing by a flood. 30th. Cut down a large tree and threw it across the river; it reached about halfway over. With this and the assistance of rattans tied to the opposite side we effected our passage and arrived at Rantau Kramas. Sent off people to Ranna Alli, one of the Serampei villages, about a day's march from hence, for provisions. Thermometer 59 degrees.

The greater Ayer Dikit river, on the north side of which this place lies, runs nearly from east to west. There are four or five bamboo huts at it, for the temporary habitation of travellers passing and repassing this way, being in the direction from the Serampei to the Sungei-tenang country. These huts are covered with bamboos (in plenty here) split and placed like pantiles transversely over each other, forming, when the bamboos are well-grown, a capital and lasting roof (see above). 31st. A Malay man and woman taken by our people report that the enemy thirteen days ago had proceeded two days march beyond Koto Tuggoh. Received some provisions from Ranna Alli. The enemy, we are informed, have dug holes and put long stakes into them, set spring-spears, and planted the road very thickly with ranjaus, and were collecting their force at Koto Tuggoh (signifying the strong fortress) to receive us. 1805. January 1st and 2nd. Received some small supplies of provisions.

COME UP WITH THE ENEMY

On the 3rd we were saluted by shouting and firing of the enemy from the heights around us. Parties were immediately sent off in different directions as the nature of the ground allowed.

ATTACK

The advanced party had only time to fire two rounds when the enemy retired to a strong position on the top of a steep hill where they had thrown up a breastwork, which they disputed for a short time. On our getting possession of it they divided into three parties and fled. We had one sepoy killed and several of the detachment wounded by the ranjaus. Many of the enemy were killed and wounded and the paths they had taken covered with blood; but it is impossible to tell their numbers as they always carry them off the moment they drop, considering it a disgrace to leave them on the field of battle. If they get any of the bodies of their enemies they immediately strike off the head and fix it on a long pole, carrying it to their village as a trophy, and addressing to it every sort of abusive language. Those taken alive in battle are made slaves. After completely destroying everything in the battery we marched, and arrived at the top of a very high hill, where we built our huts for the evening. The road was thickly planted with ranjaus which, with the heavy rains, impeded our progress and prevented us from reaching a place called Danau-pau. Our course today has been north-east and easterly, the roads shockingly bad, and we were obliged to leave behind several coolies and two sepoys who were unable to accompany us. 4th. Obliged to fling away the bullets of the cartridges, three-fourths of which were damaged, and other articles. Most of the detachment sick with fluxes and fevers, or wounded in the feet. Marched in an eastern direction. Reached a spot very difficult to pass, being knee-deep in mud for a considerable way, with ranjaus concealed in the mud, and spring-spears set in many places. We were obliged to creep through a thicket of canes and bamboos. About noon the advanced party arrived at a lake and discovered that the enemy were on the opposite side of a small stream that ran from the lake, where they had entrenched themselves behind four small batteries in a most advantageous position, being on the top of a steep hill, of difficult access, with the stream on one side, the lake on the other, and the other parts surrounded by a swamp.

ENTRENCHMENTS ATTACKED AND CARRIED

We immediately commenced the attack, but were unable, from the number of ranjaus in the only accessible part, to make a push on to the enemy. However about one o'clock we effected our purpose, and completely got possession of the entrenchments, which, had they been properly defended, must have cost us more than the half of our detachment. We had four sepoys severely wounded, and almost the whole of our feet dreadfully cut. Numbers of the enemy were killed and wounded. They defended each of the batteries with some obstinacy against our fire, but when once we came near them they could not stand our arms, and ran in every direction. At this place there are no houses nor inhabitants, but only temporary huts, built by the Sungei-tenang people, who come here occasionally to fish. The lake, which is named Danau-pau, has a most beautiful appearance, being like a great amphitheatre, surrounded by high and steep mountains covered with forests. It is about two miles in diameter. We occupied some huts built by the enemy. The place is thickly surrounded with bamboos.

MOTIVES FOR RETURNING TO THE COAST

In consequence of the number of our sick and wounded, the small strength of coolies to carry their baggage, and the want of medicines and ammunition, as well as of provisions, we thought it advisable to return to Rantau Kramas; and to effect this we were obliged to fling away the mortar-bed, shells, and a number of other things. We marched at noon, and arrived in the evening at the top of the hill where we had before encamped, and remained for the night. 6th. Reached Rantau Kramas. 7th. Marching in torrents of rain. People exceedingly harassed, reduced, and emaciated. Relieved by the arrival of Serampei people with some provisions from Ranna Alli. 8th. After a most fatiguing march arrived at that place half-dead with damps and cold. The bearers of the litters for the sick were absolutely knocked up, and we were obliged to the sepoys for getting on as we did. Our route was north-west with little variation. 9th. Remained at Ranna Alli. This serampei village consists of about fifteen houses, and may contain a hundred and fifty or two hundred inhabitants. It is thickly planted all round with a tall hedge of live bamboos, on the outside of which ranjaus are planted to the distance of thirty or forty feet. Withinside of the hedge there is a bamboo pagar or paling. It is situated on a steep hill surrounded by others, which in many places are cleared to their tops, where the inhabitants have their ladangs or rice plantations. They appeared to be a quiet, inoffensive set of people; their language different from the Malayan, which most of them spoke, but very imperfectly and hardly to be understood by us. On our approach the women and children ran to their ladangs, being, as their husbands informed us, afraid of the sepoys.

GOITRES

Of the women whom we saw almost every one had the goitres or swellings under the throat; and it seemed to be more prevalent with these than with the men. One woman in particular had two protuberances dangling at her neck as big as quart bottles.

There are three dupatis and four mantris to this village, to whom we made presents, and afterwards to the wives and families of the inhabitants. 10th and 11th. Preparing for our march to Moco-moco, where we can recruit our force, and procure supplies of stores and ammunition. 12th. Marched in a north and north-west direction.

JEMBATAN GANTUNG

Kami melintasi sebuah jembatan dibangun melintasi Sungai Ayer Abu. Jembatan tersebut dibuat dengan bambu yang diikat dengan tali-tali iju dan digantungkan ke pohon-pohon, yang cabangnya berada di dekat aliran sungai.

Wanita Serampei adalah sosok paling buruh yang pernah dilihat oleh kami, dan terbiasa bersikap kasar. Kami datang ke Tanjong Kasiri, desa benteng lainnya, yang lebih berpenduduk ketimbang Ranna Alli. Bawaan berat dan menyakitkan dipesan ke Tanjong Agung, desa Serampei lainnya.

HOT SPRINGS

14th. Arrived at Ayer Grau or Abu, a small river, within a yard or two of which we saw columns of smoke issuing from the earth, where there were hot springs of water bubbling up in a number of places. The stream was quite warm for several yards, and the ground and stones were so hot that there was no standing on them for any length of time. The large pieces of quartz, pumice, and other stones apparently burnt, induce us to suppose there must have formerly been a volcano at this spot, which is a deep vale, surrounded by high hills. Arrived much fatigued at Tanjong Agung, where the head dupati received us in his best style.

KELAPA

Ia nampaknya mengetahui kebiasaan dan perilaku yang lebih Eropa ketimbang orang-orang yang kami temui dengan, dan disini, untuk pertama kalinya semenjak keluar dari distrik Ipu, mereka mengambil kelapa, yang ia persembahkan kepada kami.

CASSIA

Kami melihat sejumlah pohon cassia pada kirab kami hari ini. Kulit pohonnya, yang dibawa oleh penduduk asli kepada kami dalam jumlah besar, memiliki rasa yang manis, namun tebal dan kasar, dan lebih rendah ketimbang kayu manis. Ini merupakan desa benteng terbaik dan terakhir di daerah Serampei, yang berbatasan pada hutan antara tempat tersebut dan Anak-Sungei.

PECULIAR REGULATION

They have a custom here of never allowing any animal to be killed in any part of the village but the balei or town hall, unless the person wishing to do otherwise consents to pay a fine of one fathom of cotton cloth to the priest for his permission. The old dupati told us there had been formerly a great deal of sickness and bloodshed in the village, and it had been predicted that, unless this custom were complied with, the like would happen again. We paid the fine, had the prayers of the priest, and killed our goats where and as we pleased. 16th. Marched in a south-westerly direction, and, after passing many steep hills, reached the lesser Ayer Dikit River, which we crossed, and built our huts on its western bank. 17th. Marched in a west, and afterwards a south, direction; the roads, in consequence of the rain ceasing today, tolerably dry and good, but over high hills. Arrived at Ayer Prikan, and encamped on its western bank; its course north and south over a rough, stony bed; very rapid, and about thirty yards across, at the foot of Bukit Lintang. Saw today abundance of cassia­trees. 18th. Proceeded to ascend Bukit Lintang, which in the first part was excessively steep and fatiguing; our route north and north-west when descending, south-south-west. Arrived at one of the sources of the Sungei-ipu. Descending still farther we reached a small spring where we built our huts. 19th. On our march this day we were gratified by the receipt of letters from our friends at Bencoolen, by the way of Moco-moco, from whence the Resident, Mr. Russell, sent us a supply of wine and other refreshments, which we had not tasted for fourteen days. Our course lay along the banks of the Sungei-ipu, and we arrived at huts prepared for us by Mr. Russell. 20th. At one time our guide lost the proper path by mistaking for it the track of a rhinoceros (which are in great numbers in these parts), and we got into a place where we were teased with myriads of leeches. Our road, excepting two or three small hills, was level and good. Reached the confluence of the Ipu and Si Luggan Rivers, the latter of which rises in the Korinchi country. Passed Gunong Payong, the last hill, as we approached Moco-moco, near to which had been a village formerly burnt and the inhabitants made slaves by Pa Muncha and the then tuanku mudo (son of the sultan). 21st. Arrived at talang Rantau Riang, the first Moco-moco or Anak-Sungei village, where we found provisions dressed for us. At dusun Si Ballowe, to which our road lay south-easterly, through pepper and rice plantations, sampans were in readiness to convey us down the river. This place is remarkable for an arau tree (casuarina), the only one met with at such a distance from the sea. The country is here level in comparison with what we have passed through, and the soil rather sandy, with a mixture of red clay. 22nd. The course of the river is south-west and west with many windings. Arrived at Moco-moco.

DESCRIPTION OF MOCO-MOCO

Fort Ann lies on the southern and the settlement on the northern side of the Si Luggan River, which name belongs properly to the place also, and that of Moco-moco to a small village higher up. The bazaar consists of about one hundred houses, all full of children. At the northern end is the sultan's, which has nothing particular to distinguish it, but only its being larger than other Malay houses. Great quantities of fish are procured at this place, and sold cheap. The trade is principally with the hill-people, in salt, piece-goods, iron, steel, and opium; for which the returns are provisions, timber, and a little gold-dust. Formerly there was a trade carried on with the Padang and other ate angin people, but it is now dropped. The soil is sandy, low, and flat.

EXPEDITION RESUMED

It being still necessary to make an example of the Sungei-tenang people for assisting the three hostile chiefs in their depredations, in order thereby to deter others from doing the same in future, and the men being now recovered from their fatigue and furnished with the requisite supplies, the detachment began to march on the 9th of February for Ayer Dikit. It now consists of Lieutenant Dare, Mr. Alexander, surgeon, seventy sepoys, including officers, twenty-seven lascars and Bengal convicts, and eleven of the bugis-guard. Left the old mortar and took with us one of smaller calibre.

ACCOUNT OF SERAMPEI COUNTRY AND PEOPLE

From the 10th to the 22nd occupied in our march to the Serampei village of Ranna Alli. The people of this country acknowledge themselves the subjects of the sultan of Jambi, who sometimes but rarely exacts a tribute from them of a buffalo, a tail of gold, and a hundred bamboos of rice from each village. They are accustomed to carry burdens of from sixty to ninety pounds weight on journeys that take them twenty or thirty days; and it astonishes a lowlander to see with what ease they walk over these hills, generally going a shuffling or ambling pace. Their loads are placed in a long triangular basket, supported by a fillet across the forehead, resting upon the back and back part of the head, the broadest end of the triangle being uppermost, considerably above the head, and the small end coming down as low as the loins. The Serampei country, comprehending fifteen fortified and independent dusuns, beside talangs or small open villages, is bounded on the north and north-west by Korinchi, on the east, south-east, and south by Pakalang-jambu and Sungei-tenang, and on the west and south-west by the greater Ayer Dikit River and chain of high mountains bordering on the Sungei-ipu country. 23rd. Reached Rantau Kramas. Took possession of the batteries, which the enemy had considerably improved in our absence, collecting large quantities of stones; but they were not manned, probably from not expecting our return so soon. 24th. Arrived at those of Danau-pau, which had also been strengthened. The roads being dry and weather fine we are enabled to make tolerably long marches. Our advanced party nearly caught one of the enemy planting ranjaus, and in retreating he wounded himself with them. 25th. Passed many small rivulets discharging themselves into the lake at this place.

COME UP WITH THE ENEMY

26th. The officer commanding the advanced party sent word that the enemy were at a short distance ahead; that they had felled a number of trees to obstruct the road, and had thrown an entrenchment across it, extending from one swamp and precipice to another, where they waited to receive us. When the whole of the detachment had come up we marched on to the attack, scrambled over the trees, and with great difficulty got the mortar over.

FIRST ATTACK FAILS

The first onset was not attended with success, and our men were dropping fast, not being able to advance on account of the ranjaus, which almost pinned their feet to the ground. Seeing that the entrenchments were not to be carried in front, a subedar with thirty sepoys and the bugis-guard were ordered to endeavour to pass the swamp on the right, find out a pathway, and attack the enemy on the flank and rear, while the remainder should, on a preconcerted signal, make an attack on the front at the same time. To prevent the enemy from discovering our intentions the drums were kept beating, and a few random shots fired. Upon the signal being given a general attack commenced, and our success was complete.

ENTRENCHMENTS CARRIED

The enemy, of whom there were, as we reckon, three or four hundred within the entrenchments, were soon put to the rout, and, after losing great numbers, among whom was the head dupati, a principal instigator of the disturbances, fled in all directions. We lost two sepoys killed and seven wounded, beside several much hurt by the ranjaus. The mortar played during the time, but is not supposed to have done much execution on account of the surrounding trees.

THEIR CONSTRUCTION

The entrenchments were constructed of large trees laid horizontally between stakes driven into the ground, about seven feet high, with loopholes for firing. Being laid about six feet thick, a cannonball could not have penetrated. They extended eighty or ninety yards. The headman's quarters were a large tree hollowed at the root.

As soon as litters could be made for the wounded, and the killed were buried, we continued our march in an eastern direction, and in about an hour arrived at another battery, which however was not defended. In front of this the enemy had tied a number of long sharp stakes to a stone, which was suspended to the bough of a tree, and by swinging it their plan was to wound us.

ARRIVE AT A STREAM RUNNING INTO THE JAMBI RIVER

Crossed the Tambesi rivulet, flowing from south to north, and one of the contributary streams to the Jambi River, which discharges itself into the sea on the eastern side of the Island. Built our huts near a field of maize and padi.

KOTO TUGGOH

27th. Marched to Koto Tuggoh, from whence the inhabitants fled on our throwing one shell and firing a few muskets, and we took possession of the place. It is situated on a high hill, nearly perpendicular on three sides, the easiest entrance being on the west, but it is there defended by a ditch seven fathoms deep and five wide. The place contains the ballei and about twenty houses, built in general of plank very neatly put together, and carved; and some of them were also roofed with planks or shingles about two feet long and one broad. The others with the leaves of the puar or cardamum, which are again very thinly covered with iju. This is said to last long, but harbours vermin, as we experienced. When we entered the village we met with only one person, who was deformed, dumb, and had more the appearance of a monkey than a human creature.

DESTROYED. ENTER KOTO BHARU

March 1st. After completely destroying Koto Tuggoh we marched in a north and afterwards an east direction, and arrived at Koto Bharu. The head dupati requesting a parley, it was granted, and, on our promising not to injure his village, he allowed us to take possession of it. We found in the place a number of Batang Asei and other people, armed with muskets, blunderbusses, and spears. At our desire, he sent off people to the other Sungei-tenang villages to summon their chiefs to meet us if they chose to show themselves friends, or otherwise we should proceed against them as we had done against Koto Tuggoh.

PEACE CONCLUDED

This dupati was a respectable-looking old man, and tears trickled down his cheeks when matters were amicably settled between us: indeed for some time he could hardly be convinced of it, and repeatedly asked, "Are we friends?" 2nd. The chiefs met as desired, and after a short conversation agreed to all that we proposed. Papers were thereupon drawn up and signed and sworn to under the British colours. After this a shell was thrown into the air at the request of the chiefs, who were desirous of witnessing the sight.

MODE OF TAKING AN OATH

Their method of swearing was as follows: The young shoots of the anau-tree were made into a kind of rope, with the leaves hanging, and this was attached to four stakes stuck in the ground, forming an area of five or six feet square, within which a mat was spread, where those about to take the oath seated themselves. A small branch of the prickly bamboo was planted in the area also, and benzoin was kept burning during the ceremony. The chiefs then laid their hands on the koran, held to them by a priest, and one of them repeated to the rest the substance of the oath, who, at the pauses he made, gave a nod of assent; after which they severally said, "may the earth become barren, the air and water poisonous, and may dreadful calamities fall on us and our posterity, if we do not fulfil what we now agree to and promise."

ACCOUNT OF SUNGEI-TENANG COUNTRY

We met here with little or no fruit excepting plantains and pineapples, and these of an indifferent sort. The general produce of the country was maize, padi, potatoes, sweet-potatoes, tobacco, and sugar-cane. The principal part of their clothing was procured from the eastern side of the island. They appear to have no regular season for sowing the grain, and we saw plantations where in one part they had taken in the crop, in another part it was nearly ripe, in a third not above five inches high, and in a fourth they had but just prepared the ground for sowing. Upon the whole, there appeared more cultivation than near the coast.

MANNERS OF PEOPLE

It is a practice with many individuals among these people (as with mountaineers in some parts of Europe) to leave their country in order to seek employment where they can find it, and at the end of three or four years revisit their native soil, bringing with them the produce of their labours. If they happen to be successful they become itinerant merchants, and travel to almost all parts of the island, particularly where fairs are held, or else purchase a matchlock gun and become soldiers of fortune, hiring themselves to whoever will pay them, but always ready to come forward in defence of their country and families. They are a thick stout dark race of people, something resembling the Achinese; and in general they are addicted to smoking opium. We had no opportunity of seeing the Sungei-tenang women. The men are very fantastical in their dress. Their bajus have the sleeves blue perhaps whilst the body is white, with stripes of red or any other colour over the shoulders, and their short breeches are generally one half blue and the other white, just as fancy leads them. Others again are dressed entirely in blue cotton cloth, the same as the inhabitants of the west coast. The bag containing their sirih or betel hangs over the shoulder by a string, if it may be so termed, of brass wire. Many of them have also twisted brass wire round the waist, in which they stick their krises.

CHARMS

They commonly carry charms about their persons to preserve them from accidents; one of which was shown to us, printed (at Batavia or Samarang in Java) in Dutch, Portuguese, and French. It purported that the writer was acquainted with the occult sciences, and that whoever possessed one of the papers impressed with his mark (which was the figure of a hand with the thumb and fingers extended) was invulnerable and free from all kinds of harm. It desired the people to be very cautious of taking any such printed in London (where certainly none were ever printed), as the English would endeavour to counterfeit them and to impose on the purchasers, being all cheats. (Whether we consider this as a political or a mercantile speculation it is not a little extraordinary and ridiculous). The houses here, as well as in the Serampei country, are all built on posts of what they call paku gajah (elephant-fern, Chamaerops palma, Lour.), a tree something resembling a fern, and when full-grown a palm-tree. It is of a fibrous nature, black, and lasts for a great length of time. Every dusun has a ballei or town hall, about a hundred and twenty feet long and proportionably broad, the woodwork of which is neatly carved. The dwelling-houses contain five, six, or seven families each, and the country is populous. The inhabitants both of Sungei-tenang and Serampei are Mahometans, and acknowledge themselves subjects of Jambi. The former country, so well as we were able to ascertain, is bounded on the north and north-west by Korinchi and Serampei, on the west and south-west by the Anak-sungei or Moco-moco and Ipu districts, on the south by Labun, and on the east by Batang Asei and Pakalang-jambu. 3rd. Marched on our return to the coast, many of the principal people attending us as far as the last of their plantations. It rained hard almost the whole of this day.

RETURN TO THE COAST

On the 14th arrived at Moco-moco; on the 22nd proceeded for Bencoolen, and arrived there on the 30th March 1805, after one of the most fatiguing and harassing expeditions any detachment of troops ever served upon; attended with the sickness of the whole of the party, and the death of many, particularly of Mr. Alexander, the surgeon.

End of Lieutenant Dare's narrative.

It is almost unnecessary to observe that these were the consequences of the extreme impolicy of sending an expedition up the country in the heart of the rainy season. The public orders issued on the occasion were highly creditable to Lieutenant Dare.

Bab 18

MALAYAN STATES.
ANCIENT EMPIRE OF MENANGKABAU.
ORIGIN OF THE MALAYS AND GENERAL ACCEPTATION OF NAME.
EVIDENCES OF THEIR MIGRATION FROM SUMATRA.
SUCCESSION OF MALAYAN PRINCES.
PRESENT STATE OF THE EMPIRE.
TITLES OF THE SULTAN.
CEREMONIES.
CONVERSION TO MAHOMETAN RELIGION.
LITERATURE.
ARTS.
WARFARE.
GOVERNMENT.

MALAYAN STATES

I shall now take a more particular view of the Malayan states, as distinguished from those of the people termed orang ulu or countrymen, and orang dusun or villagers, who, not being generally converted to the Mahometan religion, have thereby preserved a more original character.

EMPIRE OF MENANGKABAU

The principal government, and whose jurisdiction in ancient times is understood to have comprehended the whole of Sumatra, is Menangkabau,* situated under the equinoctial line, beyond the western range of high mountains, and nearly in the centre of the island; in which respect it differs from Malayan establishments in other parts, which are almost universally near the mouths of large rivers. The appellations however of orang menangkabau and orang malayo are so much identified that, previously to entering upon an account of the former, it will be useful to throw as much light as possible upon the latter, and to ascertain to what description of people the name of Malays, bestowed by Europeans upon all who resemble them in features and complexion, properly belongs.

(*Footnote. The name is said to be derived from the words menang, signifying to win, and karbau, a buffalo; from a story, carrying a very fabulous air, of a famous engagement on that spot between the buffaloes and tigers, in which the former are stated to have acquired a complete victory. Such is the account the natives give; but they are fond of dealing in fiction, and the etymology has probably no better foundation than a fanciful resemblance of sound.)

ORIGIN OF MALAYS

It has hitherto been considered as an obvious truth, and admitted without examination that, wherever they are found upon the numerous islands forming this archipelago, they or their ancestors must have migrated from the country named by Europeans (and by them alone) the Malayan peninsula or peninsula of Malacca, of which the indigenous and proper inhabitants were understood to be Malays; and accordingly in the former editions of this work I spoke of the natives of Menangkabau as having acquired their religion, language, manners, and other national characteristics from the settling among them of genuine Malays from the neighbouring continent. It will however appear from the authorities I shall produce, amounting as nearly to positive evidence as the nature of the subject will admit, that the present possessors of the coasts of the peninsula were on the contrary in the first instance adventurers from Sumatra, who in the twelfth century formed an establishment there, and that the indigenous inhabitants, gradually driven by them to the woods and mountains, so far from being the stock from whence the Malays were propagated, are an entirely different race of men, nearly approaching in their physical character to the negroes of Africa.

MIGRATION FROM SUMATRA

The evidences of this migration from Sumatra are chiefly found in two Malayan books well known, by character at least, to those who are conversant with the written language, the one named Taju assalatin or Makuta segala raja-raja, The Crown of all Kings, and the other, more immediately to the purpose, Sulalat assalatin or Penurun-an segala raja­raja, The Descent of all (Malayan) Kings. Of these it has not been my good fortune to obtain copies, but the contents, so far as they apply to the present subject, have been fully detailed by two eminent Dutch writers to whom the literature of this part of the East was familiar. Petrus van der Worm first communicated the knowledge of these historical treatises in his learned Introduction to the Malayan Vocabulary of Gueynier, printed at Batavia in the year 1677; and extracts to the same effect were afterwards given by Valentyn in Volume 5 pages 316 to 320 of his elaborate work, published at Amsterdam in 1726. The books are likewise mentioned in a list of Malayan Authors by G.H. Werndly, at the end of his Maleische Spraak-kunst, and by the ingenious Dr. Leyden in his Paper on the Languages and Literature of the Indo-Chinese Nations, recently published in Volume 10 of the Asiatic Researches. The substance of the information conveyed by them is as follows; and I trust it will not be thought that the mixture of a portion of mythological fable in accounts of this nature invalidates what might otherwise have credit as historical fact. The utmost indeed we can pretend to ascertain is what the natives themselves believe to have been their ancient history; and it is proper to remark that in the present question there can be no suspicion of bias from national vanity, as we have reason to presume that the authors of these books were not Sumatrans.

The original country inhabited by the Malayan race (according to these authorities) was the kingdom of Palembang in the island of Indalus, now Sumatra, on the river Malayo, which flows by the mountain named Maha-meru, and discharges itself into the river Tatang (on which Palembang stands) before it joins the sea. Having chosen for their king or leader a prince named Sri Turi Buwana, who boasted his descent from Iskander the Great, and to whom, on that account, their natural chief Demang Lebar Daun submitted his authority, they emigrated, under his command (about the year 1160), to the south-eastern extremity of the opposite peninsula, named Ujong Tanah, where they were at first distinguished by the appellation of orang de-bawah angin or the Leeward people, but in time the coast became generally known by that of Tanah malayo or the Malayan land.

SINGAPURA BUILT

In this situation they built their first city, which they called Singapura (vulgarly Sincapore), and their rising consequence excited the jealousy of the kings of Maja-pahit, a powerful state in the island of Java. To Sri Turi Buwana, who died in 1208, succeeded Paduka Pikaram Wira, who reigned fifteen years; to him Sri Rama Vikaram, who reigned thirteen, and to him Sri Maharaja, who reigned twelve.

MALAKA BUILT

His successor, Sri Iskander Shah, was the last king of Singapura. During three years he withstood the forces of the king of Maja-pahit, but in 1252, being hard pressed, he retired first to the northward, and afterwards to the western, coast of the peninsula, where in the following year he founded a new city, which under his wise government became of considerable importance. To this he gave the name of Malaka, from a fruit-bearing tree so called (myrabolanum) found in abundance on the hill which gives natural strength to the situation. Having reigned here twenty-two years, beloved by his subjects and feared by his neighbours, Iskander Shah died in 1274, and was succeeded by Sultan Magat, who reigned only two years. Up to this period the Malayan princes were pagans. Sultan Muhammed Shah, who ascended the throne in 1276, was the first Mahometan prince, and by the propagation of this faith acquired great celebrity during a long reign of fifty-seven years. His influence appears to have extended over the neighbouring islands of Lingga and Bintan, together with Johor, Patani, Kedah, and Perak, on the coasts of the peninsula, and Campar and Aru in Sumatra; all of which acquired the appellative of Malayo, although it was now more especially applied to the people of Malaka, or, as it is commonly written, Malacca. He left the peaceful possession of his dominions to his son Sultan Abu Shahid, who had reigned only one year and five months when he was murdered in 1334 by the king of Arrakan, with whose family his father had contracted a marriage. His successor was Sultan Modafar or Mozafar Shah, who was distinguished for the wisdom of his government, of which he left a memorial in a Book of Institutes or Laws of Malaka, held to this day in high estimation. This city was now regarded as the third in rank (after Maja-pahit on Java, and Pase on Sumatra) in that part of the East.

(*Footnote. The account given by Juan de Barros of the abandonment of the Malayan city of Singapura and foundation of Malacca differs materially from the above; and although the authority of a writer, who collected his materials in Lisbon, cannot be put in competition with that of Valentyn, who passed a long and laborious life amongst the people, and quotes the native historians, I shall give an abstract of his relation, from the sixth book of the second Decade. "At the period when Cingapura flourished its king was named Sangesinga; and in the neighbouring island of Java reigned Pararisa, upon whose death the latter country became subject to the tyranny of his brother, who put one of his nephews to death, and forced many of the nobles, who took part against him, to seek refuge abroad. Among these was one named Paramisora, whom Sangesinga received with hospitality that was badly requited, for the stranger soon found means to put him to death, and, by the assistance of the Javans who accompanied him in his flight, to take possession of the city. The king of Siam, whose son-in-law and vassal the deceased was, assembled a large force by sea and land, and compelled the usurper to evacuate Cingapura with two thousand followers, a part of whom were Cellates (orang sellat men of the Straits) accustomed to live by fishing and piracy, who had assisted him in seizing and keeping the throne during five years. They disembarked at a place called Muar, a hundred and fifty leagues from thence, where Paramisora and his own people fortified themselves. The Cellates, whom he did not choose to trust, proceeded five leagues farther, and occupied a bank of the river where the fortress of Malacca now stands. Here they united with the half-savage natives, who like themselves spoke the Malayan language, and, the spot they had chosen becoming too confined for their increasing numbers, they moved a league higher up, to one more convenient, and were at length joined by their former chief and his companions. During the government of his son, named Xaquen Darxa (a strange Portuguese corruption of Iskander or Sekander Shah) they again descended the river, in order to enjoy the advantages of a sea-port, and built a town, which, from the fortunes of his father, was named Malacca, signifying an exile." Every person conversant with the language must know that the word does not bear that nor any similar meaning, and an error so palpable throws discredit on the whole narrative.)

About the year 1340 the king of Siam, being jealous of the growing power of Malaka, invaded the country, and in a second expedition laid siege to the capital; but his armies were defeated by the general of Modafar, named Sri Nara Dirija. After these events Modafar reigned some years with much reputation, and died in 1374. His son, originally named Sultan Abdul, took the title of Sultan Mansur Shah upon his accession. At the time that the king of Maja-pahit drove the Malays from Singapura, as above related, he likewise subdued the country of Indragiri in Sumatra; but upon the occasion of Mansur Shah's marriage (about the year 1380) with the daughter of the then reigning king, a princess of great celebrity, named Radin Gala Chendra Kiran, it was assigned to him as her portion, and has since continued (according to Valentyn) under the dominion of the princes of Malaka. Mansur appears to have been engaged in continual wars, and to have obtained successes against Pahang, Pase, and Makasar. His reign extended to the almost incredible period of seventy-three years, being succeeded in 1447 by his son Sultan Ala-wa-eddin. During his reign of thirty years nothing particular is recorded; but there is reason to believe that his country during some part of that time was under the power of the Siamese. Sultan Mahmud Shah, who succeeded him, was the twelfth Malayan king, and the seventh and last king of Malaka.

JOHOR FOUNDED

In 1509 he repelled the aggression of the king of Siam; but in 1511 was conquered by the Portuguese under Alfonso d'Alboquerque, and forced, with the principal inhabitants, to fly to the neighbourhood of the first Malayan establishment at the extremity of the peninsula, where he founded the city of Johor, which still subsists, but has never attained to any considerable importance, owing as it may be presumed to the European influence that has ever since, under the Portuguese, Hollanders, and English, predominated in that quarter.*

(*Footnote. It was subdued by the Portuguese in 1608. In 1641 Malacca was taken from them by the Hollanders, who held it till the present war, which has thrown it into the possession of the English. The interior boundaries of its territory, according to the Transactions of the Batavian Society, are the mountains of Rombou, inhabited by a Malayan people named Maning Cabou, and Mount Ophir, called by the natives Gunong-Ledang. These limits, say they, it is impracticable for a European to pass, the whole coast, for some leagues from the sea, being either a morass or impenetrable forest; and these natural difficulties are aggravated by the treacherous and bloodthirsty character of the natives. The description, which will be found in Volume 4 pages 333 to 334, is evidently overcharged. In speaking of Johor the original emigration of a Malayan colony from Sumatra to the mouth of that river, which gave its name to the whole coast, is briefly mentioned.)

ANCIENT RELIGION

With respect to the religion professed by the Malayan princes at the time of their migration from Sumatra, and for about 116 years after, little can be known, because the writers, whose works have reached us, lived since the period of conversion, and as good Mahometans would have thought it profane to enter into the detail of superstitions which they regard with abhorrence; but from the internal evidence we can entertain little doubt of its having been the religion of Brahma, much corrupted however and blended with the antecedent rude idolatry of the country, such as we now find it amongst the Battas. Their proper names or titles are obviously Hindu, with occasional mixture of Persian, and their mountain of Maha-meru, elsewhere so well known as the seat of Indra and the dewas, sufficiently points out the mythology adopted in the country. I am not aware that at the present day there is any mountain in Sumatra called by that name; but it is reasonable to presume that appellations decidedly connected with Paganism may have been changed by the zealous propagators of the new faith, and I am much inclined to believe that by the Maha-meru of the Malays is to be understood the mountain of Sungei-pagu in the Menangkabau country, from whence issue rivers that flow to both sides of the island. In the neighbourhood of this reside the chiefs of the four great tribes, called ampat suku or four quarters, one of which is named Malayo (the others, Kampi, Pani, and Tiga-lara); and it is probable that to it belonged the adventurers who undertook the expedition to Ujong Tanah, and perpetuated the name of their particular race in the rising fortunes of the new colony. From what circumstances they were led to collect their vessels for embarkation at Palembang rather than at Indragiri or Siak, so much more convenient in point of local position, cannot now be ascertained.

Having proposed some queries upon this subject to the late Mr. Francis Light, who first settled the island of Pinang or Prince of Wales island, in the Straits of Malacca, granted to him by the king of Kedah as the marriage portion of his daughter, he furnished me in answer with the following notices. "The origin of the Malays, like that of other people, is involved in fable; every raja is descended from some demigod, and the people sprung from the ocean. According to their traditions however their first city of Singapura, near the present Johor, was peopled from Palembang, from whence they proceeded to settle at Malacca (naming their city from the fruit so called), and spread along the coast. The peninsula is at present inhabited by distinct races of people. The Siamese possess the northern part to latitude 7 degrees, extending from the east to the west side. The Malays possess the whole of the sea-coast on both sides, from that latitude to Point Romania; being mixed in some places with the Bugis from Celebes, who have still a small settlement at Salmigor. The inland parts to the northward are inhabited by the Patani people, who appear to be a mixture of Siamese and Malays, and occupy independent dusuns or villages. Among the forests and in the mountains are a race of Caffres, in every respect resembling those of Africa excepting in stature, which does not exceed four feet eight inches. The Menangkabau people of the peninsula are so named from an inland country in Pulo Percha (Sumatra). A distinction is made between them and the Malays of Johor, but none is perceptible."

To these authorities I shall add that of Mr. Thomas Raffles, at this time Secretary to the government of Pulo Pinang, a gentleman whose intelligence and zeal in the pursuit of knowledge give the strongest hope of his becoming an ornament to oriental literature. To his correspondence I am indebted for much useful information in the line of my researches, and the following passages corroborate the opinions I had formed. "With respect to the Menangkabaus, after a good deal of inquiry, I have not yet been able decidedly to ascertain the relation between those of that name in the peninsula and the Menangkabaus of Pulo Percha. The Malays affirm without hesitation that they all came originally from the latter island." In a recent communication he adds, "I am more confident than ever that the Menangkabaus of the peninsula derive their origin from the country of that name in Sumatra. Inland of Malacca about sixty miles is situated the Malay kingdom of Rumbo, whose sultan and all the principal officers of state hold their authority immediately from Menangkabau, and have written commissions for their respective offices. This shows the extent of that ancient power even now, reduced as it must be, in common with that of the Malay people in general. I had many opportunities of communicating with the natives of Rumbo, and they have clearly a peculiar dialect, resembling exactly what you mention of substituting the final o for a, as in the word ambo for amba. In fact, the dialect is called by the Malacca people the language of Menangkabau."

HISTORY OF MENANGKABAU IMPERFECTLY KNOWN

Returning from this discussion I shall resume the consideration of what is termed the Sumatran empire of Menangkabau, believed by the natives of all descriptions to have subsisted from the remotest times. With its annals, either ancient or modern, we are little acquainted, and the existence of any historical records in the country has generally been doubted; yet, as those of Malacca and of Achin have been preserved, it is not hastily to be concluded that these people, who are the equals of the former, and much superior to the latter in point of literature, are destitute of theirs, although they have not reached our hands. It is known that they deduce their origin from two brothers, named Pera­pati-si-batang and Kei Tamanggungan, who are described as being among the forty companions of Noah in the ark, and whose landing at Palembang, or at a small island near it, named Langkapura, is attended with the circumstance of the dry land being first discovered by the resting upon it of a bird that flew from the vessel. From thence they proceeded to the mountain named Siguntang-guntang, and afterwards to Priangan in the neighbourhood of the great volcano, which at this day is spoken of as the ancient capital of Menangkabau. Unfortunately I possess only an imperfect abstract of this narrative, obviously intended for an introduction to the genealogy of its kings, but, even as a fable, extremely confused and unsatisfactory; and when the writer brings it down to what may be considered as the historical period he abruptly leaves off, with a declaration that the offer of a sum of money (which was unquestionably his object) should not tempt him to proceed.

LIMITS

At a period not very remote its limits were included between the river of Palembang and that of Siak, on the eastern side of the island, and on the western side between those of Manjuta (near Indrapura) and Singkel, where (as well as at Siak) it borders on the independent country of the Battas. The present seat, or more properly seats, of the divided government lie at the back of a mountainous district named the Tiga-blas koto (signifying the thirteen fortified and confederated towns) inland of the settlement of Padang. The country is described as a large plain surrounded by hills producing much gold, clear of woods, and comparatively well cultivated. Although nearer to the western coast its communications with the eastern side are much facilitated by water-carriage.

LAKE

Advantage is taken in the first place of a large lake, called Laut-danau, situated at the foot of the range of high mountains named gunong Besi, inland of the country of Priaman, the length of which is described by some as being equal to a day's sailing, and by others as no more than twenty-five or thirty miles, abounding with fish (especially of two species, known by the names of sasau and bili), and free from alligators.

RIVERS

From this, according to the authority of a map drawn by a native, issues a river called Ayer Ambelan, which afterwards takes the name of Indragiri, along which, as well as the two other great rivers of Siak to the northward, and Jambi to the southward, the navigation is frequent, the banks of all of them being peopled with Malayan colonies. Between Menangkabau and Palembang the intercourse must, on account of the distance, be very rare, and the assertion that in the intermediate country there exists another great lake, which sends its streams to both sides of the island, appears not only to be without foundation in fact, but also at variance with the usual operations of nature; as I believe it may be safely maintained that, however numerous the streams which furnish the water of a lake, it can have only one outlet; excepting, perhaps, in flat countries, where the course of the waters has scarcely any determination, or under such a nice balance of physical circumstances as is not likely to occur.

POLITICAL DECLINE

When the island was first visited by European navigators this state must have been in its decline, as appears from the political importance at that period of the kings of Achin, Pedir, and Pase, who, whilst they acknowledged their authority to be derived from him as their lord paramount, and some of them paid him a trifling complimentary tribute, acted as independent sovereigns. Subsequently to this an Achinese monarch, under the sanction of a real or pretended grant, obtained from one of the sultans, who, having married his daughter, treated her with nuptial slight, and occasioned her to implore her father's interference, extended his dominion along the western coast, and established his panglimas or governors in many places within the territory of Menangkabau, particularly at Priaman, near the great volcano-mountain. This grant is said to have been extorted not by the force of arms but by an appeal to the decision of some high court of justice similar to that of the imperial chamber in Germany, and to have included all the low or strand-countries (pasisir barat) as far southward as Bengkaulu or Silebar. About the year 1613 however he claimed no farther than Padang, and his actual possessions reached only to Barus.*

(*Footnote. The following instances occur of mention made by writers at different periods of the kingdom of Menangkabau. ODOARDUS BARBOSA, 1519. "Sumatra, a most large and beautiful island; Pedir, the principal city on the northern side, where are also Pacem and Achem. Campar is opposite to Malacca. Monancabo, to the southward, is the principal source of gold, as well from mines as collected in the banks of the rivers." DE BARROS, 1553. "Malacca had the epithet of aurea given to it on account of the abundance of gold brought from Monancabo and Barros, countries in the island of Camatra, where it is procured." DIOGO de COUTO, 1600. "He gives an account of a Portuguese ship wrecked on the coast of Sumatra, near to the country of Manancabo, in 1560. Six hundred persons got on shore, among whom were some women, one of them, Dona Francisca Sardinha, was of such remarkable beauty that the people of the country resolved to carry her off for their king; and they effected it, after a struggle in which sixty of the Europeans lost their lives. At this period there was a great intercourse between Manancabo and Malacca, many vessels going yearly with gold to purchase cotton goods and other merchandise. In ancient times the country was so rich in this metal that several hundredweight (seis, sete, e mais candiz, de que trez fazem hum moyo) were exported in one season. Volume 3 page 178. LINSCHOTEN, 1601. "At Menancabo excellent poniards made, called creeses; best weapons of all the orient. Islands along the coast of Sumatra, called islands of Menancabo." ARGENSOLA, 1609. "A vessel loaded with creeses manufactured at Menancabo and a great quantity of artillery; a species of warlike machine known and fabricated in Sumatra many years before they were introduced by Europeans." LANCASTER, 1602. "Menangcabo lies eight or ten leagues inland of Priaman." BEST, 1613. " A man arrived from Menangcaboo at Ticoo, and brought news from Jambee." BEAULIEU, 1622. "Du cote du ponant apres Padang suit le royaume de Manimcabo; puis celuy d'Andripoura-Il y a (a Jambi) grand trafic d'or, qu'ils ont avec ceux de Manimcabo." Vies des Gouverneurs Gen. Hollandois, 1763. Il est bon de remarquer ici que presque toute la cote occidentale avoit ete reduite par la flotte du Sieur Pierre de Bitter en 1664. L'annee suivante, les habitans de Pauw massacrerent le Commissaire Gruis, etc.; mais apres avoir venge ce meurtre, et dissipe les revoltes en 1666, les Hollandois etoient restes les maitres de toute cette etendue de cotes entre Sillebar et Baros, ou ils etablirent divers comptoirs, dont celui de Padang est le principal depuis 1667. Le commandant, qui y reside, est en meme temps Stadhouder (Lieutenant) de l'Empereur de Maningcabo, a qui la Compagnie a cede, sous diverses restrictions & limitations, la souverainete sur tous les peuples qui babitent le long du rivage" etc.)

DIVISION OF THE GOVERNMENT

In consequence of disturbances that ensued upon the death of a sultan Alif in the year 1680, without direct heirs, the government became divided amongst three chiefs, presumed to have been of the royal family and at the same time great officers of state, who resided at places named Suruwasa, Pagar-ruyong, and Sungei-trap; and in that state it continues to the present time. Upon the capture of Padang by the English in 1781 deputations arrived from two of these chiefs with congratulations upon the success of our arms; which will be repeated with equal sincerity to those who may chance to succeed us. The influence of the Dutch (and it would have been the same with any other European power) has certainly contributed to undermine the political consequence of Menangkabau by giving countenance and support to its disobedient vassals, who in their turn have often experienced the dangerous effects of receiving favours from too powerful an ally. Pasaman, a populous country, and rich in gold, cassia, and camphor, one of its nearest provinces, and governed by a panglima from thence, now disclaims all manner of dependence. Its sovereignty is divided between the two rajas of Sabluan and Kanali, who, in imitation of their former masters, boast an origin of high antiquity. One of them preserves as his sacred relic the bark of a tree in which his ancestor was nursed in the woods before the Pasaman people had reached their present polished state. The other, to be on a level with him, possesses the beard of a reverend predecessor (perhaps an anchorite), which was so bushy that a large bird had built its nest in it. Raja Kanali supported a long war with the Hollanders, attended with many reverses of fortune.

Whether the three sultans maintain a struggle of hostile rivalship, or act with an appearance of concert, as holding the nominal sovereignty under a species of joint-regency, I am not informed, but each of them in the preamble of his letters assumes all the royal titles, without any allusion to competitors; and although their power and resources are not much beyond those of a common raja they do not fail to assert all the ancient rights and prerogatives of the empire, which are not disputed so long as they are not attempted to be carried into force. Pompous dictatorial edicts are issued and received by the neighbouring states (including the European chiefs of Padang), with demonstration of profound respect, but no farther obeyed than may happen to consist with the political interests of the parties to whom they are addressed. Their authority in short resembles not a little that of the sovereign pontiffs of Rome during the latter centuries, founded as it is in the superstition of remote ages; holding terrors over the weak, and contemned by the stronger powers. The district of Suruwasa, containing the site of the old capital, or Menangkabau proper, seems to have been considered by the Dutch as entitled to a degree of pre-eminence; but I have not been able to discover any marks of superiority or inferiority amongst them. In distant parts the schism is either unknown, or the three who exercise the royal functions are regarded as co-existing members of the same family, and their government, in the abstract, however insignificant in itself, is there an object of veneration. Indeed to such an unaccountable excess is this carried that every relative of the sacred family, and many who have no pretensions to it assume that character, are treated wherever they appear, not only with the most profound respect by the chiefs who go out to meet them, fire salutes on their entering the dusuns, and allow them to level contributions for their maintenance; but by the country people with such a degree of superstitious awe that they submit to be insulted, plundered, and even wounded by them, without making resistance, which they would esteem a dangerous profanation. Their appropriate title (not uncommon in other Malayan countries) is Iang de per-tuan, literally signifying he who ruleth.

A person of this description, who called himself Sri Ahmed Shah, heir to the empire of Menangkabau, in consequence of some differences with the Dutch, came and settled amongst the English at Bencoolen in the year 1687, on his return from a journey to the southward as far as Lampong, and being much respected by the people of the country gained the entire confidence of Mr. Bloom, the governor. He subdued some of the neighbouring chiefs who were disaffected to the English, particularly Raja mudo of Sungei-lamo, and also a Jennang or deputy from the king of Bantam; he coined money, established a market, and wrote a letter to the East India Company promising to put them in possession of the trade of the whole island. But shortly afterwards a discovery was made of his having formed a design to cut off the settlement, and he was in consequence driven from the place. The records mention at a subsequent period that the sultan of Indrapura was raising troops to oppose him.*

(*Footnote. The following anecdote of one of these personages was communicated to me by my friend, the late Mr. Crisp. "Some years ago, when I was resident of Manna, there was a man who had long worked in the place as a coolie when someone arrived from the northward, who happened to discover that he was an Iang de per-tuan or relation of the imperial family. Immediately all the bazaar united to raise him to honour and independence; he was never suffered to walk without a high umbrella carried over him, was followed by numerous attendants, and addressed by the title of tuanku, equivalent to your highness. After this he became an intriguing, troublesome fellow in the Residency, and occasioned much annoyance. The prejudice in favour of these people is said to extend over all the islands to the eastward where the Malay tongue is spoken.")

HIS TITLES

The titles and epithets assumed by the sultans are the most extravagantly absurd that it is possible to imagine. Many of them descend to mere childishness; and it is difficult to conceive how any people, so far advanced in civilization as to be able to write, could display such evidences of barbarism. A specimen of a warrant of recent date, addressed to Tuanku Sungei-Pagu, a high-priest residing near Bencoolen, is as follows:

Three circular Seals with inscriptions in Arabic characters.

(Eldest brother) Sultan of Rum. Key Dummul Alum. Maharaja Alif.

(Second brother) Sultan of China. Nour Alum. Maharaja Dempang or Dipang.

(Youngest brother) Sultan of Menangkabau. Aour Alum. Maharaja Dirja or Durja.

TRANSLATION OF A WARRANT

The sultan of Menangkabau, whose residence is at Pagar-ruyong, who is king of kings; a descendant of raja Iskander zu'lkarnaini; possessed of the crown brought from heaven by the prophet Adam; of a third part of the wood kamat, one extremity of which is in the kingdom of Rum and another in that of China; of the lance named lambing lambura ornamented with the beard of janggi; of the palace in the city of Rum, whose entertainments and diversions are exhibited in the month of zul'hijah, and where all alims, fakiahs, and mulanakaris praise and supplicate Allah; possessor of the gold-mine named kudarat-kudarati, which yields pure gold of twelve carats, and of the gold named jati-jati which snaps the dalik wood; of the sword named churak-simandang-giri, which received one hundred and ninety gaps in conflict with the fiend Si Kati­muno, whom it slew; of the kris formed of the soul of steel, which expresses an unwillingness at being sheathed and shows itself pleased when drawn; of a date coeval with the creation; master of fresh water in the ocean, to the extent of a day's sailing; of a lance formed of a twig of iju ; the sultan who receives his taxes in gold by the lessong measure; whose betel-stand is of gold set with diamonds; who is possessor of the web named sangsista kala, which weaves itself and adds one thread yearly, adorned with pearls, and when that web shall be completed the world will be no more; of horses of the race of sorimborani, superior to all others; of the mountain Si guntang-guntang, which divides Palembang and Jambi, and of the burning mountain; of the elephant named Hasti Dewah; who is vicegerent of heaven; sultan of the golden river; lord of the air and clouds; master of a ballei whose pillars are of the shrub jalatang; of gandarangs (drums) made of the hollow stems of the diminutive plants pulut and silosuri; of the anchor named paduka jati employed to recover the crown which fell into the deep sea of Kulzum; of the gong that resounds to the skies; of the buffalo named Si Binuwang Sati, whose horns are ten feet asunder; of the unconquered cock, Sen­gunani; of the coconut-tree which, from its amazing height and being infested with serpents and other noxious reptiles, it is impossible to climb; of the blue champaka flower, not to be found in any other country than his (being yellow elsewhere); of the flowering shrub named Sri­menjeri, of ambrosial scent; of the mountain on which the celestial spirits dwell; who when he goes to rest wakes not until the gandarang nobat sounds; He the sultan Sri Maharaja Durja furthermore declares, etc.*

(*Footnote. The following Letter from the sultan of Menangkabau to the father of the present sultan of Moco-moco, and apparently written about fifty years ago, was communicated to me by Mr. Alexander Dalrymple, and though it is in part a repetition I esteem it too curious to hesitate about inserting it. The style is much more rational than that of the foregoing. "Praised be Almighty God! Sultan Gagar Alum the great and noble King, whose extensive power reacheth unto the limits of the wide ocean; unto whom God grants whatever he desires, and over whom no evil spirit, nor even Satan himself has any influence; who is invested with an authority to punish evil-doers; and has the most tender heart in the support of the innocent; has no malice in his mind, but preserveth the righteous with the greatest reverence, and nourisheth the poor and needy, feeding them daily from his own table. His authority reacheth over the whole universe, and his candour and goodness is known to all men. (Mention made of the three brothers.) The ambassador of God and his prophet Mahomet; the beloved of mankind; and ruler of the island called Percho. At the time God made the heavens, the earth, the sun, the moon, and even before evil spirits were created, this sultan Gagar Alum had his residence in the clouds; but when the world was habitable God gave him a bird called Hocinet, that had the gift of speech; this he sent down on earth to look out for a spot where he might establish an inheritance, and the first place he alighted upon was the fertile island of Lankapura, situated between Palembang and Jambi, and from thence sprang the famous kingdom of Manancabow, which will be renowned and mighty until the Judgment Day.

"This Maha Raja Durja is blessed with a long life and an uninterrupted course of prosperity, which he will maintain in the name, and through the grace of the holy prophet, to the end that God's divine Will may be fulfilled upon earth. He is endowed with the highest abilities, and the most profound wisdom and circumspection in governing the many tributary kings and subjects. He is righteous and charitable, and preserveth the honour and glory of his ancestors. His justice and clemency are felt in distant regions, and his name will be revered until the last day. When he openeth his mouth he is full of goodness, and his words are as grateful as rosewater to the thirsty. His breath is like the soft winds of the heavens, and his lips are the instruments of truth; sending forth perfumes more delightful than benjamin or myrrh. His nostrils breathe ambergris and musk; and his countenance has the lustre of diamonds. He is dreadful in battle, and not to be conquered, his courage and valour being matchless. He, the sultan Maha Raja Durja, was crowned with a sacred crown from God; and possesses the wood called Kamat, in conjunction with the emperors of Rome and China. (Here follows an account of his possessions nearly corresponding to those above recited.)

"After this salutation, and the information I have given of my greatness and power, which I attribute to the good and holy prophet Mahomet, I am to acquaint you with the commands of the sultan whose presence bringeth death to all who attempt to approach him without permission; and also those of the sultan of Indrapura who has four breasts. This friendly sheet of paper is brought from the two sultans above named, by their bird anggas, unto their son, sultan Gandam Shah, to acquaint him with their intention under this great seal, which is that they order their son sultan Gandam Shah to oblige the English Company to settle in the district called Biangnur, at a place called the field of sheep, that they may not have occasion to be ashamed at their frequent refusal of our goodness in permitting them to trade with us and with our subjects; and that in case he cannot succeed in this affair we hereby advise him that the ties of friendship subsisting between us and our son is broken; and we direct that he send us an answer immediately, that we may know the result--for all this island is our own." It is difficult to determine whether the preamble, or the purport of the letter be the more extraordinary.)

Probably no records upon earth can furnish an example of more unintelligible jargon; yet these attributes are believed to be indisputably true by the Malays and others residing at a distance from his immediate dominions, who possess a greater degree of faith than wit; and with this addition, that he dwells in a palace without covering, free from inconvenience. It is at the same time but justice to these people to observe that, in the ordinary concerns of life, their writings are as sober, consistent, and rational as those of their neighbours.

REMARKS ON WARRANT

The seals prefixed to the warrant are, beside his own and that of the emperor of China, whose consequence is well known to the inhabitants of the eastern islands, that of the sultan of Rum, by which is understood in modern times, Constantinople, the seat of the emperor of the Turks, who is looked up to by Mahometans, since the ruin of the khalifat, as the head of their religion; but I have reason to think that the appellation of Rumi was at an earlier period given by oriental writers to the subjects of the great Turkoman empire of the Seljuks, whose capital was Iconium or Kuniyah in Asia minor, of which the Ottoman was a branch. This personage he honours with the title of his eldest brother, the descendant of Iskander the two-horned, by which epithet the Macedonian hero is always distinguished in eastern story, in consequence, as may be presumed, of the horned figure on his coins,* which must long have circulated in Persia and Arabia. Upon the obscure history of these supposed brothers some light is thrown by the following legend communicated to me as the belief of the people of Johor. "It is related that Iskander dived into the sea, and there married a daughter of the king of the ocean, by whom he had three sons, who, when they arrived at manhood, were sent by their mother to the residence of their father. He gave them a makuta or crown, and ordered them to find kingdoms where they should establish themselves. Arriving in the straits of Singapura they determined to try whose head the crown fitted. The eldest trying first could not lift it to his head. The second the same. The third had nearly effected it when it fell from his hand into the sea. After this the eldest turned to the west and became king of Rome, the second to the east and became king of China. The third remained at Johor. At this time Pulo Percha (Sumatra) had not risen from the waters. When it began to appear, this king of Johor, being on a fishing party, and observing it oppressed by a huge snake named Si Kati-muno, attacked the monster with his sword called Simandang-giri, and killed it, but not till the sword had received one hundred and ninety notches in the encounter. The island being thus allowed to rise, he went and settled by the burning mountain, and his descendants became kings of Menangkabau." This has much the air of a tale invented by the people of the peninsula to exalt the idea of their own antiquity at the expense of their Sumatran neighbours. The blue champaka-flower of which the sultan boasts possession I conceive to be an imaginary and not an existent plant. The late respected Sir W. Jones, in his Botanical Observations printed in the Asiatic Researches Volume 4 suspects that by it must be meant the Kaempferia bhuchampac, a plant entirely different from the michelia; but as this supposition is built on a mere resemblance of sounds it is necessary to state that the Malayan term is champaka biru, and that nothing can be inferred from the accidental coincidence of the Sanskrit word bhu, signifying ground, with the English term for the blue colour.

(*Footnote. See a beautiful engraving of one of these coins preserved in the Bodleian collection, Oxford, prefixed to Dr. Vincent's Translation of the Voyage of Nearchus printed in 1809.)

CEREMONIES

With the ceremonies of the court we are very imperfectly acquainted. The royal salute is one gun; which may be considered as a refinement in ceremony; for as no additional number could be supposed to convey an adequate idea of respect, but must on the contrary establish a definite proportion between his dignity and that of his nobles, or of other princes, the sultan chooses to leave the measure of his importance indefinite by this policy and save his gunpowder. It must be observed that the Malays are in general extremely fond of the parade of firing guns, which they never neglect on high days, and on the appearance of the new moon, particularly that which marks the commencement and the conclusion of their puasa or annual fast. Yellow being esteemed, as in China, the royal colour, is said to be constantly and exclusively worn by the sultan and his household. His usual present on sending an embassy (for no Sumatran or other oriental has an idea of making a formal address on any occasion without a present in hand, be it never so trifling), is a pair of white horses; being emblematic of the purity of his character and intentions.

CONVERSION TO MAHOMETAN RELIGION

The immediate subjects of this empire, properly denominated Malays, are all of the Mahometan religion, and in that respect distinguished from the generality of inland inhabitants. How it has happened that the most central people of the island should have become the most perfectly converted is difficult to account for unless we suppose that its political importance and the richness of its gold trade might have drawn thither its pious instructors, from temporal as well as spiritual motives. Be this as it may, the country of Menangkabau is regarded as the supreme seat of civil and religious authority in this part of the East, and next to a voyage to Mecca to have visited its metropolis stamps a man learned, and confers the character of superior sanctity. Accordingly the most eminent of those who bear the titles of imam, mulana, khatib, and pandita either proceed from thence or repair thither for their degree, and bring away with them a certificate or diploma from the sultan or his minister.

In attempting to ascertain the period of this conversion much accuracy is not to be expected; the natives are either ignorant on the subject or have not communicated their knowledge, and we can only approximate the truth by comparing the authorities of different old writers. Marco Polo, the Venetian traveller who visited Sumatra under the name of Java minor (see above) says that the inhabitants of the seashore were addicted to the Mahometan law, which they had learned from Saracon merchants. This must have been about the year 1290, when, in his voyage from China, he was detained for several months at a port in the Straits, waiting the change of the monsoon; and though I am scrupulous of insisting upon his authority (questioned as it is), yet in a fact of this nature he could scarcely be mistaken, and the assertion corresponds with the annals of the princes of Malacca, which state, as we have seen above, that sultan Muhammed Shah, who reigned from 1276 to 1333, was the first royal convert. Juan De Barros, a Portuguese historian of great industry, says that, according to the tradition of the inhabitants, the city of Malacca was founded about the year 1260, and that about 1400 the Mahometan faith had spread considerably there and extended itself to the neighbouring islands. Diogo do Couto, another celebrated historian, who prosecuted his inquiries in India, mentions the arrival at Malacca of an Arabian priest who converted its monarch to the faith of the khalifs, and gave him the name of Shah Muhammed in the year 1384. This date however is evidently incorrect, as that king's reign was earlier by fifty years. Corneille le Brun was informed by the king of Bantam in 1706 that the people of Java were made converts to that sect about three hundred years before. Valentyn states that Sheik Mulana, by whom this conversion was effected in 1406, had already disseminated his doctrine at Ache, Pase (places in Sumatra), and Johor. From these several sources of information, which are sufficiently distinct from each other, we may draw this conclusion, that the religion, which sprang up in Arabia in the seventh century, had not made any considerable progress in the interior of Sumatra earlier than the fourteenth, and that the period of its introduction, considering the vicinity to Malacca, could not be much later. I have been told indeed, but cannot vouch for its authenticity, that in 1782 these people counted 670 years from the first preaching of their religion, which would carry the period back to 1112. It may be added that in the island of Ternate the first Mahometan prince reigned from 1466 to 1486; that Francis Xavier, a celebrated Jesuit missionary, when he was at Amboina in 1546 observed the people then beginning to learn to write from the Arabians; that the Malays were allowed to build a mosque at Goak in Makasar subsequently to the arrival of the Portuguese in 1512; and that in 1603 the whole kingdom had become Mahometan. These islands, lying far to the eastward, and being of less considerable account in that age than subsequent transactions have rendered them, the zeal of religious adventurers did not happen to be directed thither so soon as to the countries bordering on the sea of India.

By some it has been asserted that the first sultan of Menangkabau was a Xerif from Mecca, or descendant of the khalifs, named Paduka Sri Sultan Ibrahim, who, settling in Sumatra, was received with honour by the princes of the country, Perapati-si-batang and his brother, and acquired sovereign authority. They add that the sultans who now reside at Pagar-ruyong and at Suruwasa are lineally descended from that Xerif, whilst he who resides at Sungei Trap, styled Datu Bandhara putih, derives his origin from Perapati. But to this supposition there are strong objections. The idea so generally entertained by the natives, and strengthened by the glimmering lights that the old writers afford us, bespeaks an antiquity to this empire that stretches far beyond the probable era of the establishment of the Mahometan religion in the island. Radin Tamanggung, son of a king of Madura, a very intelligent person, and who as a prince himself was conversant with these topics, positively asserted to me that it was an original Sumatran empire, antecedent to the introduction of the Arabian faith; instructed, but by no means conquered, as some had imagined, by people from the peninsula. So memorable an event as the elevation of a Xerif to the throne would have been long preserved by annals or tradition, and the sultan in the list of his titles would not fail to boast of this sacred extraction from the prophet, to which however he does not at all allude; and to this we may add that the superstitious veneration attached to the family extends itself not only where Mahometanism has made a progress, but also among the Battas and other people still unconverted to that faith, with whom it would not be the case if the claim to such respect was grounded on the introduction of a foreign religion which they have refused to accept.

Perhaps it is less surprising that this one kingdom should have been completely converted than that so many districts of the island should remain to this day without any religion whatever. It is observable that a person of this latter description, coming to reside among the Malays, soon assimilates to them in manners, and conforms to their religious practices. The love of novelty, the vanity of learning, the fascination of ceremony, the contagion of example, veneration for what appears above his immediate comprehension, and the innate activity of man's intellectual faculties, which, spurred by curiosity, prompts him to the acquisition of knowledge, whether true or false--all conspire to make him embrace a system of belief and scheme of instruction in which there is nothing that militates against prejudices already imbibed. He relinquishes no favourite ancient worship to adopt a new, and is manifestly a gainer by the exchange, when he barters, for a paradise and eternal pleasures, so small a consideration as the flesh of his foreskin.

TOLERANT PRINCIPLES

The Malays, as far as my observation went, did not appear to possess much of the bigotry so commonly found amongst the western Mahometans, or to show antipathy to or contempt for unbelievers. To this indifference is to be attributed my not having positively ascertained whether they are followers of the sunni or the shiah sect, although from their tolerant principles and frequent passages in their writings in praise of Ali I conclude them to be the latter. Even in regard to the practice of ceremonies they do not imitate the punctuality of the Arabs and others of the mussulman faith. Excepting such as were in the orders of the priesthood I rarely noticed persons in the act of making their prostrations. Men of rank I am told have their religious periods, during which they scrupulously attend to their duties and refrain from gratifications of the appetite, together with gambling and cockfighting; but these are not long nor very frequent. Even their great Fast or puasa (the ramadan of the Turks) is only partially observed. All those who have a regard for character fast more or less according to the degree of their zeal or strength of their constitutions; some for a week, others for a fortnight; but to abstain from food and betel whilst the sun is above the horizon during the whole of a lunar month is a very rare instance of devotion.

LITERATURE

Malayan literature consists chiefly of transcripts and versions of the koran, commentaries on the mussulman law, and historic tales both in prose and verse, resembling in some respect our old romances. Many of these are original compositions, and others are translations of the popular tales current in Arabia, Persia, India, and the neighbouring island of Java, where the Hindu languages and mythology appear to have made at a remote period considerable progress. Among several works of this description I possess their translation (but much compressed) of the Ramayan, a celebrated Sanskrit poem, and also of some of the Arabian stories lately published in France as a Continuation of the Thousand and one Nights, first made known to the European world by M. Galland. If doubts have been entertained of the authenticity of these additions to his immortal collection the circumstance of their being (however partially) discovered in the Malayan language will serve to remove them. Beside these they have a variety of poetic works, abounding rather with moral reflections and complaints of the frowns of fortune or of ill-requited love than with flights of fancy. The pantun or short proverbial stanza has been already described. They are composed in all parts of the island, and often extempore; but such as proceed from Menangkabau, the most favoured seat of the Muses, are held in the first esteem. Their writing is entirely in the modified Arabic character, and upon paper previously ruled by means of threads drawn tight and arranged in a peculiar manner.

ARTS

The arts in general are carried among these people to a greater degree of perfection than by the other natives of Sumatra. The Malays are the sole fabricators of the exquisite gold and silver filigree, the manufacture of which has been particularly described.

FIREARMS

In the country of Menangkabau they have from the earliest times manufactured arms for their own use and to supply the northern inhabitants of the island, who are the most warlike, and which trade they continue to this day, smelting, forging, and preparing, by a process of their own, the iron and steel for this purpose, although much is at the same time purchased from Europeans.*

(*Footnote. The principal iron mines are at a place called Padang Luar, where the ore is sold at the rate of half a fanam or forty-eighth part of a dollar for a man's load, and carried to another place in the Menangkabau country called Selimpuwong, where it is smelted and manufactured.)

CANNON

The use of cannon in this and other parts of India is mentioned by the oldest Portuguese historians, and it must consequently have been known there before the discovery of the passage by the Cape of Good Hope. Their guns are those pieces called matchlocks, the improvement of springs and flints not being yet adopted by them; the barrels are well tempered and of the justest bore, as is evident from the excellence of their aim, which they always take by lowering, instead of raising the muzzle of the piece to the object. They are wrought by rolling a flatted bar of iron of proportionate dimensions spirally round a circular rod, and beating it till the parts of the former unite; which method seems preferable in point of strength to that of folding and soldering the bar longitudinally. The art of boring may well be supposed unknown to these people. Firelocks are called by them snapang, from the Dutch name. Gunpowder they make in great quantities, but either from the injudicious proportion of the ingredients in the composition, or the imperfect granulation, it is very defective in strength.

SIDE-ARMS

The tombak, lambing, and kujur or kunjur are names for weapons of the lance or spear kind; the pedang, rudus, pamandap, and kalewang are of the sword kind, and slung at the side, the siwar is a small instrument of the nature of a stiletto, chiefly used for assassination; and the kris is a species of dagger of a particular construction, very generally worn, being stuck in front through the folds of a belt that goes several times round the body.

<a name="sumatra-17"></a><img alt="" src="images/sumatra-17.jpg"> PLATE 17. SUMATRAN WEAPONS. A. A Malay Gadoobang. B. A Batta Weapon. C. A Malay Creese.
One-third of the size of the Originals.
W. Williams del. and sculpt.
Published by W. Marsden, 1810.

<a name="sumatra-17a"></a><img alt="" src="images/sumatra-17a.jpg"> PLATE 17a. SUMATRAN WEAPONS. D. A Malay Creese. E. An Achenese Creese. F. A Malay Sewar.
One-third of the size of the Originals.
W. Williams del. and sculpt.

KRIS-BLADE

The blade is about fourteen inches in length, not straight nor uniformly curved, but waving in and out, as we see depicted the flaming swords that guarded the gates of paradise; which probably may render a wound given with it the more fatal. It is not smooth or polished like those of our weapons, but by a peculiar process made to resemble a composition, in which veins of a different metal are apparent. This damasking (as I was informed by the late Mr. Boulton) is produced by beating together steel and iron wire whilst in a state of half fusion, and eating them with acids, by which the softest part is the most corroded; the edges being of pure steel. Their temper is uncommonly hard. The head or haft is either of ivory, the tooth of the duyong (sea-cow), that of the hippopotamus, the snout of the ikan layer (voilier), of black coral, or of fine-grained wood. This is ornamented with gold or a mixture of that and copper, which they call swasa, highly polished and carved into curious figures, some of which have the beak of a bird with the arms of a human creature, and bear a resemblance to the Egyptian Isis. The sheath also is formed of some beautiful species of wood, hollowed out, with a neat lacing of split rattan, stained red round the lower parts; or sometimes it is plated with gold. The value of a kris is supposed to be enhanced in proportion to the number of persons it has slain. One that has been the instrument of much bloodshed is regarded with a degree of veneration as something sacred. The horror or enthusiasm inspired by the contemplation of such actions is transferred to the weapon, which accordingly acquires sanctity from the principle that leads ignorant men to reverence whatever possesses the power of effecting mischief. Other circumstances also contribute to give them celebrity, and they are distinguished by pompous names. Some have a cushion by their bedside on which is placed their favourite weapon. I have a manuscript treatise on krises, accompanied with drawings, describing their imaginary properties and value, estimated at the price of one or more slaves. The abominable custom of poisoning them, though much talked of, is rarely practised I believe in modern times. They are frequently seen rubbing the blades with lime-juice, which has been considered as a precaution against danger of this kind, but it is rather for the purpose of removing common stains or of improving the damasked appearance.

MODES OF WARFARE

Although much parade attends their preparations for war and their marches, displaying colours of scarlet cloth, and beating drums, gongs, and chennangs, yet their operations are carried on rather in the way of ambuscade and surprise of straggling parties than open combat, firing irregularly from behind entrenchments, which the enemy takes care not to approach too near.

HORSES

They are said to go frequently to war on horseback, but I shall not venture to give their force the name of cavalry. The chiefs may probably avail themselves of the service of this useful animal from motives of personal indulgence or state, but on account of the ranjaus or sharp-pointed stakes so commonly planted in the passes (see the preceding journal of Lieutenant Dare's march, where they are particularly described), it is scarcely possible that horse could be employed as an effective part of an army. It is also to be observed that neither the natives nor even Europeans ever shoe them, the nature of the roads in general not rendering it necessary. The breed of them is small but well made, hardy, and vigorous. The soldiers serve without pay, but the plunder they obtain is thrown into a common stock, and divided amongst them. Whatever might formerly have been the degree of their prowess they are not now much celebrated for it; yet the Dutch at Padang have often found them troublesome enemies from their numbers, and been obliged to secure themselves within their walls. Between the Menangkabau people, those of Rau or Aru, and the Achinese, settled at Natal, wars used to be incessant until they were checked by the influence of our authority at that place. The factory itself was raised upon one of the breast-works thrown up by them for defence, of which several are to be met with in walking a few miles into the country, and some of them very substantial. Their campaigns in this petty warfare were carried on very deliberately. They made a regular practice of commencing a truce at sunset, when they remained in mutual security, and sometimes agreed that hostilities should take place only between certain hours of the day. The English resident, Mr. Carter, was frequently chosen their umpire, and upon these occasions used to fix in the ground his golden-headed cane, on the spot where the deputies should meet and concert terms of accommodation; until at length the parties, grown weary of their fruitless contests, resolved to place themselves respectively under the dependence and protection of the company. The fortified villages, in some parts of the country named dusun, and in others kampong, are here, as on the continent of India, denominated kota or forts, and the districts are distinguished from each other by the number of confederated villages they contain.

GOVERNMENT

The government, like that of all Malayan states, is founded on principles entirely feudal. The prince is styled raja, maha-raja, iang de pertuan, or sultan; the nobles have the appellation of orang kaya or datu, which properly belongs to the chiefs of tribes, and implies their being at the head of a numerous train of immediate dependants or vassals, whose service they command. The heir-apparent has the title of raja muda.

OFFICERS OF STATE

From amongst the orang kayas the sultan appoints the officers of state, who as members of his council are called mantri, and differ in number and authority according to the situation and importance of the kingdom. Of these the first in rank, or prime minister, has the appellation of perdana mantri, mangko bumi, and not seldom, however anomalously, maharaja. Next to him generally is the bandhara, treasurer or high steward; then the laksamana and tamanggung, commanders-in-chief by sea and land, and lastly the shahbandara, whose office it is to superintend the business of the customs (in sea-port towns) and to manage the trade for the king. The governors of provinces are named panglima, the heads of departments pangulu. The ulubalang are military officers forming the bodyguard of the sovereign, and prepared on all occasions to execute his orders. From their fighting singly, when required, in the cause of the prince or noble who maintains them, the name is commonly translated champion; but when employed by a weak but arbitrary and cruel prince to remove by stealth obnoxious persons whom he dares not to attack openly they may be compared more properly to the Ismaelians or Assassins, so celebrated in the history of the Crusades, as the devoted subjects of the Sheikh al-jabal, or Old Man of the Mountain, as this chief of Persian Irak is vulgarly termed. I have not reason however to believe that such assassinations are by any means frequent. The immediate vassals of the king are called amba raja; and for the subjects in general the word rayet has been adopted. Beside those above named there is a great variety of officers of government of an inferior class; and even among the superior there is not at every period, nor in every Malayan state, a consistent uniformity of rank and title.

GOVERNMENT BY FOUR DATUS

The smaller Malayan establishments are governed by their datus or heads of tribes, of whom there are generally four; as at Bencoolen (properly Bengkaulu) near to which the English settlement of Fort Marlborough is situated, and where Fort York formerly stood. These are under the protection or dominion of two native chiefs or princes, the pangerans of Sungei-lamo and Sungei-etam, the origin of whose authority has been already explained. Each of these has possessions on different parts of the river, the principal sway being in the hands of him of the two who has most personal ability. They are constant rivals, though living upon familiar terms, and are only restrained from open war by the authority of the English. Limun likewise, and the neighbouring places of Batang-asei and Pakalang-jambu, near the sources of Jambi River, where gold is collected and carried chiefly to Bencoolen and the settlement of Laye, where I had opportunities of seeing the traders, are each governed by four datus, who, though not immediately nominated by the sultan, are confirmed by, and pay tribute to, him. The first of these, whose situation is most southerly, receive also an investiture (baju, garment, and destar, turband) from the sultan of Palembang, being a politic measure adopted by these merchants for the convenience attending it in their occasional trading concerns with that place.

HOT SPRINGS

At Priangan, near Gunong-berapi, are several hot mineral springs, called in the Malayan map already mentioned, panchuran tujuh or the seven conduits, where the natives from time immemorial have been in the practice of bathing; some being appropriated to the men, and others to the women; with two of cold water, styled the king's. It will be recollected that in ancient times this place was the seat of government.

ANCIENT SCULPTURE

Near to these springs is a large stone or rock of very hard substance, one part of which is smoothed to a perpendicular face of about ten or twelve feet long and four high, on which are engraved characters supposed to be European, the space being entirely filled with them and certain chaps or marks at the corners. The natives presume them to be Dutch, but say that the latter do not resemble the present mark of the Company. There is some appearance of the date 1100. The informant (named Raja Intan), who had repeatedly seen and examined it, added that M. Palm, governor of Padang, once sent Malays with paper and paint to endeavour to take off the inscription, but they did not succeed; and the Dutch, whose arms never penetrated to that part of the country, are ignorant of its meaning. It is noticed in the Malayan map. Should it prove to be a Hindu monument it will be thought curious.

Bab 19

KINGDOMS OF INDRAPURA, ANAK-SUNGEI, PASSAMMAN, SIAK.

INDRAPURA

Among the earliest dismemberments of the Menangkabau empire was the establishment of Indrapura as an independent kingdom. Though now in its turn reduced to a state of little importance, it was formerly powerful in comparison with its neighbours, and of considerable magnitude, including Anak-Sungei and extending as far as Kattaun. Some idea of its antiquity may be formed from a historical account given by the Sultan of Bantam to the intelligent traveller Corneille le Brun, in which it is related that the son of the Arabian prince who first converted the Javans to the religion of the Prophet, about the year 1400, having obtained for himself the sovereignty of Bantam, under the title of pangeran, married the daughter of the raja of Indrapura, and received as her portion the country of the Sillabares, a people of Banca-houlou.

CLAIMS OF THE SULTAN OF BANTAM

Upon this cession appears to be grounded the modern claim of the sultan to this part of the coast, which, previously to the treaty of Paris in 1763, was often urged by his sovereigns, the Dutch East India Company. His dominion is said indeed to have extended from the southward as far as Urei river, and at an early period to Betta or Ayer Etam, between Ipu and Moco-moco, but that the intermediate space was ceded by him to the raja of Indrapura, in satisfaction for the murder of a prince, and that a small annual tax was laid by the latter on the Anak­sungei people on account of the same murder (being the fourth part of a dollar, a bamboo of rice, and a fowl, from each village), which is now paid to the sultan of Moco-moco. In the year 1682 the district of Ayer Aji threw off its dependence on Indrapura. In 1696 Raja Pasisir Barat, under the influence of the Dutch, was placed on the throne, at the age of six years, and his grandfather appointed guardian; but in 1701, in consequence of a quarrel with his protectors, the European settlers were massacred.

WAR WITH THE DUTCH

This was the occasion of a destructive war, in the event of which the raja and his mantris were obliged to fly, and the country was nearly depopulated. In 1705 he was reinstated, and reigned till about 1732.

DECLINE OF THE KINGDOM

But the kingdom never recovered the shock it had received, and dwindled into obscurity. Its river, which descends from the mountains of Korinchi, is considered as one of the largest in the southern part of the west coast, and is capable of admitting sloops. The country formerly produced a large quantity of pepper, and some gold was brought down from the interior, which now finds another channel. An English factory was established there about the year 1684, but never became of any importance.

KERAJAAN ANAK-SUNGEI

Dari reruntuhan Indrapura, dibangunlah kerajaan Anak-sungei, yang terbentang di sepanjang pesisir dari Sungai Manjuta sampai Urei. Pemimpinnya bergelar sultan, dan ibukotanya, jika tempat semacam itu benar-benar ada, adalah Moco-moco. Deskripsinya dapat ditemukan di atas. Meskipun pemerintahannya Melayu, para menteri sultan disebut mantri (gelar yang diambil dari orang-orang Hindu) bagian terbesar dari daerah tersebut bergantung pada daerah yang dihuni oleh orang-orang dusun asli, dan konon pemimpin mereka yang sebenarnya bergelar proattin, yang giat menghadiri pangeran mereka pada masa-masa yang ditentukan, dan membawakannya kontribusi atau pajak mereka. Namun, kekuasaannya sangat terbatas.

Penguasa pertama kerajaan baru tersebut bernama sultan Gulemat, yang pada 1695 mengangkat dirinya sendiri di Manjuta, lewat bantuan Inggris, akibat revolusi di Indrapura. Pangeran memberikan perlindungan kepada mereka pada masa permukiman pertama mereka berjalan melewati intrik dari Belanda, seperti yang mereka ucapkan. Singkatnya, ini adalah perjuangan antar perushaaan rival, yang bantuannya disediakan oleh faksi-faksi berbeda karena peristiwa tersebut terjadi untuk menyelaraskan keperluan mereka, atau, menjadikan kekuatan yang dibutuhkan diri mereka sendiri sebagai keutamaan, pemimpin penduduk asli menjadi alat ambisi komersial mereka. Pada tahun 1717, Gulemat digulingkan dari tahtanya oleh majelis pemimpin yang menggelari diri mereka sendiri sebagai mantri Lima-kota dan proattin Anak-sungei, yang mengangkat seseorang bernama Raja Kechil-besar di ruangannya, melantiknya pada waktu yang bersamaan, sebagaimana menteri dan penerusnya, Raja Gandam Shah, yang setelah pelantikannya pada 1728, kursi pemerintahan dipindah dari Manjuta ke Moco-moco. Ia merupakan ayah dari sultan Pasisir Barat shah mualim shah, yang memerintah pada tahun 1780, namun ditekan oleh pemerontakan berkelanjutan dari putra sulungnya. Jangka waktu pendudukan oleh pemerintahan dua penguasa tersebut luar biasa ketika mereka menganggap bahwa salah satunya harus berada di kediamannya ketika ia menjadi menteri atau penilai pada 1717. Meskipun kurang menonjol, putra dari sultan Gulemat yang digulingkan, bernama sultan Ala ed-din, juga masih hidup, di Tappanuli, pada sekitar tahun 1780, yang saat itu berusia sembilan puluh tahun. Ia ditangkap sebagai tahanan negara di Madras pada masa pemerintahan Mr. Morse, dan disebutkan oleh Kapten Forrest (Pelayaran menuju Kepulauan Mergui, halaman 57) sebagai paman dari raja Achin, yang berkuasa pada 1784. Pemukiman Inggris pertama di Moco-moco didirikan pada 1717.

PASSAMMAN

Passamman adalah provinsi paling utara yang tunduk langsung pada Menangkabau, dan setelah itu, bersama dengan Priaman dan banyak tempat lain di pesisir, berada di bawah kekuasaan raja-raja Achin. Daerah tersebut kini terbagi dalam dua kerajaan, yang masing-masing diperintah oleh seorang raja dan empat belas pangulu. Dulunya, daerah tersebut adalah tempat dagang, dan, disamping ekspor lada besar, menjajakan banyak emas murni dari pegunungan daerah Rau, yang berjarak sekitar tiga hari perjalanan pedalaman. Para penduduk daerah tersebut dikatakan sebagai orang-orang Batta yang berpindah ke Islam dan bercampur dengan orang-orang Melayu. Mereka diperintah oleh para datu. Kebiasaan busana yang dilakukan orang-orang Korinchi juga nampak disini, pria mengenakan celana panjang yang mencapai bagian bawah kaki, satu bagian berwarna mera dan yang lainnya berwarna putih atau biru, dan baju atau garment juga memiliki beragam warna. Bagian yang lebih besar dari emas yang dikumpulkan oleh mereka ditemukan pada perjalanannya menuju Patapahan di sungai Siak, dan dari sisi timur pulau dan selat Malaka. Suku Agam bersinggungan dengan Rau, dan terhubung pada wilayah selatan dengan Menangkabau, berbeda sedikit dari orang-orang Melayu, dan nampaknya diperintah oleh para datu.

SIAK

Sungai besar Siak mendapatkan sumbernya dari pegunungan daerah Menangkabau, dan melepaskan dirinya sendiri di dekat Malaka, dengan tempat yang dulunya dipakai untuk perdagangan. Dari perkataan Belanda, kami memiliki pengetahuan umum soal sejauh apa tempat yang disebut Mandau atau Mandol, karena mereka menulis nama tersebut, dan dimana mereka memiliki tempat kecil pada catatan yang ditinggalkan pada kapal kayu.

SURVEY

A recent survey executed by Mr. Francis Lynch, under the orders of the government of Pulo Pinang, has made us more particularly acquainted with its size, its advantages, and defects. From the place where it discharges itself into the straits of Kampar or Bencalis, to the town of Siak is, according to the scale of his chart, about sixty-five geographical miles, and from thence to a place called Pakan bharu or Newmarket, where the survey discontinues, is about one hundred more. The width of the river is in general from about three-quarters to half a mile, and its depth from fifteen to seven fathoms; but on the bar at low-water spring-tides there are only fifteen feet, and several shoals near its mouth. The tides rise about eleven feet at the town, where at full and change it is high-water at nine A.M. Not far within the river is a small island on which the Dutch had formerly a factory. The shores are flat on both sides to a considerable distance up the country, and the whole of the soil is probably alluvial; but about a hundred and twenty-five or thirty miles up Mr. Lynch marks the appearance of high land, giving it the name of Princess Augusta Sophia hill, and points it out as a commanding situation for a settlement.

PEMBUAT KAPAL

Ia berbincang dalam istilah-istilah yang disukai dari fasilitas tersebut dengan pembuat kapal soal dimensi atau bentuk yang dibuat dan dirancang. Tak ada informasi penentuan ukuran atau populasi kota yang diberikan.

PEMERINTAHAN

Pada Oktober 1808, pemerintahannya berada di bawah naungan Tuanku Pangeran, saudara Raja, yang akibatnya beberapa tekanan sipil ditarik ke seluruh daerah sungai. Namanya tak disebutkan , namun dari Perhimpunan Transaksi Batavia, kami mengetahui bahwa pangeran yang berkuasa pada sekitar tahun 1780 adalah Raja Ismael, "salah satu pembajak terbesar di laut tersebut." Kekuatan maritim kerajaan Siak seringkali ditonjolkan, dan dalam sejarah Melayu menyatakan bahwa kami berulang kali membaca ekspedisi yang dilakukan dari situ untuk melakukan serangan ke Johor, Malaka, dan berbagai tempat lain di dua pesisir semenanjung tersebut. Kebanyakan daerah tetangga (atau sungai) di pantai timur Sumatra, dari Langat sampai Jambi, dikatakan terbawa pada masa modern di bawah penaklukannya.

TRADE

The trade is chiefly carried on by Kling vessels, as they are called, from the coast of Coromandel, which supply cargoes of piece-goods, and also raw silk, opium, and other articles, which they provide at Pinang or Malacca; in return for which they receive gold, wax, sago, salted fish, and fish-roes, elephants' teeth, gambir, camphor, rattans, and other canes. According to the information of the natives the river is navigable for sloops to a place called Panti Chermin, being eight days' sail with the assistance of the tide, and within half a day's journey by land of another named Patapahan, which boats also, of ten to twenty tons, reach in two days. This is a great mart of trade with the Menangkabau country, whither its merchants resort with their gold. Pakan-bharu, the limit of Mr. Lynch's voyage, is much lower down, and the above­mentioned places are consequently not noticed by him. The Dutch Company procured annually from Siak, for the use of Batavia, several rafts of spars for masts, and if the plan of building ships at Pinang should be encouraged large supplies of frame-timber for the purpose may be obtained from this river, provided a sense of interest shall be found sufficiently strong to correct or restrain the habits of treachery and desperate enterprise for which these people have in all ages been notorious.

RAKAN

Sungai Rakan, di utara Siak, oleh beberapa orang dianggap sebagai sungai terbesar di pulau tersebut, jika sungai tersebut tak lebih dari dianggap sebagai inlet laut, bermuara di daerah Rau, dan mengalir jauh dari laut; namun kapal-kapal dapat memasukinya dengan mengikuti arus, atau lebih mungkin bergantung pada air pasang, dan sifat tersebut diketahui terjadi di Gangga dan tempat lainnya menurut pengamatan.

KAMPAR

That of Kampar, to the southward, is said by the natives to labour under the same inconvenience, and Mr. Lynch was informed that the tides there rise from eighteen to twenty-four feet. If these circumstances render the navigation dangerous it appears difficult to account for its having been a place of considerable note at the period of the Portuguese conquest of Malacca, and repeatedly the scene of naval actions with the fleets of Achin, whilst Siak, which possesses many natural advantages, is rarely mentioned. In modern times it has been scarcely at all known to Europeans, and even its situation is doubtful.

INDRAGIRI

Sungai Indragiri dikatakan oleh penduduk asli bermuara di sebuah danau di daerah Menangkabau, dimana dari sana sungai tersebut disebut dengan nama Ayer Ambelan. Pasang terjadi selama lima atau enam mereka (seperti yang mereka bilang), sehingga berlabuh dimulai ketika surut. Dari sebuah tempat bernama Lubok ramo-ramo, kami memakai perahu seberat lima sampai dua puluh ton, dan jenis yang lebih kecil dapat dikerahkan sampai mereka dihentikan oleh air terjun atau jeram di Seluka, di perbatasan Menangkabau. Jarak luar biasa ini yang mempengaruhi pasang yang terbentang menjadi pengaruh kedataran mutlak dari wilayah tersebut meskipun sungai-sungai tersebut memiliki ukuran yang lebih besar dari daerah mereka.

JAMBI

Jambi River has its principal source in the Limun country. Although of considerable size it is inferior to Siak and Indragiri. At an early stage of European commerce in these parts it was of some importance, and both the English and Dutch had factories there; the former on a small island near the mouth, and the latter at some distance up the river. The town of Jambi is situated at the distance of about sixty miles from the sea, and we find in the work of the historian, Faria y Sousa, that in the year 1629 a Portuguese squadron was employed twenty-two days in ascending the river, in order to destroy some Dutch ships which had taken shelter near the town. Lionel Wafer, who was there in 1678 (at which time the river was blockaded by a fleet of praws from Johor), makes the distance a hundred miles. The trade consists chiefly in gold-dust, pepper, and canes, but the most of what is collected of the first article proceeds across the country to the western coast, and the quality of the second is not held in esteem. The port is therefore but little frequented by any other than native merchants. Sometimes, but rarely, a private trading ship from Bengal endeavours to dispose of a few chests of opium in this or one of the other rivers; but the masters scarcely ever venture on shore, and deal with such of the Malays as come off to them at the sword point, so strong is the idea of their treacherous character.

PALEMBANG

Kerajaan Palembang adalah salah satu kerajaan yang dianggap penting, dan sungainya dianggap sebagai salah satu sungai terbesar di pulau tersebut. Sungai tersebut bermuara di distrik Musi, tepat di belakang perbukitan yang nampak dari Bencoolen, dan pada catatan tersebut dinamai Ayer Musi pada bagian awal dari penjelasannya, namun hilirnya lebih kerap disebut Tatong.

UKURAN SUNGAI

Bersebelahan dengan kota Palembang dan pabrik Perusahaan Belanda, sungai tersebut memiliki panjang satu mil, dan layak untuk dlayari oleh kapal-kapal yang perairannya tak mencapai empat belas kaki. Sungai tersebut banyak dideskripsikan dipakai untuk keperluan militer (setidaknya pada 1660, ketika tempat tersebut diserang dan dihancurkan oleh bangsa Belanda) namun operasi tersebut menemui kesulitan tentang catatan sejumlah karangnya.

FOREIGN TRADE

The port is much frequented by trading vessels, chiefly from Java, Madura, Balli, and Celebes, which bring rice, salt, and cloths, the manufacture of those islands. With opium, the piece-goods of the west of India, and European commodities it is supplied by the Dutch from Batavia, or by those who are termed interlopers. These in return receive pepper and tin, which, by an old agreement made with the sultan, and formally renewed in 1777, are to be exclusively delivered to the Company at stipulated prices, and no other Europeans are to be allowed to trade or navigate within his jurisdiction.

DUTCH FACTORY

In order to enforce these conditions the Dutch are permitted to maintain a fort on the river with a garrison of fifty or sixty men (which cannot be exceeded without giving umbrage), and to keep its own cruisers to prevent smuggling. The quantity of pepper thus furnished was from one to two millions of pounds per annum. Of tin the quantity was about two millions of pounds, one third of which was shipped (at Batavia) for Holland, and the remainder sent to China. It has already been stated that this tin is the produce of the island of Bangka, situated near the mouth of the river, which may be considered as an entire hill of tin-sand. The works, of which a particular account is given in Volume 3 of the Batavian Transactions, are entirely in the hands of Chinese settlers. In the year 1778 the Company likewise received thirty-seven thousand bundles of rattans.

DAERAH HILIR

Bagian-bagian hilir daerah Palembang pada pesisir dideskripsikan sebagai tanah basah yang datar, dan dengan pengecualian beberapa traktat yang secara keseluruhan tak selaras untuk tujuan penanaman. Pada umumnya, daerah tersebut dipahami seluruhnya tertutupi oleh laut pada masa lalu, tak hanya dari pengamatan tahun ke tahun, namun juga, setelah penggalian bumi di di beberapa pedalaman jauh, cangkang, dan bahkan potongan batang perahu, ditemukan.

INTERIOR COUNTRY. ITS TRADE

The interior or upland districts on the contrary are very productive, and there the pepper is cultivated, which the king's agent (for trade in these parts is usually monopolized by the sovereign power) purchases at a cheap rate. In return he supplies the country people with opium, salt, and piece-goods, forming the cargoes of large boats (some of them sixty-six feet in length and seven in breadth, from a single tree) which are towed against the stream. The goods intended for Passummah are conveyed to a place called Muara Mulang, which is performed in fourteen days, and from thence by land to the borders of that country is only one day's journey. This being situated beyond the district where the pepper flourishes their returns are chiefly made in pulas twine, raw silk in its roughest state, and elephants' teeth. From Musi they send likewise sulphur, alum, arsenic, and tobacco. Dragons-blood and gambir are also the produce of the country.

PEMERINTAHANNYA

Bagian pedalaman terbagi dalam provinsi, masing-masing ditugaskan sebagai fief atau pemerintahan untuk salah satu keluarga kerajaan atau bangsawan, yang melakukan pengurusan para deputi dan memberikan diri mereka sendiri sedikit perhatian terhadap perlakuan tugas-tugas mereka. Para pangeran, yang merupakan keturunan pangeran-pangeran kuno di daerah tersebut, mengalami banyak tekanan, dan ketika berhadapan untuk tampil di istana, mereka menyangkali setiap unsur dari pagelaran seremonial.

PEMUKIM DARI JAWA

Para penguasa saat ini dari kerajaan Palembang dan sebagian besar penduduk kota tersebut aslinya datang dari pulau Jawa, akibat, menurut beberapa perkiraan, penaklukan awal oleh para penguasa Majapahit; atau, menurut sumber lainnya, menurut orang-orang dari Bantam, pada masa yang lebih modern; dan sesuai dengan keadaannya, entah secara nyata atau nominal, untuk secara nominal, kami menemukan dalam catatan pelayaran Belanda pertama, bahwa "pada 1596, seorang raja dari Bantam datang ke Palembang, sebuah kota pemberontak Sumatra, yang ia kepung."

KELUARGA KERAJAAN

Belanda mengklaim penghormatan yang ditemukan pada takhta keluarga pemerintahan sultan (1780), bernama Ratu Akhmet Bahar ed-din, yang putra sulunya menyandang gelar Pangeran Ratu, memberi jawaban kepada RaJa muda dari orang-orang Melayu. Kekuatan penguasa tak dibatasi oleh pembatasan hukum apapun, namun tak mengikat badan pasukan reguler dalam membayar perintahnya yang seringkali tak dihargai oleh para bangsawan. Meskipun tanpa pendapatan tetap apapun dari pajak atau kontribusi, laba timbul dari perdagangan lada dan timah sangat besar, dan pemasukan berkelanjutan dari perak, tanpa pihak perantara manapun, sehingga ia harus menempatkan hartanya dalam jumlah besar. Kebiasaan memperdagangkan barang impor tmasih di tangan para shabhandara, yang ditugaskan untuk memperlengkapi rumah tangga raja dengan tujuan atau kebutuhan lainnya. Sebagian besar pekerja rumah tangga pangeran adalah para perempuan.

MATA UANG

Mata uang daerah tersebut dan satu-satunya uang yang diijinkan untuk diterima di perbendaharaan raja adalah dolar Spanyol; namun ada juga peredaran umum sejumlah koin berukuran kecil, yang dikeluarkan oleh otoritas kerajaan, dan disebut pitis. Terdapat potongan piring yang berbahan timah dan timbal, dan, memiliki lubang persegi di tengah (seperti alat tukar Tiongkok), disimpan dalam lima ribu bungkus, enam belas diantaranya (menurut Transaksi Batavia) setara dengan satu dolar. Dalam hal nilai emas, ekor dianggap sebagai bagian kesepuluh dari katti (dari satu sepertiga pound), atau setara dengan nilai dua seperempat dolar Spanyol.

CITY

The city is situated in a flat marshy tract, a few miles above the delta of the river, about sixty miles from the sea, and yet so far from the mountains of the interior that they are not visible. It extends about eight miles along both banks, and is mostly confined to them and to the creeks which open into the river. The buildings, with the exception of the king's palace and mosque, being all of wood or bamboos standing on posts and mostly covered with thatch of palm-leaves, the appearance of the place has nothing to recommend it. There are also a great number of floating habitations, mostly shops, upon bamboo-rafts moored to piles, and when the owners of these are no longer pleased with their situation they remove upwards or downwards, with the tide, to one more convenient. Indeed, as the nature of the surrounding country, being overflowed in high tides, scarcely admits of roads, almost all communication is carried on by means of boats, which accordingly are seen moving by hundreds in every direction, without intermission. The dalam or palace being surrounded by a high wall, nothing is known to Europeans of the interior, but it appears to be large, lofty, and much ornamented on the outside. Immediately adjoining to this wall, on the lower side, is a strong, square, roofed battery, commanding the river, and below it another; on both of which many heavy cannon are mounted, and fired on particular occasions. In the interval between the two batteries is seen the meidan or plain, at the extremity of which appears the balerong or hall where the sultan gives audience in public. This is an ordinary building, and serving occasionally for a warehouse, but ornamented with weapons arranged along the walls. The royal mosque stands behind the palace, and from the style of architecture seems to have been constructed by a European. It is an oblong building with glazed windows, pilasters, and a cupola. The burial place of these sovereigns is at old Palembang, about a league lower down the river, where the ground appears to be somewhat raised from having long been the site of habitations.

DORONGAN UNTUK ORANG-ORANG ASING

Kebijakan para pangeran, yang mereka sendiri adalah orang asing, selalu mendorong pemukim asing, bagian hilir kota dari sungai tersebut berada dalam pengawasan besar terhadap orang-orang Tiongkok, Cochin­china, Camboja, Siam, Patani di pesisir semenanjung, Jawa, Sulawesi, dan tempat timur lainnya. Selain itu, para imam Arab dideskripsikan oleh Belanda menaungi sebagian besar suku, yang, meskipun dalam praktek biasa ditempatkan dan sangat mempengaruhi penduduk, dihadapkan oleh mereka dalam hal yang sangat kewahyuan.

AGAMA

Agama Islam mempengaruhi seluruh kekuasaan sultan, dengan pengecualian sebuah distrik dekat pantai, yang disebut Salang, yang mana penduduk aslinya, yang disebut orang kubu, tinggal di hutan seperti hewan liar. Sastra daerah tersebut dikatakan dipengaruhi pada kajian al-Qur'an. Selain wacana-wacana dari alasan ini, aku menemukan di contoh lain terlalu terburu-buru dimajukan, atau oleh orang-orang yang tak handal untuk memberikan infromasi yang dibutuhkan.

BAHASA

Bahasa raja dan istananya adalah dialek tinggi Jawa, bercampur dengan beberapa idiom asing. Dalam perbincangan umum dengan orang asing, perbincangannya selalu dalam bahasa Melayu, dengan pengucapan (seperti yang tercatat) diakhiri dengan o untuk a.

SIFAT PENDUDUK

Di kalangan orang Palembang sendiri, bahasa (karakter yang mereka pakai) bercampur dengan Jawa umum. Belanda, yang harus mengandalkan catatan perilaku dan watak orang-orang tersebut, dan yang akan ditemukan pada Volume 3 halaman 122 dari Transaksi Batavia, menyebut orang-orang dari daerah hilir terpikat dengan setiap kualitas barang dan menghindari setiap barang yang buruk; sementara orang-orang perdalaman berbicara sebagai orang sederhana yang menunjukkan banyak penekanan di bawah tekanan*; namun ini menyadarkan bahwa setidaknya mereka memiliki sedikit pengetahuan, memiliki pandangan ekstrim dan iri hati terhadap pemerintah, yang memberikan peringatan terhadap segala upaya untuk merangseki daerah tersebut.

(*Catatan kaki. Sebuah cerita meragukan yang dikatakan dari adat di kalangan para penduduk dari sebuah provinsi bernama Blida, yang tak harus saya ulang namun sesuai dengan jeu d'esprit dari Swift yang kami hormati. Saat seorang anak lahir disana (kata orang-orang Palembang), dan ayahnya memiliki keraguan terhadap kejujuran istrinya, ia menempatkannya untuk meyakinkannya dengan melemparkan bayi ke udara dan menangkapnya pada ujung tombak. Jika tak terluka menandakan bahwa ia diyakinkan atas pengesahannya, namun jika hal lain terjadi, ia menganggapnya sebagai kebohongan.)

INTERIOR VISITED BY ENGLISH

This inland district having been visited only by two servants of the English East India Company who have left any record of their journeys, I shall extract from their narratives such parts as serve to throw a light upon its geography. The first of these was Mr. Charles Miller, who, on the 19th of September 1770, proceeded from Fort Marlborough to Bentiring on the Bencoolen river, thence to Pagar-raddin, Kadras, Gunong Raja, Gunong Ayu, Kalindang, and Jambu, where he ascended the hills forming the boundary of the Company's district, which he found covered with lofty trees. The first dusun on the other side is named Kalubar, and situated on the banks of the river Musi. From thence his route lay to places called Kapiyong and Parahmu, from all of which the natives carry the produce of their country to Palembang by water. The setting in of the rains and difficulties raised by the guides prevented him from proceeding to the country where the cassia is cut, and occasioned his return towards the hills on the 10th of October, stopping at Tabat Bubut. The land in the neighbourhood of the Musi he describes as being level, the soil black and good, and the air temperate. It was his intention to have crossed the hills to Ranne-lebar, on the 11th, but missing the road in the woods reached next day Beyol Bagus, a dusun in the Company's district, and thence proceeded to Gunong Raja, his way lying partly down a branch of the Bencoolen river, called Ayer Bagus, whose bed is formed of large pebble-stones, and partly through a level country, entirely covered with lofty bamboos. From Gunong Raja he returned down Bencoolen River on a bamboo raft to Bentiring, and reached Fort Marlborough on the 18th of October. The other traveller, Mr. Charles Campbell, in a private letter dated March 1802 (referring me, for more detailed information, to journals which have not reached my hand), says, "We crossed the hills nearly behind the Sugar-loaf, and entered the valley of Musi. Words cannot do justice to the picturesque scenery of that romantic and delightful country, locked in on all sides by lofty mountains, and watered by the noble river here navigable for very large canoes, which, after receiving the Lamatang and several other streams, forms the Palembang. Directing our course behind the great hill of Sungei-lamo we in three days discovered Labun, and crossed some considerable streams discharging themselves into the river of Kattaun. Our object there being completed we returned along the banks of the Musi nearly to the dusun of Kalubat, at which place we struck into the woods, and, ascending the mountain, reached towards evening a village high up on the Bencoolen River. There is but a single range, and it is a fact that from the navigable part of the Musi river to a place on that of Bencoolen where rafts and sampans may be used is to the natives a walk of no more than eight hours. Musi is populous, well cultivated, and the soil exceedingly rich. The people are stout, healthy looking, and independent in their carriage and manners, and were to us courteous and hospitable. They acknowledge no superior authority, but are often insulted by predatory parties from Palembang." These freebooters would perhaps call themselves collectors of tribute. It is much to be regretted that little political jealousies and animosities between the European powers whose influence prevails on each side of the island prevent further discoveries of the course of this considerable river.

Bab 20

THE COUNTRY OF THE BATTAS.
TAPPANULI-BAY.
JOURNEY INTO THE INTERIOR.
CASSIA-TREES.
GOVERNMENTS.
ARMS.
WARFARE.
TRADE.
FAIRS.
FOOD.
MANNERS.
LANGUAGE.
WRITING.
RELIGION.
FUNERALS.
CRIMES.
EXTRAORDINARY CUSTOM.

BATTA

Salah satu kekhasan paling menonjol dari orang-orang di pulau tersebut, dan oleh banyak orang dianggap sebagai klaim terkuat dalam hal keasliannya, adalah suku Batta (juga disebut Batak), yang tinggal terpisah dari penduduk lainnya, dalam kecerdasan akan kebiasaan dan perilaku mereka, dan khususnya dalam beberapa pemakaian luar biasa, memberikannya kebutuhan akan tingkat perhatian tertentu harus dicantumkan pada deskripsi mereka.

SITUATION OF THE COUNTRY

This country is bounded on the north by that of Achin, from which it is separated by the mountains of Papa and Deira, and on the south by the independent district of Rau or Rawa; extending along the sea-coast on the western side from the river of Singkel to that of Tabuyong, but inland, to the back of Ayer Bangis, and generally across the island, which is narrow in that part, to the eastern coast; but more or less encroached upon by the Malayan and Achinese establishments in the most convenient maritime situations, for the purposes of their commerce. It is very populous, and chiefly in the central parts, where are extensive open or naked plains, on the borders (as it is said) of a great lake; the soil fertile, and cultivation so much more prevalent than in the southern countries, which are mostly covered with woods, that there is scarcely a tree to be seen excepting those planted by the natives about their villages, which are not, as elsewhere, on the banks of rivers, but wherever a strong situation presents itself. Water indeed is not so abundant as to the southward, which may be attributed to the comparatively level surface, the chain of high mountains which extends northwards from the straits of Sunda through the interior of the island, in a great measure terminating with gunong Passummah or Mount Ophir. About the bay of Tappanuli however the land is high and wooded near the coast.

ITS DIVISIONS

The Batta territory is divided (according to the information obtained by the English Residents) into the following principal districts; Ankola, Padambola, Mandiling, Toba, Selindong, and Singkel, of which the first has five, the third three, and the fourth five subordinate tribes. According to the Dutch account published in the Transactions of the Batavian Society, which is very circumstantial, it is divided into three small kingdoms. One of these named Simamora is situated far inland and contains a number of villages, and among others those named Batong, Ria, Allas, Batadera, Kapkap (where the district producing benzoin commences), Batahol, Kotta-tinggi (the place of the king's residence), with two places lying on the eastern coast called Suitara-male and Jambu-ayer. This kingdom is said to yield much fine gold from the mines of Batong and Sunayang. Bata-salindong also contains many districts, in some of which benzoin, and in others fine gold, is collected. The residence of the king is at Salindong. Bata-gopit lies at the foot of a volcano-mountain of that name, from whence, at the time of an eruption, the natives procure sulphur, to be afterwards employed in the manufacture of gunpowder. The little kingdom of Butar lies north­eastward of the preceding and reaches to the eastern coast, where are the places named Pulo Serony and Batu Bara; the latter enjoying a considerable trade; also Longtong and Sirigar, at the mouth of a great river named Assahan. Butar yields neither camphor, benzoin, nor gold, and the inhabitants support themselves by cultivation. The residence of the king is at a town of the same name.

ANCIENT BUILDING

High up on the river of Batu Bara, which empties itself into the straits of Malacca, is found a large brick building, concerning the erection of which no tradition is preserved amongst the people. It is described as a square, or several squares, and at one corner is an extremely high pillar, supposed by them to have been designed for carrying a flag. Images or reliefs of human figures are carved in the walls, which they conceive to be Chinese (perhaps Hindu) idols. The bricks, of which some were brought to Tappanuli, are of a smaller size than those used by the English.

SINGKEL

Sungai Singkel, yang merupakan sungai terbesar di pantai barat pulau tersebut, bermuara di pegunungan jauh Daholi, di wilayah Achin, dan memiliki panjang sekitar tiga puluh mil dari laut melewati perairan Sikere, di tempat yang disebut Pomoko, yang mengalir di sebagian besar daerah Batta. After this junction it is very broad, and deep enough for vessels of considerable burden, but the bar is shallow and dangerous, having no more than six feet at low-water spring-tides, and the rise is also six feet. The breadth here is about three-quarters of a mile. Much of the lower parts of the country through which it has its course is overflowed during the rainy season, but not at two places, called by Captain Forrest Rambong and Jambong, near the mouth. The principal town lies forty miles up the river on the northern branch. On the southern is a town named Kiking, where more trade is carried on by the Malays and Achinese than at the former, the Samponan or Papa mountains producing more benzoin than those of Daholi. It is said in a Dutch manuscript that in three days' navigation above the town of Singkel you come to a great lake, the extent of which is not known.

Barus, the next place of any consequence to the southward, is chiefly remarkable for having given name throughout the East to the Kapur­barus or native camphor, as it is often termed to distinguish it from that which is imported from Japan and China, as already explained. This was the situation of the most remote of the Dutch factories, long since withdrawn. It is properly a Malayan establishment, governed by a raja, a bandhara, and eight pangulus, and with this peculiarity, that the rajas and bandharas must be alternately and reciprocally of two great families, named Dulu and D'ilhir. The assumed jurisdiction is said to have extended formerly to Natal. The town is situated about a league from the coast, and two leagues farther inland are eight small villages inhabited by Battas, the inhabitants of which purchase the camphor and benzoin from the people of the Diri mountains, extending from the southward of Singkel to the hill of Lasa, behind Barus, where the Tobat district commences.

TAPPANULI

The celebrated bay of Tappanuli stretches into the heart of the Batta country, and its shores are everywhere inhabited by that people, who barter the produce of their land for the articles they stand in need of from abroad, but do not themselves make voyages by sea. Navigators assert that the natural advantages of this bay are scarcely surpassed in any other part of the globe; that all the navies of the world might ride there with perfect security in every weather; and that such is the complication of anchoring-places within each other that a large ship could be so hid in them as not to be found without a tedious search. At the island of Punchong kechil, on which our settlement stands, it is a common practice to moor the vessels by a hawser to a tree on shore. Timber for masts and yards is to be procured in the various creeks with great facility. Not being favourably situated with respect to the general track of outward and homeward-bound shipping, and its distance from the principal seat of our important Indian concerns being considerable, it has not hitherto been much used for any great naval purposes; but at the same time our government should be aware of the danger that might arise from suffering any other maritime power to get footing in a place of this description. The natives are in general inoffensive, and have given little disturbance to our establishments; but parties of Achinese traders (without the concurrence or knowledge, as there is reason to believe, of their own government), jealous of our commercial influence, long strove to drive us from the bay by force of arms, and we were under the necessity of carrying on a petty warfare for many years in order to secure our tranquillity. In the year 1760 Tappanuli was taken by a squadron of French ships under the command of the Comte d'Estaing; and in October 1809, being nearly defenceless, it was again taken by the Creole French frigate, Captain Ripaud, joined afterwards by the Venus and La Manche; under the orders of Commodore Hamelin. By the terms of the surrender private property was to be secured, but in a few days, after the most friendly assurances had been given to the acting resident, with whom the French officers were living, this engagement was violated under the ill-founded pretence that some gold had been secreted, and everything belonging to the English gentlemen and ladies, as well as to the native settlers, was plundered or destroyed by fire, with circumstances of atrocity and brutality that would have disgraced savages. The garden-house of the chief (Mr. Prince, who happened to be then absent from Tappanuli) at Batu-buru on the main was likewise burned, together with his horses, and his cattle were shot at and maimed. Even the books of accounts, containing the statement of outstanding debts due to the trading-concern of the place were, in spite of every entreaty, maliciously destroyed or carried off, by which an irreparable loss, from which the enemy could not derive a benefit, is sustained by the unfortunate sufferers. It cannot be supposed that the government of a great and proud empire can give its sanction to this disgraceful mode of carrying on war.

In the Philosophical Transactions for the year 1778 is a brief account of the Batta country and the manners of its inhabitants, extracted from the private letters of Mr. Charles Miller, the Company's botanist, whose observations I have had repeated occasion to quote. I shall now communicate to the reader the substance of a report made by him of a journey performed in company with Mr. Giles Holloway, then resident of Tappanuli, through the interior of the country of which we are now speaking, with a view to explore its productions, particularly the cassia, which at that time was thought likely to prove an object of commerce worthy of attention.

MR. MILLER'S JOURNEY INTO THE COUNTRY

Says Mr. Miller:

Previously to our setting out on this journey we consulted people who had formerly been engaged in the cassia-trade with regard to the most proper places to visit. They informed us that the trees were to be found in two different districts; namely in the inland parts to the northward of the old settlement at Tappanuli; and also in the country of Padambola, which lies between fifty and sixty miles more to the southward. They advised us to prefer going into the Padambola country, although the more distant, on account of the inhabitants of the Tappanuli country (as they represented) being frequently troublesome to strangers. They also told me there were two kinds of the kulit manis, the one of which, from their account of it, I was in hopes might prove to be the true cinnamon-tree.

June 21st, 1772. We set out from Pulo Punchong and went in boats to the quallo (mouth or entrance) of Pinang Suri river, which is in the bay, about ten or twelve miles south-east of Punchong. Next morning we went up the river in sampans, and in about six hours arrived at a place called quallo Lumut. The whole of the land on both sides of the river is low, covered with wood, and uninhabited. In these woods I observed camphor trees, two species of oak, maranti, rangi, and several other timber-trees. About a quarter of a mile from that place, on the opposite side of the river, is a Batta kampong, situated on the summit of a regular and very beautiful little hill, which rises in a pyramidical form, in the middle of a small meadow. The raja of this kampong, being informed by the Malays that we were at their houses, came over to see us, and invited us to his house, where we were received with great ceremony, and saluted with about thirty guns. This kampong consists of about eight or ten houses, with their respective padi-houses. It is strongly fortified with a double fence of strong rough camphor planks, driven deep into the earth, and about eight or nine feet high, so placed that their points project considerably outward. These fences are about twelve feet asunder, and in the space between them the buffaloes are kept at night. Without-side these fences they plant a row of a prickly kind of bamboo, which forms an almost impenetrable hedge from twelve to twenty feet thick. In the sapiyau or building in which the raja receives strangers we saw a man's skull hanging up, which he told us was hung there as a trophy, it being the skull of an enemy they had taken prisoner, whose body (according to the custom of the Battas) they had eaten about two months before. June 23rd. We walked through a level woody country to the kampong of Lumut, and next day to Sa­tarong, where I observed several plantations of benzoin-trees, some cotton, indigo, turmeric, tobacco, and a few pepper-vines. We next proceeded to Tappolen, to Sikia, and to Sa-pisang. This last is situated on the banks of Batang-tara river, three or four days' journey from the sea; so that our course had hitherto been nearly parallel to the coast.

July 1st. We left Sa-pisang and took a direction towards the hills, following nearly the course of the Batang-tara. We travelled all this day through a low, woody, and entirely uncultivated country, which afforded nothing worthy of observation. Our guide had proposed to reach a kampong, called Lumbu; but missing the road we were obliged to wade up the river between four and five miles, and at length arrived at a ladang extremely fatigued; where the badness of the weather obliged us to stop and take up our quarters in an open padi-shed. The next day the river was so swelled by the heavy rain which had fallen the preceding day that we could not prosecute our journey, and were obliged to pass it and the remaining night in the same uncomfortable situation. (This is the middle of the dry season in the southern parts of the island.) July 3rd. We left the ladang and walked through a very irregular and uninhabited tract, full of rocks and covered with woods. We this day crossed a ridge of very steep and high hills, and in the afternoon came to an inhabited and well-cultivated country on the edge of the plains of Ancola. We slept this night in a small open shed, and next day proceeded to a kampong called Koto Lambong. July 5th. Went through a more open and very pleasant country to Terimbaru, a large kampong on the southern edge of the plains of Ancola. The land hereabout is entirely clear of wood, and either ploughed and sown with padi or jagong (maize), or used as pasture for their numerous herds of buffaloes, kine, and horses. The raja being informed of our intentions to come there sent his son and between thirty and forty men, armed with lances and matchlock guns, to meet us, who escorted us to their kampong, beating gongs and firing their guns all the way. The raja received us in great form, and with civility ordered a buffalo to be killed, detained us a day, and when we proceeded on our journey sent his son with a party to escort us. I observed that all the unmarried women wore a great number of tin rings in their ears (some having fifty in each ear), which circumstance, together with the appearance of the country, seemed to indicate its abounding with minerals; but on making inquiry I found that the tin was brought from the straits of Malacca. Having made the accustomed presents to the raja we left Terimbaru, July 7th, and proceeded to Sa-masam, the raja of which place, attended by sixty or seventy men, well armed, met us and conducted us to his kampong, where he had prepared a house for our reception, treating us with much hospitality and respect. The country round Sa-masam is full of small hills but clear of wood, and mostly pasture ground for their cattle, of which they have great abundance. I met with nothing remarkable here excepting a prickly shrub called by the natives Andalimon, the seed-vessels and leaves of which have a very agreeable spicy taste, and are used by them in their curries.

July 10th. Proceeded on our journey to Batang Onan, the kampong where the Malays used to purchase the cassia from the Battas. After about three hours walk over an open hilly country we again came into thick woods, in which we were obliged to pass the night. The next morning we crossed another ridge of very high hills, covered entirely with woods. In these we saw the wild benzoin-tree. It grows to a much larger size than the cultivated kind, and yields a different sort of resin called kaminian dulong or sweet-scented benzoin. It differs in being commonly in more detached pieces, and having a smell resembling that of almonds when bruised. Arrived at Batang Onan in the afternoon. This kampong is situated in a very extensive plain on the banks of a large river which empties itself into the straits of Malacca, and is said to be navigable for sloops to within a day's journey of Batang Onan.

CASSIA-TREES

July 11th. Went to Panka-dulut, the raja of which place claims the property of the cassia-trees, and his people used to cut and cure the bark and transport it to the former place. The nearest trees are about two hours walk from Panka-dulut on a high ridge of mountains. They grow from forty to sixty feet high, and have large spreading heads. They are not cultivated, but grow in the woods. The bark is commonly taken from the bodies of the trees of a foot or foot and half diameter; the bark being so thin, when the trees are younger, as to lose all its qualities very soon. I here inquired for the different sorts of cassia-tree of which I had been told, but was now informed that there was only one sort, and that the difference they mentioned was occasioned entirely by the soil and situation in which the trees grow; that those which grow in a rocky dry soil have red shoots, and their bark is of superior quality to that of trees which grow in moist clay, whose shoots are green. I also endeavoured to get some information with regard to their method of curing and quilling the cassia, and told them my intentions of trying some experiments towards improving its quality and rendering it more valuable. They told me that none had been cut for two years past, on account of a stop being put to the purchases at Tappanuli; and that if I was come with authority to open the trade I should call together the people of the neighbouring kampongs, kill a buffalo for them, and assure them publicly that the cassia would be again received; in which case they would immediately begin to cut and cure it, and would willingly follow any instructions I should give them; but that otherwise they would take no trouble about it. I must observe that I was prevented from getting so satisfactory an account of the cassia as I could have wished by the ill-behaviour of the person who accompanied us as guide, from whom, by his thorough knowledge of the country, and of the cassia-trade, of which he had formerly been the chief manager, we thought we had reason to expect all requisite assistance and information, but who not only refused to give it, but prevented as much as possible our receiving any from the country people. July 14th. We left Batang Onan in order to return, stopped that night at a kampong called Koto Moran, and the next evening reached Sa-masam; from whence we proceeded by a different road from what we had travelled before to Sa­pisang, where we procured sampans, and went down the Batang-tara river to the sea. July 22nd we returned to Pulo Punchong.

End of Mr. Miller's Narrative.

It has since been understood that they were intentionally misled, and taken by a circuitous route to prevent their seeing a particular kampong of some consideration at the back of Tappanuli, or for some other interested object. Near the latter place, on the main, Mr. John Marsden, who went thither to be present at the funeral of one of their chiefs, observed two old monuments in stone, one the figure of a man, the other of a man on an elephant, tolerably well executed, but they know not by whom, nor is there any among them who could do the same work now. The features were strongly Batta.

NATAL

Our settlement at Natal (properly Natar), some miles to the south of the large river of Tabuyong, and on the confines of the Batta country, which extends at the back of it, is a place of much commerce, but not from its natural or political circumstances of importance in other respects. It is inhabited by settlers there, for the convenience of trade, from the countries of Achin, Rau, and Menangkabau, who render it populous and rich. Gold of very fine quality is procured from the country (some of the mines being said to lie within ten miles of the factory), and there is a considerable vent for imported goods, the returns for which are chiefly made in that article and camphor. Like other Malayan towns it is governed by datus, the chief of whom, styled datu besar or chief magistrate, has considerable sway; and although the influence of the Company is here predominant its authority is by no means so firmly established as in the pepper-districts to the southward, owing to the number of people, their wealth, and enterprising, independent spirit.* It may be said that they are rather managed and conciliated than ruled. They find the English useful as moderators between their own contending factions, which often have recourse to arms, even upon points of ceremonious precedence, and are reasoned into accommodation by our resident going among them unattended. At an earlier period our protection was convenient to them against the usurpation, as they termed it, of the Dutch, of whose attempts and claims they were particularly jealous. By an article of the treaty of Paris in 1763 these pretensions were ascertained as they respected the two European powers, and the settlements of Natal and Tappanuli were expressly restored to the English. They had however already been re-occupied. Neither in fact have any right but what proceeds from the will and consent of the native princes.

(*Footnote. Upon the re-establishment of the factory in 1762 the resident pointed out to the Datu besar, with a degree of indignation, the number of dead bodies which were frequently seen floating down the river, and proposed his cooperating to prevent assassinations in the country, occasioned by the anarchy the place fell into during the temporary interruption of the Company's influence. "I cannot assent to any measures for that purpose," replied the datu: "I reap from these murders an advantage of twenty dollars a head when the families prosecute." A compensation of thirty dollars per month was offered him, and to this he scarcely submitted, observing that he should be a considerable loser, as there fell in this manner at least three men in the month. At another time, when the resident attempted to carry some regulation into execution, he said, "kami tradah suka begito, orang kaya!" "We do not choose to allow it, sir;" and bared his right arm as a signal of attack to his dependants in case the point had been insisted on. Of late years habit and a sense of mutual interest have rendered them more accommodating.)

BATTA GOVERNMENTS

The government of the Batta country, although nominally in the hands of three or more sovereign rajas, is effectively (so far as our intercourse with the people enables us to ascertain) divided into numberless petty chiefships, the heads of which, also styled rajas, have no appearance of being dependant upon any superior power, but enter into associations with each other, particularly with those belonging to the same tribe, for mutual defence and security against any distant enemy. They are at the same time extremely jealous of any increase of their relative power, and on the slightest pretext a war breaks out between them. The force of different kampongs is notwithstanding this very unequal, and some rajas possess a much more extensive sway than others; and it must needs be so, where every man who can get a dozen followers and two or three muskets sets up for independence. Inland of a place called Sokum great respect was paid to a female chief or uti (which word I conceive to be a liquid pronunciation of putri, a princess), whose jurisdiction comprehended many tribes. Her grandson, who was the reigning prince, had lately been murdered by an invader, and she had assembled an army of two or three thousand men to take revenge. An agent of the Company went up the river about fifteen miles in hopes of being able to accommodate a matter that threatened materially the peace of the country; but he was told by the uti that, unless he would land his men, and take a decided part in her favour, he had no business there, and he was obliged to reembark without effecting anything. The aggressor followed him the same night and made his escape. It does not appear likely, from the manners and dispositions of the people, that the whole of the country was ever united under one supreme head.

AUTHORITY OF RAJAS

The more powerful rajas assume authority over the lives of their subjects. The dependants are bound to attend their chief in his journeys and in his wars, and when an individual refuses he is expelled from the society without permission to take his property along with him. They are supplied with food for their expeditions, and allowed a reward for each person they kill. The revenues of the chief arise principally from fines of cattle adjudged in criminal proceedings, which he always appropriates to himself; and from the produce of the camphor and benzoin trees throughout his district; but this is not rigorously insisted upon. When he pays his gaming debts he imposes what arbitrary value he thinks proper on the horses and buffaloes (no coin being used in the country), which he delivers, and his subjects are obliged to accept them at that rate. They are forced to work in their turns, for a certain number of days, in his rice plantations. There is, in like manner, a lesser kind of service for land held of any other person, the tenant being bound to pay his landlord respect wherever he meets him, and to provide him with entertainment whenever he comes to his house. The people seem to have a permanent property in their possessions, selling them to each other as they think fit. If a man plants trees and leaves them, no future occupier can sell them, though he may eat the fruit. Disputes and litigations of any kind that happen between people belonging to the same kampong are settled by a magistrate appointed for that purpose, and from him it is said there is no appeal to the raja: when they arise between persons of different kampongs they are adjusted at a meeting of the respective rajas. When a party is sent down to the Bay to purchase salt or on other business it is accompanied by an officer who takes cognizance of their behaviour, and sometimes punishes on the spot such as are criminal or refractory. This is productive of much order and decency.

SUCCESSION

It is asserted that the succession to the chiefships does not go in the first instance to the son of the deceased, but to the nephew by a sister; and that the same extraordinary rule, with respect to property in general, prevails also amongst the Malays of that part of the island, and even in the neighbourhood of Padang. The authorities for this are various and unconnected with each other, but not sufficiently circumstantial to induce me to admit it as a generally established practice.

RESPECT FOR THE SULTAN OF MENANGKABAU

Notwithstanding the independent spirit of the Battas, and their contempt of all power that would affect a superiority over their little societies, they have a superstitious veneration for the sultan of Menangkabau, and show blind submission to his relations and emissaries, real or pretended, when such appear among them for the purpose of levying contributions: even when insulted and put in fear of their lives they make no attempt at resistance: they think that their affairs would never prosper; that their padi would be blighted, and their buffaloes die; that they would remain under a kind of spell for offending those sacred messengers.

PERSONS

The Battas are in their persons rather below the stature of the Malays, and their complexions are fairer; which may perhaps be owing to their distance, for the most part, from the sea, an element they do not at all frequent.

DRESS

Their dress is commonly of a sort of cotton cloth manufactured by themselves, thick, harsh, and wiry, about four astas or cubits long, and two in breadth, worn round the middle, with a scarf over the shoulder. These are of mixed colours, the prevalent being a brownish red and a blue approaching to black. They are fond of adorning them, particularly the scarf, with strings and tassels of beads. The covering of the head is usually the bark of a tree, but the superior class wear a strip of foreign blue cloth in imitation of the Malayan destars, and a few have bajus (outer garments) of chintz. The young women, beside the cloth round the middle, have one over the breasts, and (as noticed in Mr. Miller's journal) wear in their ears numerous rings of tin, as well as several large rings of thick brass wire round their necks. On festival days however they ornament themselves with earrings of gold, hair-pins, of which the heads are fashioned like birds or dragons, a kind of three-cornered breastplate, and hollow rings upon the upper arm, all, in like manner, of gold. The kima shell, which abounds in the bay, is likewise worked into arm-rings, whiter, and taking a better polish than ivory.

ARMS

Their arms are matchlock guns, with which they are expert marksmen, bamboo lances or spears with long iron heads, and a side-weapon called jono, which resembles and is worn as a sword rather than a kris. The cartridge-boxes are provided with a number of little wooden cases, each containing a charge for the piece. In these are carried likewise the match, and the smaller ranjaus, the longer being in a joint of bamboo, slung like a quiver over the shoulder. They have machines curiously carved and formed like the beak of a large bird for holding bullets, and others of peculiar construction for a reserve of powder. These hang in front. On the right side hang the flint and steel, and also the tobacco-pipe. Their guns, the locks of which {for holding the match) are of copper, they are supplied with by traders from Menangkabau; the swords are of their own workmanship, and they also manufacture their own gunpowder, extracting the saltpetre, as it is said, from the soil taken from under houses that have been long inhabited (which in consequence of an uncleanly practice is strongly impregnated with animal salts), together with that collected in places where goats are kept. Through this earth water is filtered, and being afterwards suffered to evaporate the saltpetre is found at the bottom of the vessel. Their proper standard in war is a horse's head, from whence flows a long mane or tail; beside which they have colours of red or white cloth. For drums they use gongs, and in action set up a kind of war­whoop.

WARFARE

The spirit of war is excited among these people by small provocation, and their resolutions for carrying it into effect are soon taken. Their life appears in fact to be a perpetual state of hostility, and they are always prepared for attack and defence. When they proceed to put their designs into execution the first act of defiance is firing, without ball, into the kampong of their enemies. Three days are then allowed for the party fired upon to propose terms of accommodation, and if this is not done, or the terms are such as cannot be agreed to, war is then fully declared. This ceremony of firing with powder only is styled carrying smoke to the adversary. During the course of their wars, which sometimes last for two or three years, they seldom meet openly in the field or attempt to decide their contest by a general engagement, as the mutual loss of a dozen men might go near to ruin both parties, nor do they ever engage hand to hand, but keep at a pretty safe distance, seldom nearer than random-shot, excepting in case of sudden surprise. They march in single files, and usually fire kneeling. It is not often that they venture a direct attack upon each other's works, but watch opportunities of picking off stragglers passing through the woods. A party of three or four will conceal themselves near the footways, and if they see any of their foes they fire and run away immediately; planting ranjaus after them to prevent pursuit. On these occasions a man will subsist upon a potato a day, in which they have much the advantage of the Malays (against whom they are often engaged in warfare), who require to be better fed.

FORTIFICATIONS

They fortify their kampongs with large ramparts of earth, halfway up which they plant brushwood. There is a ditch without the rampart, and on each side of that a tall palisade of camphor timber. Beyond this is an impenetrable hedge of prickly bamboo, which when of sufficient growth acquires an extraordinary density, and perfectly conceals all appearance of a town. Ranjaus, of a length both for the body and the feet, are disposed without all these, and render the approaches hazardous to assailants who are almost naked. At each corner of the fortress, instead of a tower or watch-house, they contrive to have a tall tree, which they ascend to reconnoitre or fire from. But they are not fond of remaining on the defensive in these fortified villages, and therefore, leaving a few to guard them, usually advance into the plains, and throw up temporary breast-works and entrenchments.

TRADE

The natives of the sea-coast exchange their benzoin, camphor, and cassia (the quantity of gold-dust is very inconsiderable) for iron, steel, brass-wire, and salt, of which last article a hundred thousand bamboo measures are annually taken off in the bay of Tappanuli. These they barter again with the more inland inhabitants, in the mode that shall presently be described, for the products and manufactures of the country, particularly the home-made cloth; a very small quantity of cotton piece-goods being imported from the coast and disposed of to the natives. What they do take off is chiefly blue-cloth for the head, and chintz.

FAIRS HELD

For the convenience of carrying on the inland-trade there are established at the back of Tappanuli, which is their great mart, four stages, at which successively they hold public fairs or markets on every fourth day throughout the year; each fair, of course, lasting one day. The people in the district of the fourth stage assemble with their goods at the appointed place, to which those of the third resort in order to purchase them. The people of the third, in like manner, supply the wants of the second, and the second of the first, who dispose, on the day the market is held, of the merchandise for which they have trafficked with the Europeans and Malays. On these occasions all hostilities are suspended. Each man who possesses a musket carries it with a green bough in the muzzle, as a token of peace, and afterwards, when he comes to the spot, following the example of the director or manager of the party, discharges the loading into a mound of earth, in which, before his departure, he searches for his ball. There is but one house at the place where the market is held, and that is for the purpose of gaming. The want of booths is supplied by the shade of regular rows of fruit-trees, mostly durian, of which one avenue is reserved for the women. The dealings are conducted with order and fairness; the chief remaining at a little distance, to be referred to in case of dispute, and a guard is at hand, armed with lances, to keep the peace; yet with all this police, which bespeaks civilization, I have been assured by those who have had an opportunity of attending their meetings that in the whole of their appearance and deportment there is more of savage life than is observed in the manners of the Rejangs, or inhabitants of Lampong. Traders from the remoter Batta districts, lying north and south, assemble at these periodical markets, where all their traffic is carried on, and commodities bartered. They are not however peculiar to this country, being held, among other places, at Batang-kapas and Ipu. By the Malays they are termed onan.

ESTIMATE BY COMMODITIES INSTEAD OF COIN

Having no coin all value is estimated among them by certain commodities. In trade they calculate by tampangs (cakes) of benzoin; in transactions among themselves more commonly by buffaloes: sometimes brass wire and sometimes beads are used as a medium. A galang, or ring of brass wire, represents about the value of a dollar. But for small payments salt is the most in use. A measure called a salup, weighing about two pounds, is equal to a fanam or twopence-halfpenny: a balli, another small measure, goes for four keppeng, or three-fifths of a penny.

MAKANAN

Makanan biasa orang kelas bawah adalah jagung dan kentang manis, para raja dan pria besar sendiri mengasupi diri mereka sendiri dengan nasi. Beberapa memadukannya bersamaan. Hanya ketika perayaan umum mereka membunuh sapi untuk dimakan; tetapi karena nafsu makan mereka tidak peka, mereka tidak ragu untuk makan kerbau mati, babi, tikus, kadal, atau hewan liar lainnya yang mereka temui. Sungai-sungai dikatakan tidak ditinggali ikan. Daging kuda merupakan daging paling mahal yang disantap oleh mereka, dan untuk keperluan ini, mereka menyantapkannya dengan biji-bijidan dan sangat memperhatikan penjagaannya. Sejumlah hewan tersebut hidup di daerah tersebut, orang-orang Eropa di Bencoolen disuplai dengan banyak barang dari sana, namun tak sesegar, seperti yang tersaji pada acara-acara mereka. Kata Tuan Mr. Miller, mereka juga memiliki sejumlah besar anjing hitam kecil, dengan telinga yang ditandai, yang mereka gemukkan dan santap. Toddy atau arak kelapa mereka minum di acara-acara mereka.

BUILDINGS

The houses are built with frames of wood, with the sides of boards, and roof covered with iju. They usually consist of a single large room, which is entered by a trap-door in the middle. The number seldom exceeds twenty in one kampong; but opposite to each is a kind of open building that serves for sitting in during the day, and as a sleeping­place for the unmarried men at night. These together form a sort of street. To each kampong there is also a balei, where the inhabitants assemble for transacting public business, celebrating feasts, and the reception of strangers, whom they entertain with frankness and hospitality. At the end of this building is a place divided off, from whence the women see the spectacles of fencing and dancing; and below that is a kind of orchestra for music.

TUGAS RUMAH TANGGA

Pria diperbolehkan untuk menikahi banyak istri bila mereka mengijinkan, atau dapat melakukannya, dan memiliki persepuluhnya bukanlah hal yang tak umum. Setiap istri duduk di bagian berbeda dari ruang yang besar, dan timur menghadap satu sama lain; tidak dipisahkan menurut pemisahan atau pembagian rumah susun. Sehingga suami dapat menemukan istri yang dibutuhkan untuk bertindak adik terhadap setiap istri dalam hal tempat perapian dan alat masak, dimana mereka memiliki busana milik mereka yang berbeda, dan menyiapkannya balas budi. Bagaimana keadaan rumah tangga dan ketipisan batas imajiner disatukan dengan gagasan telaten, perasaan cinta tanpa disuruh dan jealousy supposed to prevail in an eastern harem? or must custom be allowed to supersede all other influence, both moral and physical? In other respects they differ little in their customs relating to marriage from the rest of the island. The parents of the girl always receive a valuable consideration (in buffaloes or horses) from the person to whom she is given in marriage; which is returned when a divorce takes place against the man's inclination. The daughters as elsewhere are looked upon as the riches of the fathers.

KONDISI WANITA

Kondisi wanita nampak tak lebih dari budak, suami memiliki kuasa menjual istri dan anak. Mereka sendiri, selain tugas-tugas rumah tangga, bekerja di penanaman padi. Hal tersebut disiapkan dalam gaya yang sama seperti di belahan pulau lainnya, kecuali di belahan tengah, the country being clearer, the plough and harrow, drawn by buffaloes, are more used. The men, when not engaged in war, their favourite occupation, commonly lead an idle, inactive life, passing the day in playing on a kind of flute, crowned with garlands of flowers; among which the globe-amaranthus, a native of the country, mostly prevails.

HORSERACING

They are said however to hunt deer on horseback, and to be attached to the diversion of horseracing. They ride boldly without a saddle or stirrups, frequently throwing their hands upwards whilst pushing their horse to full speed. The bit of the bridle is of iron, and has several joints; the head-stall and reins of rattan: in some parts the reins, or halter rather, is of iju, and the bit of wood. They are, like the rest of the Sumatrans, much addicted to gaming, and the practice is under no kind of restraint, until it destroys itself by the ruin of one of the parties. When a man loses more money than he is able to pay he is confined and sold as a slave; being the most usual mode by which they become such. A generous winner will sometimes release his unfortunate adversary upon condition of his killing a horse and making a public entertainment.

BAHASA

Seperti yang sebelumnya teramati, mereka memiliki bahasa dan karakter penulisan khas untuk diri mereka sendiri, dan yang dianggap, dalam titik keaslian, sama dengan setidaknya orang-orang di belahan lain pulau tersebut. Seperti bahasa-bahasa di Jawa, Sulawesi, dan Filipina, meskipun bahasa tersebut mengambil banyak istilah yang umum dalam bahasa Melayu, (dalam penilaianku, semuanya dari satu hal umum), dalam cara pengambilan, dari pengaruh, baik politik maupun agama, diambil dari tetangga-tetangga langsungnya, lidah Batta nampak kurang memiliki perubahan pengalaman ketimbang yang lainnya. Untuk jenis kata-katanya, abjadnya, dan aturan dalam melafalkan huruf-hurufnya yang dimodifikasi dan diatur, para pembaca perlu membaca Tabel dan Plakat di atas. Hal ini mengingatkan agar proporsi orang yang dapat membaca dan menulis lebih besar ketimbang orang-orang yang tidak melakukannya; sebuah unsur kualifikasi yang teramati dalam belahan tak berperadaban semacam itu di dunia, dan selalu ditemukan kata-kata yang dipoles.

TULISAN

Tulisan mereka untuk keperluan umum, seperti yang dideskripsikan dalam pembicaraan orang-orang Rejang, dituliskan pada potongan-potongan bambu.

BUKU

Buku-buku mereka (dan seperti yang kami duga) terdiri dari kulit dalam pohon tertentu yang dipotong menjadi selip-selip panjang dan dilapisi dalam bentuk persegi, meninggalkan bagian kayu di setiap ujung untuk dijadikan sampul luar. Kulit untuk keperluan ini dibuat halus dan tipi, dan setelah itu dituangi air beras. Pena yang dipakai oleh mereka adalah ranting atau serat daun, dan tinta mereka terbuat dari selaga dammar yang dicampur dengan perasan tebu. Isi buku-buku mereka sedikit yang diketahui kami. Tulisannya kebanyakan aku rasa bercampur dengan penggambaran kalajengking dan hewan berbisa lainnya, dan kemudian diagram-diagram, yang menyiratkan karya-karya astrologi dan keilahian mereka. Dalam buku-buku tersebut, kami mengetahui akan konsultasi dalam semua peralihan hidup, dan peristiwa yang dipreksi lewat penerapan karakter tertentu yang ditandapi pada selipan bambu, sampai baris kitab suci, yang membuat perbandingan. Namun, ini tak hanya gaya keilahian mereka. Sebelum maju perang, mereka membunuh kerbau atau unggas yang putih, dan dengan mengamati pergerakan penyeimbangan barang atau kekayaan yang nampak untuk menghadirkan mereka; dan pendeta yang melakukan upacara ini haruslah bersih, karena ia memprediksi peristiwa yang membuatnya terkadang dihukum mati karena keterampilannya. Namun, buku-buku penujuman tersebut secara eksklusif mengandung kisah-kisah legenda dan mitologi, yang contohnya akan diberikan pada artikel agama.

REMARK BY DR. LEYDEN

Dr. Leyden, in his Dissertation on the Languages and Literature of the Indo-Chinese nations, says that the Batta character is written neither from right to left, nor from left to right, nor from top to bottom, but in a manner directly opposite to that of the Chinese, from the bottom to the top of the line, and that I have conveyed an erroneous idea of their natural form by arranging the characters horizontally instead of placing them in a perpendicular line. Not having now the opportunity of verifying by ocular proof what I understood to be the practical order of their writing, namely, from left to right (in the manner of the Hindus, who, there is reason to believe, were the original instructors of all these people), I shall only observe that I have among my papers three distinct specimens of the Batta alphabet, written by different natives at different periods, and all of them are horizontal. But I am at the same time aware that as this was performed in the presence of Europeans, and upon our paper, they might have deviated from their ordinary practice, and that the evidence is therefore not conclusive. It might be presumed indeed that the books themselves would be sufficient criterion; but according to the position in which they are held they may be made to sanction either mode, although it is easy to determine by simple inspection the commencement of the lines. In the Batavian Transactions (Volume 3 page 23) already so often quoted, it is expressly said that these people write like Europeans from the left hand towards the right: and in truth it is not easy to conceive how persons making use of ink can conduct the hand from the bottom to the top of a page without marring their own performance. But still a matter of fact, if such it be, cannot give way to argument, and I have no object but to ascertain the truth.

RELIGION

Their religion, like that of all other inhabitants of the island who are not Mahometans, is so obscure in its principles as scarcely to afford room to say that any exists among them. Yet they have rather more of ceremony and observance than those of Rejang or Passummah, and there is an order of persons by them called guru (a well-known Hindu term), who may be denominated priests, as they are employed in administering oaths, foretelling lucky and unlucky days, making sacrifices, and the performance of funeral rites. For a knowledge of their theogony we are indebted to M. Siberg, governor of the Dutch settlements on the coast of Sumatra, by whom the following account was communicated to the late M. Radermacher, a distinguished member of the Batavian Society, and by him published in its Transactions.

MYTHOLOGY

The inhabitants of this country have many fabulous stories, which shall be briefly mentioned. They acknowledge three deities as rulers of the world, who are respectively named Batara-guru, Sori-pada, and Mangalla-bulang. The first, say they, bears rule in heaven, is the father of all mankind, and partly, under the following circumstances, creator of the earth, which from the beginning of time had been supported on the head of Naga-padoha, but, growing weary at length, he shook his head, which occasioned the earth to sink, and nothing remained in the world excepting water. They do not pretend to a knowledge of the creation of this original earth and water, but say that at the period when the latter covered everything, the chief deity, Batara­guru, had a daughter named Puti-orla-bulan, who requested permission to descend to these lower regions, and accordingly came down on a white owl, accompanied by a dog; but not being able, by reason of the waters, to continue there, her father let fall from heaven a lofty mountain, named Bakarra, now situated in the Batta country, as a dwelling for his child; and from this mountain all other land gradually proceeded. The earth was once more supported on the three horns of Naga-padoha, and that he might never again suffer it to fall off Batara-guru sent his son, named Layang-layang-mandi (literally the dipping swallow) to bind him hand and foot. But to his occasionally shaking his head they ascribe the effect of earthquakes. Puti-orla-bulan had afterwards, during her residence on earth, three sons and three daughters, from whom sprang the whole human race.

The second of their deities has the rule of the air betwixt earth and heaven, and the third that of the earth; but these two are considered as subordinate to the first. Besides these they have as many inferior deities as there are sensible objects on earth, or circumstances in human society; of which some preside over the sea, others over rivers, over woods, over war, and the like. They believe likewise in four evil spirits, dwelling in four separate mountains, and whatever ill befalls them they attribute to the agency of one of these demons. On such occasions they apply to one of their cunning men, who has recourse to his art, and by cutting a lemon ascertains which of these has been the author of the mischief, and by what means the evil spirit may be propitiated; which always proves to be the sacrificing a buffalo, hog, goat, or whatever animal the wizard happens on that day to be most inclined to eat. When the address is made to any of the superior and beneficent deities for assistance, and the priest directs an offering of a horse, cow, dog, hog, or fowl, care must be taken that the animal to be sacrificed is entirely white.

They have also a vague and confused idea of the immortality of the human soul, and of a future state of happiness or misery. They say that the soul of a dying person makes its escape through the nostrils, and is borne away by the wind, to heaven, if of a person who has led a good life, but if of an evil-doer, to a great cauldron, where it shall be exposed to fire until such time as Batara-guru shall judge it to have suffered punishment proportioned to its sins, and feeling compassion shall take it to himself in heaven: that finally the time shall come when the chains and bands of Naga-padoha shall be worn away, and he shall once more allow the earth to sink, that the sun will be then no more than a cubit's distance from it, and that the souls of those who, having lived well, shall remain alive at the last day, shall in like manner go to heaven, and those of the wicked, be consigned to the before-mentioned cauldron, intensely heated by the near approach of the sun's rays, to be there tormented by a minister of Batara-guru, named Suraya-guru, until, having expiated their offences, they shall be thought worthy of reception into the heavenly regions.

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To the Sanskrit scholar who shall make allowances for corrupt orthography many of these names will be familiar. For Batara he will read avatara; and in Naga-padoha he will recognise the serpent on whom Vishnu reposes.

OATHS

Their ceremonies that wear most the appearance of religion are those practised on taking an oath, and at their funeral obsequies. A person accused of a crime and who asserts his innocence is in some cases acquitted upon solemnly swearing to it, but in others is obliged to undergo a kind of ordeal. A cock's throat is usually cut on the occasion by the guru. The accused then puts a little rice into his mouth (probably dry), and wishes it may become a stone if he be guilty of the crime with which he stands charged, or, holding up a musket bullet, prays it may be his fate in that case to fall in battle. In more important instances they put a small leaden or tin image into the middle of a dish of rice, garnished with those bullets; when the man, kneeling down, prays that his crop of rice may fail, his cattle die, and that he himself may never take salt (a luxury as well as necessary of life), if he does not declare the truth. These tin images may be looked upon as objects of idolatrous worship; but I could not learn that any species of adoration was paid to them on other occasions any more than to certain stone images which have been mentioned. Like the relics of saints, they are merely employed to render the form of the oath more mysterious, and thereby increase the awe with which it should be regarded.

FUNERAL CEREMONIES

When a raja or person of consequence dies the funeral usually occupies several months; that is, the corpse is kept unburied until the neighbouring and distant chiefs, or, in common cases, the relations and creditors of the deceased, can be convened in order to celebrate the rites with becoming dignity and respect. Perhaps the season of planting or of harvest intervenes, and these necessary avocations must be attended to before the funeral ceremonies can be concluded. The body however is in the meantime deposited in a kind of coffin. To provide this they fell a large tree (the anau in preference, because of the softness of the central part, whilst the outer coat is hard), and, having cut a portion of the stem of sufficient length, they split it in two parts, hollow each part so as to form a receptacle for the body, and then fit them exactly together. The workmen take care to sprinkle the wood with the blood of a young hog, whose flesh is given to them as a treat. The coffin being thus prepared and brought into the house the body is placed in it, with a mat beneath, and a cloth laid over it. Where the family can afford the expense it is strewed over with camphor. Having now placed the two parts in close contact they bind them together with rattans, and cover the whole with a thick coating of dammar or resin. In some instances they take the precaution of inserting a bamboo-tube into the lower part, which, passing thence through the raised floor into the ground, serves to carry off the offensive matter; so that in fact little more than the bones remain.

When the relations and friends are assembled, each of whom brings with him a buffalo, hog, goat, dog, fowl, or other article of provision, according to his ability, and the women baskets of rice, which are presented and placed in order, the feasting begins and continues for nine days and nights, or so long as the provisions hold out. On the last of these days the coffin is carried out and set in an open space, where it is surrounded by the female mourners, on their knees, with their heads covered, and howling (ululantes) in dismal concert, whilst the younger persons of the family are dancing near it, in solemn movement, to the sound of gongs, kalintangs, and a kind of flageolet; at night it is returned to the house, where the dancing and music continues, with frequent firing of guns, and on the tenth day the body is carried to the grave, preceded by the guru or priest, whose limbs are tattooed in the shape of birds and beasts, and painted of different colours,* with a large wooden mask on his face.

(*Footnote. It is remarkable that in the Bisayan language of the Philippines the term for people so marked, whom the Spaniards call pintados, is batuc. This practice is common in the islands near the coast of Sumatra, as will hereafter be noticed. It seems to have prevailed in many parts of the farther East, as Siam, Laos, and several of the islands.)

He takes a piece of buffalo-flesh, swings it about, throwing himself into violent attitudes and strange contortions, and then eats the morsel in a voracious manner. He then kills a fowl over the corpse, letting the blood run down upon the coffin, and just before it is moved both he and the female mourners, having each a broom in their hands, sweep violently about it, as if to chase away the evil spirits and prevent their joining in the procession, when suddenly four men, stationed for the purpose, lift up the coffin, and march quickly off with it, as if escaping from the fiend, the priest continuing to sweep after it for some distance. It is then deposited in the ground, without any peculiar ceremony, at the depth of three or four feet; the earth about the grave is raised, a shed built over it, further feasting takes place on the spot for an indefinite time, and the horns and jaw-bones of the buffaloes and other cattle devoured on the occasion are fastened to the posts. Mr. John and Mr. Frederick Marsden were spectators of the funeral of a raja at Tappanuli on the main. Mr. Charles Miller mentions his having been present at killing the hundred and sixth buffalo at the grave of a raja, in a part of the country where the ceremony was sometimes continued even a year after the interment; and that they seem to regard their ancestors as a kind of superior beings, attendant always upon them.

CRIMES

The crimes committed here against the order and peace of society are said not to be numerous. Theft amongst themselves is almost unknown, being strictly honest in their dealings with each other; but when discovered the offender is made answerable for double the value of the goods stolen. Pilfering indeed from strangers, when not restrained by the laws of hospitality, they are expert at, and think no moral offence; because they do not perceive that any ill results from it. Open robbery and murder are punishable with death if the parties are unable to redeem their lives by a sum of money. A person guilty of manslaughter is obliged to bear the expense attending the interment of the deceased and the funeral-feast given to his friends, or, if too poor to accomplish this it is required of his nearest relation, who is empowered to reimburse himself by selling the offender as a slave. In cases of double adultery the man, upon detection, is punished with death, in the manner that shall presently be described; but the woman is only disgraced, by having her head shaven and being sold for a slave, which in fact she was before. This distribution of justice must proceed upon the supposition of the females being merely passive subjects, and of the men alone possessing the faculties of free agents. A single man concerned in adultery with a married woman is banished or outlawed by his own family. The lives of culprits are in almost all cases redeemable if they or their connections possess property sufficient, the quantum being in some measure at the discretion of the injured party. At the same time it must be observed that, Europeans not being settled amongst these people upon the same footing as in the pepper-districts, we are not so well acquainted either with the principle or the practice of their laws.

EXTRAORDINARY CUSTOM

The most extraordinary of the Batta customs, though certainly not peculiar to these people, remains now to be described. Many of the old travellers had furnished the world with accounts of anthropophagi or maneaters, whom they met with in all parts of the old and new world, and their relations, true or false, were in those days, when people were addicted to the marvellous, universally credited. In the succeeding ages, when a more skeptical and scrutinizing spirit prevailed, several of these asserted facts were found upon examination to be false; and men, from a bias inherent in our nature, ran into the opposite extreme. It then became established as a philosophical truth, capable almost of demonstration, that no such race of people ever did or could exist. But the varieties, inconsistencies, and contradictions of human manners are so numerous and glaring that it is scarcely possible to fix any general principle that will apply to all the incongruous races of mankind, or even to conceive an irregularity to which some or other of them have not been accustomed.

EAT HUMAN FLESH

The voyages of our late famous circumnavigators, the veracity of whose assertions is unimpeachable, have already proved to the world that human flesh is eaten by the savages of New Zealand; and I can with equal confidence, from conviction of the truth, though not with equal weight of authority, assert that it is also, in these days, eaten in the island of Sumatra by the Batta people, and by them only. Whether or not the horrible custom prevailed more extensively in ancient times I cannot take upon me to ascertain, but the same historians who mention it as practised in this island, and whose accounts were undeservedly looked upon as fabulous, relate it also of many others of the eastern people, and those of the island of Java in particular, who since that period may have become more humanized.*

(*Footnote. Mention is made of the Battas and their peculiar customs by the following early writers: NICOLO DI CONTI, 1449. "In a certain part of this island (Sumatra) called Batech, the people eat human flesh. They are continually at war with their neighbours, preserve the skulls of their enemies as treasure, dispose of them as money, and he is accounted the richest man who has most of them in his house." ODOARDUS BARBOSA, 1516. "There is another kingdom to the southward, which is the principal source of gold; and another inland, called Aaru (contiguous to the Batta country) where the inhabitants are pagans, who eat human flesh, and chiefly of those they have slain in war." DE BARROS, 1563. "The natives of that part of the island which is opposite to Malacca, who are called Batas, eat human flesh, and are the most savage and warlike of all the land." BEAULIEU, 1622. "The inland people are independent, and speak a language different from the Malayan. Are idolaters, and eat human flesh; never ransom prisoners, but eat them with pepper and salt. Have no religion, but some polity." LUDOVICO BARTHEMA, in 1505, asserts that the people of Java were cannibals previously to their traffic with the Chinese.)

They do not eat human flesh as the means of satisfying the cravings of nature, for there can be no want of sustenance to the inhabitants of such a country and climate, who reject no animal food of any kind; nor is it sought after as a gluttonous delicacy.

MOTIVES FOR THIS CUSTOM

The Battas eat it as a species of ceremony; as a mode of showing their detestation of certain crimes by an ignominious punishment; and as a savage display of revenge and insult to their unfortunate enemies. The objects of this barbarous repast are prisoners taken in war, especially if badly wounded, the bodies of the slain, and offenders condemned for certain capital crimes, especially for adultery. Prisoners unwounded (but they are not much disposed to give quarter) may be ransomed or sold as slaves where the quarrel is not too inveterate; and the convicts, there is reason to believe, rarely suffer when their friends are in circumstances to redeem them by the customary equivalent of twenty binchangs or eighty dollars. These are tried by the people of the tribe where the offence was committed, but cannot be executed until their own particular raja has been made acquainted with the sentence, who, when he acknowledges the justice of the intended punishment, sends a cloth to cover the head of the delinquent, together with a large dish of salt and lemons. The unhappy victim is then delivered into the hands of the injured party (if it be a private wrong, or in the case of a prisoner to the warriors) by whom he is tied to a stake; lances are thrown at him from a certain distance by this person, his relations, and friends; and when mortally wounded they run up to him, as if in a transport of passion, cut pieces from the body with their knives, dip them in the dish of salt, lemon-juice, and red pepper, slightly broil them over a fire prepared for the purpose, and swallow the morsels with a degree of savage enthusiasm. Sometimes (I presume, according to the degree of their animosity and resentment) the whole is devoured by the bystanders; and instances have been known where, with barbarity still aggravated, they tear the flesh from the carcase with their teeth. To such a depth of depravity may man be plunged when neither religion nor philosophy enlighten his steps! All that can be said in extenuation of the horror of this diabolical ceremony is that no view appears to be entertained of torturing the sufferers, of increasing or lengthening out the pangs of death; the whole fury is directed against the corpse, warm indeed with the remains of life, but past the sensation of pain. A difference of opinion has existed with respect to the practice of eating the bodies of their enemies actually slain in war; but subsequent inquiry has satisfied me of its being done, especially in the case of distinguished persons, or those who have been accessories to the quarrel. It should be observed that their campaigns (which may be aptly compared to the predatory excursions of our Borderers) often terminate with the loss of not more than half a dozen men on both sides. The skulls of the victims are hung up as trophies in the open buildings in front of their houses, and are occasionally ransomed by their surviving relations for a sum of money.

DOUBTS OBVIATED

I have found that some persons (and among them my friend, the late Mr. Alexander Dalrymple) have entertained doubts of the reality of the fact that human flesh is anywhere eaten by mankind as a national practice, and considered the proofs hitherto adduced as insufficient to establish a point of so much moment in the history of the species. It is objected to me that I never was an eyewitness of a Batta feast of this nature, and that my authority for it is considerably weakened by coming through a second, or perhaps a third hand. I am sensible of the weight of this reasoning, and am not anxious to force any man's belief, much less to deceive him by pretences to the highest degree of certainty, when my relation can only lay claim to the next degree; but I must at the same time observe that, according to my apprehension, the refusing assent to fair, circumstantial evidence, because it clashes with a systematic opinion, is equally injurious to the cause of truth with asserting that as positive which is only doubtful. My conviction of the truth of what I have not personally seen (and we must all be convinced of facts to which neither ourselves nor those with whom we are immediately connected could ever have been witnesses) has arisen from the following circumstances, some of less, and some of greater authority. It is in the first place a matter of general and uncontroverted notoriety throughout the island, and I have conversed with many natives of the Batta country (some of them in my own service), who acknowledged the practice, and became ashamed of it after residing amongst more humanized people. It has been my chance to have had no fewer than three brothers and brothers-in-law, beside several intimate friends (of whom some are now in England), chiefs of our settlements of Natal and Tappanuli, of whose information I availed myself, and all their accounts I have found to agree in every material point. The testimony of Mr. Charles Miller, whose name, as well as that of his father, is advantageously known to the literary world, should alone be sufficient for my purpose. In addition to what he has related in his journal he has told me that at one village where he halted the suspended head of a man, whose body had been eaten a few days before, was extremely offensive; and that in conversation with some people of the Ankola district, speaking of their neighbours and occasional enemies of the Pa­dambola district, they described them as an unprincipled race, saying, "We, indeed, eat men as a punishment for their crimes and injuries to us; but they waylay and seize travellers in order to ber-bantei or cut them up like cattle." It is here obviously the admission and not the scandal that should have weight. When Mr. Giles Holloway was leaving Tappanuli and settling his accounts with the natives he expostulated with a Batta man who had been dilatory in his payment. "I would," says the man, "have been here sooner, but my pangulu (superior officer) was detected in familiarity with my wife. He was condemned, and I stayed to eat share of him; the ceremony took us up three days, and it was only last night that we finished him." Mr. Miller was present at this conversation, and the man spoke with perfect seriousness. A native of the island of Nias, who had stabbed a Batta man in a fit of frenzy at Batang-tara river, near Tappanuli bay, and endeavoured to make his escape, was, upon the alarm being given, seized at six in the morning, and before eleven, without any judicial process, was tied to a stake, cut in pieces with the utmost eagerness while yet alive, and eaten upon the spot, partly broiled, but mostly raw. His head was buried under that of the man whom he had murdered. This happened in December 1780, when Mr. William Smith had charge of the settlement. A raja was fined by Mr. Bradley for having caused a prisoner to be eaten at a place too close to the Company's settlement, and it should have been remarked that these feasts are never suffered to take place withinside their own kampongs. Mr. Alexander Hall made a charge in his public accounts of a sum paid to a raja as an inducement to him to spare a man whom he had seen preparing for a victim: and it is in fact this commendable discouragement of the practice by our government that occasions its being so rare a sight to Europeans, in a country where there are no travellers from curiosity, and where the servants of the Company, having appearances to maintain, cannot by their presence as idle spectators give a sanction to proceedings which it is their duty to discourage, although their influence is not sufficient to prevent them.

A Batta chief, named raja Niabin, in the year 1775 surprised a neighbouring kampong with which he was at enmity, killed the raja by stealth, carried off the body, and ate it. The injured family complained to Mr. Nairne, the English chief of Natal, and prayed for redress. He sent a message on the subject to Niabin, who returned an insolent and threatening answer. Mr. Nairne, influenced by his feelings rather than his judgment (for these people were quite removed from the Company's control, and our interference in their quarrels was not necessary) marched with a party of fifty or sixty men, of whom twelve were Europeans, to chastise him; but on approaching the village they found it so perfectly enclosed with growing bamboos, within which was a strong paling, that they could not even see the place or an enemy.

DEATH OF MR. NAIRNE

As they advanced however to examine the defences a shot from an unseen person struck Mr. Nairne in the breast, and he expired immediately. In him was lost a respectable gentleman of great scientific acquirements, and a valuable servant of the Company. It was with much difficulty that the party was enabled to save the body. A caffree and a Malay who fell in the struggle were afterwards eaten. Thus the experience of later days is found to agree with the uniform testimony of old writers; and although I am aware that each and every of these proofs taken singly may admit of some cavil, yet in the aggregate they will be thought to amount to satisfactory evidence that human flesh is habitually eaten by a certain class of the inhabitants of Sumatra.

That this extraordinary nation has preserved the rude genuineness of its character and manners may be attributed to various causes; as the want of the precious metals in its country to excite the rapacity of invaders or avarice of colonists, the vegetable riches of the soil being more advantageously obtained in trade from the unmolested labours of the natives; their total unacquaintance with navigation; the divided nature of their government and independence of the petty chieftains. which are circumstances unfavourable to the propagation of new opinions and customs, as the contrary state of society may account for the complete conversion of the subjects of Menangkabau to the faith of Mahomet; and lastly the ideas entertained of the ferociousness of the people from the practices above described, which may well be supposed to have damped the ardour and restrained the zealous attempts of religious innovators.

Bab 21

KINGDOM OF ACHIN.
ITS CAPITAL.
AIR.
INHABITANTS.
COMMERCE.
MANUFACTURES.
NAVIGATION.
COIN.
GOVERNMENT.
REVENUES.
PUNISHMENTS.

KINGDOM OF ACHIN

Achin (properly Acheh) is the only kingdom of Sumatra that ever arrived to such a degree of political consequence in the eyes of the western people as to occasion its transactions becoming the subject of general history. But its present condition is widely different from what it was when by its power the Portuguese were prevented from gaining a footing in the island, and its princes received embassies from all the great potentates of Europe.

SITUATION

Its situation occupies the north-western extreme of the island, bordering generally on the country of the Battas; but, strictly speaking, its extent, inland, reaches no farther than about fifty miles to the south­east. Along the north and eastern coast its territory was considered in 1778 as reaching to a place called Karti, not far distant from Batu­bara river, including Pidir, Samerlonga, and Pase. On the western coast, where it formerly boasted a dominion as far down as Indrapura, and possessed complete jurisdiction at Tiku, it now extends no farther than Barus; and even there, or at the intermediate ports, although the Achinese influence is predominant and its merchants enjoy the trade, the royal power seems to be little more than nominal. The interior inhabitants from Achin to Singkel are distinguished into those of Allas, Riah, and Karrau. The Achinese manners prevail among the two former; but the last resemble the Battas, from whom they are divided by a range of mountains.

CAPITAL

The capital stands on a river which empties itself by several channels near the north-west point of the island, or Achin Head, about a league from the sea, where the shipping lies in a road rendered secure by the shelter of several islands. The depth of water on the bar being no more than four feet at low-water spring-tides, only the vessels of the country can venture to pass it; and in the dry monsoon not even those of the larger class. The town is situated on a plain, in a wide valley formed like an amphitheatre by lofty ranges of hills. It is said to be extremely populous, containing eight thousand houses, built of bamboos and rough timbers, standing distinct from each other and mostly raised on piles some feet above the ground in order to guard against the effects of inundation. The appearance of the place and nature of the buildings differ little from those of the generality of Malayan bazaars, excepting that its superior wealth has occasioned the erection of a greater number of public edifices, chiefly mosques, but without the smallest pretension to magnificence. The country above the town is highly cultivated, and abounds with small villages and groups of three or four houses, with white mosques interspersed.*

(*Footnote. The following description of the appearance of Achin, by a Jesuit missionary who touched there in his way to China in 1698, is so picturesque, and at the same time so just, that I shall make no apology for introducing it. Imaginez vous une foret de cocotiers, de bambous, d'ananas, de bagnaniers, au milieu de laquelle passe une assez belle riviere toute couverte de bateaux; mettez dans cette foret une nombre incroyable de maisons faites avec de cannes, de roseaux, des ecorces, et disposez les de telle maniere qu'elles forment tantot des rues, et tantot des quartiers separes: coupez ces divers quartiers de prairies et de bois: repandez par tout dans cette grande foret, autant d'hommes qu'on en voit dans nos villes, lorsqu'elles sont bien peuplees; vous vous formerez une idee assez juste d'Achen; et vous conviendrez qu'une ville de ce gout nouveau peut faire plaisir a des etrangers qui passent. Elle me parut d'abord comme ces paysages sortis de l'imagination d'un peintre ou d'un poete, qui rassemble sous un coup d'oeil, tout ce que la campagne a de plus riant. Tout est neglige et naturel, champetre et meme un peu sauvage. Quand on est dans la rade, on n'appercoit aucun vestige, ni aucune apparence de ville, parceque des grands arbres qui bordent le rivage en cachent toutes les maisons; mais outre le paysage qui est tres beau, rien n'est plus agreable que de voir de matin un infinite de petits bateaux de pecheurs qui sortent de la riviere avec le jour, et qui ne rentrent que le soir, lorsque le soleil se couche. Vous diriez un essaim d'abeilles qui reviennent a la cruche chargees du fruit de leur travail. Lettres Edifiantes Tome 1. For a more modern account of this city I beg leave to refer the reader to Captain Thomas Forrest's Voyage to the Mergui Archipelago pages 38 to 60, where he will find a lively and natural description of everything worthy of observation in the place, with a detail of the circumstances attending his own reception at the court, illustrated with an excellent plate.)

The king's palace, if it deserves the appellation, is a very rude and uncouth piece of architecture, designed to resist the attacks of internal enemies, and surrounded for that purpose with a moat and strong walls, but without any regular plan, or view to the modern system of military defence.*

(*Footnote. Near the gate of the palace are several pieces of brass ordnance of an extraordinary size, of which some are Portuguese; but two in particular, of English make, attract curiosity. They were sent by king James the first to the reigning monarch of Acheen, and have still the founder's name and the date legible upon them. The diameter of the bore of one is eighteen inches; of the other twenty-two or twenty-four. Their strength however does not appear to be in proportion to the calibre, nor do they seem in other respects to be of adequate dimensions. James, who abhorred bloodshed himself, was resolved that his present should not be the instrument of it to others.)

AIR

The air is esteemed comparatively healthy, the country being more free from woods and stagnant water than most other parts; and fevers and dysenteries, to which these local circumstances are supposed to give occasion, are there said to be uncommon. But this must not be too readily credited; for the degree of insalubrity attending situations in that climate is known so frequently to alter, from inscrutable causes, that a person who has resided only two or three years on a spot cannot pretend to form a judgment; and the natives, from a natural partiality, are always ready to extol the healthiness, as well as other imputed advantages, of their native places.

INHABITANTS

The Achinese differ much in their persons from the other Sumatrans, being in general taller, stouter, and of darker complexions. They are by no means in their present state a genuine people, but thought, with great appearance of reason, to be a mixture of Battas and Malays, with chulias, as they term the natives of the west of India, by whom their ports have in all ages been frequented. In their dispositions they are more active and industrious than some of their neighbours; they possess more sagacity, have more knowledge of other countries, and as merchants they deal upon a more extensive and liberal footing. But this last observation applies rather to the traders at a distance from the capital and to their transactions than to the conduct observed at Achin, which, according to the temper and example of the reigning monarch, is often narrow, extortionary, and oppressive. Their language is one of the general dialects of the eastern islands, and its affinity to the Batta may be observed in the comparative table; but they make use of the Malayan character. In religion they are Mahometans, and having many priests, and much intercourse with foreigners of the same faith, its forms and ceremonies are observed with some strictness.

COMMERCE

Although no longer the great mart of eastern commodities, Achin still carries on a considerable trade, as well with private European merchants as with the natives of that part of the coast of India called Telinga, which is properly the country lying between the Kistna and Godavery rivers; but the name, corrupted by the Malays to Kling, is commonly applied to the whole coast of Coromandel. These supply it with salt, cotton piece-goods, principally those called long-cloth white and blue, and chintz with dark grounds; receiving in return gold-dust, raw silk of inferior quality, betel-nut, patch-leaf (Melissa lotoria, called dilam by the Malays) pepper, sulphur, camphor, and benzoin. The two latter are carried thither from the river of Sungkel, where they are procured from the country of the Battas, and the pepper from Pidir; but this article is also exported from Susu to the amount of about two thousand tons annually, where it sells at the rate of twelve dollars the pikul, chiefly for gold and silver. The quality is not esteemed good, being gathered before it is sufficiently ripe, and it is not cleaned like the Company's pepper. The Americans have been of late years the chief purchasers. The gold collected at Achin comes partly from the mountains in the neighbourhood but chiefly from Nalabu and Susu. Its commerce, independently of that of the out-ports, gives employment to from eight to ten Kling vessels, of a hundred and fifty or two hundred tons burden, which arrive annually from Porto Novo and Coringa about the month of August, and sail again in February and March. These are not permitted to touch at any places under the king's jurisdiction, on the eastern or western coast, as it would be injurious to the profits of his trade, as well as to his revenue from the customs and from the presents exacted on the arrival of vessels, and for which his officers at those distant places would not account with him. It must be understood that the king of Achin, as is usual with the princes of this part of the world, is the chief merchant of his capital, and endeavours to be, to the utmost of his power, the monopolizer of its trade; but this he cannot at all times effect, and the attempt has been the cause of frequent rebellions. There is likewise a ship or two from Surat every year, the property of native merchants there. The country is supplied with opium, taffetas, and muslins from Bengal, and also with iron and many other articles of merchandise, by the European traders.

PRODUCTIONS OF THE SOIL

The soil being light and fertile produces abundance of rice, esculent vegetables, much cotton, and the finest tropical fruits. Both the mango and mangustin are said to be of excellent quality. Cattle and other articles of provision are in plenty, and reasonable in price. The plough is there drawn by oxen, and the general style of cultivation shows a skill in agriculture superior to what is seen in other parts of the island.

MANUFACTURES

Those few arts and manufactures which are known in other parts of the island prevail likewise here, and some of them are carried to more perfection. A considerable fabric of a thick species of cotton cloth, and of striped or chequered stuff for the short drawers worn both by Malays and Achinese, is established here, and supplies an extensive foreign demand, particularly in the Rau country, where they form part of the dress of the women as well as men. They weave also very handsome and rich silk pieces, of a particular form, for that part of the body­dress which the Malays call kain-sarong; but this manufacture had much decreased at the period when my inquiries were made, owing, as the people said, to an unavoidable failure in the breed of silkworms, but more probably to the decay of industry amongst themselves, proceeding from their continual civil disturbances.

NAVIGATION

They are expert and bold navigators, and employ a variety of vessels according to the voyages they have occasion to undertake, and the purposes either of commerce or war for which they design them. The river is covered with a number of small fishing vessels which go to sea with the morning breeze and return in the afternoon with the sea-wind, full laden. These are named koleh, are raised about two streaks on a sampan bottom, have one mast and an upright or square sail, but long in proportion to its breadth, which rolls up. These sometimes make their appearance so far to the southward as Bencoolen. The banting is a trading vessel, of a larger class, having two masts, with upright sails like the former, rising at the stem and stern, and somewhat resembling a Chinese junk, excepting in its size. They have also very long narrow boats, with two masts, and double or single outriggers, called balabang and jalor. These are chiefly used as war-boats, mount guns of the size of swivels, and carry a number of men. For representations of various kinds of vessels employed by these eastern people the reader is referred to the plates in Captain Forrest's two voyages.

COIN

They have a small thin adulterated gold coin, rudely stamped with Arabic characters, called mas or massiah. Its current value is said to be about fifteen, and its intrinsic about twelve pence, or five Madras fanams. Eighty of these are equal to the bangkal, of which twenty make a katti. The tail, here an imaginary valuation, is one-fifth of the bang­kal, and equal to sixteen mas. The small leaden money, called pitis or cash, is likewise struck here for the service of the bazaar; but neither these nor the former afford any convenience to the foreign trader. Dollars and rupees pass current, and most other species of coin are taken at a valuation; but payments are commonly made in gold dust, and for that purpose everyone is provided with small scales or steelyards, called daching. They carry their gold about them, wrapped in small pieces of bladder (or rather the integument of the heart), and often make purchases to so small an amount as to employ grains of padi or other seeds for weights.

GOVERNMENT

The monarchy is hereditary, and is more or less absolute in proportion to the talents of the reigning prince; no other bounds being set to his authority than the counterbalance or check it meets with from the power of the great vassals, and disaffection of the commonalty. But this resistance is exerted in so irregular a manner, and with so little view to the public good, that nothing like liberty results from it. They experience only an alternative of tyranny and anarchy, or the former under different shapes. Many of the other Sumatran people are in the possession of a very high degree of freedom, founded upon a rigid attachment to their old established customs and laws. The king usually maintains a guard of a hundred sepoys (from the Coromandel coast) about his palace, but pays them indifferently.

The grand council of the nation consists of the king or Sultan, the maharaja, laksamana, paduka tuan, and bandhara. Inferior in rank to these are the ulubalangs or military champions, among whom are several gradations of rank, who sit on the king's right hand, and other officers named kajuran, who sit on his left. At his feet sits a woman, to whom he makes known his pleasure: by her it is communicated to a eunuch, who sits next to her, and by him to an officer, named Kajuran Gondang, who then proclaims it aloud to the assembly. There are also present two other officers, one of whom has the government of the Bazaar or market, and the other the superintending and carrying into execution the punishment of criminals. All matters relative to commerce and the customs of the port come under the jurisdiction of the Shabandar, who performs the ceremony of giving the chap or licence for trade; which is done by lifting a golden-hafted kris over the head of the merchant who arrives, and without which he dares not to land his goods. Presents, the value of which are become pretty regularly ascertained, are then sent to the king and his officers. If the stranger be in the style of an ambassador the royal elephants are sent down to carry him and his letters to the monarch's presence; these being first delivered into the hands of a eunuch, who places them in a silver dish, covered with rich silk, on the back of the largest elephant, which is provided with a machine (houdar) for that purpose. Within about a hundred yards of an open hall where the king sits the cavalcade stops, and the ambassador dismounts and makes his obeisance by bending his body and lifting his joined hands to his head. When he enters the palace, if a European, he is obliged to take off his shoes, and having made a second obeisance is seated upon a carpet on the floor, where betel is brought to him. The throne was some years ago of ivory and tortoiseshell; and when the place was governed by queens a curtain of gauze was hung before it, which did not obstruct the audience, but prevented any perfect view. The stranger, after some general discourse, is then conducted to a separate building, where he is entertained with the delicacies of the country by the officers of state, and in the evening returns in the manner he came, surrounded by a prodigious number of lights. On high days (ari raya) the king goes in great state, mounted on an elephant richly caparisoned, to the great mosque, preceded by his ulubalangs, who are armed nearly in the European manner.

DIVISION OF THE COUNTRY

The whole kingdom is divided into certain small districts or communities, called mukim, which seem to be equivalent to our parishes, and their number is reckoned at one hundred and ninety, of which seventy­three are situated in the valley of Achin. Of these last are formed three larger districts, named Duo-puluh duo (twenty-two), Duo-puluh-limo (twenty-five), and Duo-puluh-anam (twenty-six), from the number of mukims they respectively contain; each of which is governed by a panglima or provincial governor, with an imam and four pangichis for the service of each mosque. The country is extremely populous; but the computations with which I have been furnished exceed so far all probability that I do not venture to insert them.

REVENUES

The regular tax or imposition to which the country is subject, for the use of the crown, is one koyan (about eight hundred gallons) of padi from each mukim, with a bag of rice, and about the value of one Spanish dollar and a half in money, from each proprietor of a house, to be delivered at the king's store in person, in return for which homage he never fails to receive nearly an equivalent in tobacco or some other article. On certain great festivals presents of cattle are made to the king by the orang-kayas or nobles; but it is from the import and export customs on merchandise that the revenue of the crown properly arises, and which of course fluctuates considerably. What Europeans pay is between five and six per cent, but the Kling merchants are understood to be charged with much higher duties; in the whole not less than fifteen, of which twelve in the hundred are taken out of the bales in the first instance, a disparity they are enabled to support by the provident and frugal manner in which they purchase their investments, the cheap rate at which they navigate their vessels, and the manner of retailing their goods to the natives. These sources of wealth are independent of the profit derived from the trade, which is managed for his master by a person who is styled the king's merchant. The revenues of the nobles accrue from taxes which they lay, as feudal lords, upon the produce of the land cultivated by their vassals. At Pidir a measure of rice is paid for every measure of padi sown, which amounts to about a twentieth part. At Nalabu there is a capitation tax of a dollar a year; and at various places on the inland roads there are tolls collected upon provisions and goods which pass to the capital.

ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE

The kings of Achin possess a grant of territory along the sea-coast as far down as Bencoolen from the sultan of Menangkabau, whose superiority has always been admitted by them, and will be perhaps so long as he claims no authority over them, and exacts neither tribute nor homage.

PUNISHMENTS

Achin has ever been remarkable for the severity with which crimes are punished by their laws; the same rigour still subsists, and there is no commutation admitted, as is regularly established in the southern countries. There is great reason however to conclude that the poor alone experience the rod of justice; the nobles being secure from retribution in the number of their dependants. Petty theft is punished by suspending the criminal from a tree, with a gun or heavy weight tied to his feet; or by cutting off a finger, a hand, or leg, according to the nature of the theft. Many of these mutilated and wretched objects are daily to be seen in the streets. Robbery, on the highway and housebreaking, are punished by drowning, and afterwards exposing the body on a stake for a few days. If the robbery is committed upon an imam or priest the sacrilege is expiated by burning the criminal alive. A man who is convicted of adultery or rape is seldom attempted to be screened by his friends, but is delivered up to the friends and relations of the injured husband or father. These take him to some large plain and, forming themselves in a circle, place him in the middle. A large weapon, called a gadubong, is then delivered to him by one of his family, and if he can force his way through those who surround him and make his escape he is not liable to further prosecution; but it commonly happens that he is instantly cut to pieces. In this case his relations bury him as they would a dead buffalo, refusing to admit the corpse into their house, or to perform any funeral rites. Would it not be reasonable to conclude that the Achinese, with so much discouragement to vice both from law and prejudice, must prove a moral and virtuous people? yet all travellers agree in representing them as one of the most dishonest and flagitious nations of the East, which the history of their government will tend to corroborate.

Bab 22

SEJARAH KERAJAAN ACHIN, DARI MASA KEDATANGAN EROPA.

KEDATANGAN PORTUGIS

Portugis, di bawah naungan Vasco de Gama, berangkat dari Tanjung Harapan pada tahun 1497, dan mendatangi pantai Malabar pada tahun berikutnya, Orang-orang tersebut, yang memiliki semangat kejayaan, perdagangan, dan pengumpulan berujung pada penaklukan wilayah yang makin masif, tak secara keseluruhan bergantung pada penaklukan-penaklukan pada benua India untuk menghindari mereka dari penyebaran pandangan mereka terhadap wilayah-wilayah yang lebih jauh. Mereka mengetahui beberapa catatan yang kaya dan berpengaruh dari para pedagang Guzerat mengenai Malaka, sebuah kota dagang besar yang jauh dari semenanjung India, didukung oleh Chersonnese Emas. Pemahaman ini disebarkan untuk melanggengkan kedaulatan Emanuel, yang menjadi terpesona dengan keinginan kuat untuk melibatkan dirinya sendiri pada kemajuan-kemajuan yang terjadi pada negara yang diidam-idamkan tersebut sesuai dengan ambisinya.

1508

Ia mengerahkan armada empat kapal di bawah komando Diogo Lopez de Sequeira, yang berlayar dari Lisboa pada 8 April 1508 dengan perintah untuk menjelajahi dan mendirikan connexion-connexion di belahan timur Asia.

1509

Setelah menyentuh Sequeira Madagaskar untuk mendatangi Cochin, dimana sebuah kapal ditambahkan pada armadanya, dan berangkat dari situ pada 8 September 1509, ia berlayar menuju Malaka; selain menggandakan kekuatan ekstrim Sumatra (ketika itu dikuasai oleh Taprobane dari orang-orang kuno) ia berlabuh di Pidir, sebuah pelabuhan utama di pulau tersebut. Di ssana, ia menemukan kapal-kapal dari Pegu, Bengal, dan daerah lainnya. Raja di tempat tersebut, seperti kebanyakan pangeran Muslim lainnya, bergelar sultan, mengirim tanggapan terhadapnya, disertai dengan penyegaran, mengkhususkan dirinya sendiri, tentang catatan penyakit, dari pembayaran penyertaannya per orang, namun menganggapnya pada saat yang sama bahwa ia harus memberikan banyak kesenangan dari persahabatan dan aliansi Portugis, yang ketenarannya sampai ke telinganya. Sequeira menjawab pesan tersebut dalam hal serupa bahwa, atas perhatian sultan, sebuah monumen kedatangan mereka didirikan di pesisir; atau lebih tempatnya, ketika penemuan dan penguasaan biasanya dilakukan oleh bangsa-bangsa Eropa. Ia menerima perilaku yang sama di sebuah tempat yang disebut Pase, yang berjarak sekitar dua puluh lima liga jauhnya di wilayah timur pada pesisir yang sama, dan terdapat juga monumen atau salib yang didirikan di sana. Penjamahan di setiap pelabuhan tersebut seperti halnya banyak lada yang dapat dikumpulkan dalam jangka pendek yang ia dapatkan di Malaka, ketika kabar penampilannya di laut tersebut diwarnai dengan kedatangannya. Disini, ia nyaris menjatuhkan pengurbanan kepada kebijakan dalam Mahmud, raja yang memerintah, ketika Portugis diwakili oleh para peniaga Arab dan Persia (dan tak sangat tidak adil) sebagai pembajak tak berhukum, yang, di dalam pra-penulisan menjalin perjanjian komersial, mula-mula lewat dorongan, dan setelah itu dengan sifat kurang ajar, menggulingkan dan memperbudak para pangeran yang dibutuhkan untuk menempatkan keyakinan mereka, atau membolehkan mereka menginjak wilayah-wilayah kekuasaan mereka. Ia kabur agar nasib tersebut tak menimpanya namun kehilangan banyak orang-orangnya, dan meninggalkan orang-orang lainnya dalam penahanan, ia kembali ke Eropa, dan memberikan catatan soal pelantikannya menjadi raja.

1510

Sebuah armada dikirim pada tahun 1510 di bawah naungan Diogo Mendez menghimpun kepentingan Portugis di Malaka; namun Affonso d'Alboquerque, gubernur urusan mereka di India, mengerahkan skuadron tersebut di pantai Malabar sampai ia dapat menghimpun dirinya sendiri dengan pasukan yang lebih besar.

1511

Dan pada paruh kedua Mei 1511, aku berniat untuk berlajar dari Cochin dengan sembilan belas kapal dan empat belas ratus pasukan. Ia melewati Pidir, dimana ia menemukan beberapa orang-orang daerah yang kabur dari Malaka memakai kapal dan berlindung di pantai Sumatra. Mereka menyatakan bahwa, ketika berangkat dari Pase, mereka dirawat oleh penduduk asli, yang membunuh salah satu pihak mereka dan membuat mereka bergerak ke Pidir, dimana mereka bertemu dengan pangeran yang santun dan murah hati, yang nampak menginginkan untuk berkonsiliasi terkait kebangsaan mereka. Alboquerque mengekspresikan dirinya sendiri dari contoh persahabatan tersebut, dan memperbaharui aliansi dengan sultan yang dijalin oleh Sequeira. Ia kemudian bergerak menuju Pase, yang pemimpin monarkinya didorong untuk melarikan dirinya sendiri dari penggulingan yang dilakukan melawan pengaruh Portugis, dan ketika ia tak dapat melakukan dengan mengambil busana merah, ia mengundurkan penarikannya. Di perlintasan menuju Malaka, ia turun pada jung besar, atau kapal kedaerahan, yang ia arahkan dan berniat untuk menumpang, namun musuh, menyulut api dalam jumlah besar, ia terpojok dari tempatnya, dengan pelarian sempit dari penghancuran kapalnya sendiri. Jung tersebut kemudian dilarungkan dari kejauhan sampai empat puluh pasukannya tewas, ketika Alboquerque, mendorong keberanian awaknya, mengusulkan agar mereka bahwa, jika mereka akan menyerang dan diri mereka sendiri mengetahui kapal-kapal Portugal, ia akan memperlakukan mereka sebagai teman dan menaungi mereka di bawah perlindungannya. Tawaran tersebut diterima, dan pembela kapal memberitahukan gubernur bahwa namanya adalah Jeinal, ahli waris sah dari kerajaan Pase; ia saat itu memerintah sebagai perampas tahta, yang, mengambil kemajuan pasukannya yang berjumlah sedikit dan penempatannya sendiri sebagai wali raja, telah merebut mahkota: bahwa ia membuat upaya untuk menyatakan haknya, namun kalah dalam dua pertempuran, dan kini bergerak dengan para pengikutnya ke Jawa, beberapa pangeran yang merupakan kerabatnya, dan ia harap dapat membuatnya meraih takhtanya.

1511

Alboquerque menjanjikan dampak baginya, dan ingin pangeran menemaninya ke Malaka. Disana, mereka datang pada paruh pertama bula Juli 1511. Dalam rangka menyelamatkan nyawa para tahanan Portugis, dan jika memungkinkan dapat membebaskan mereka, ia bernegosiasi dengan raja Malaka sebelum ia memutuskan untuk menyerang tempat tersebut; yang mengerahkan Jeinal miliknya dalam keadaan mengkhawatirkan, dan, mengangkat teman barunya, berlintas sepanjang malam ke penguasa Melayu, yang ia anggap perlindungan yang lebih menonjol terhadapnya. Ketika Alboquerque merebut tempat tersebut, yang mengalami pemberontakan, pangeran Pase, melihat kesalahan dari kebijakannya, menarik diri dan menyerahkan dirinya sendiri di kaki gubernur, mengetahui ketidakpercayaan terhadapnya, dan memohon perlindungannya, yang tak disangkalinya. Namun, ia ragu memandang rekonsilisasi dan permintaan maaf dini, dan, memutuskan agar tak ada tindakan yang diambil untuk mengembalikannya ke kerajaannya, namun berseberangan dengan Alboquerque yang bersiap untuk meninggalkan Malaka dengan pasukan kecil, dan menyatakan pemenuhan janjinya ketika ia harus kembali dari Goa, ia memajukan resolusi kembali terhadap dirinya untuk kekayaan dari penguasa yang ditaklukan, dan diam-diam mengelumpulkan bawahannya kabur sekali lagi dari perlindungan Portugis. Ia mungkin tak merasakan bahwa raja Pase yang memerintah, pergerakannya, selama beberapa waktu memiliki keinginan untuk mendapatkan bantuan Alboquerque, dan menemukan kesempatan untuk menyatakan niatnya. Sekembalinya dari Malaka, gubernur dihadapkan dengan serangan di pantai Sumatra dekat ujung Timiang. Disana, kapalnya karam. Sebagian dari awak membuat rakit untuk menuju Pase. Disana, raja memperlakukan mereka dengan kemurahan hati dan mengirim mereka ke pantai Coromandel dengan sebuah kapal dagang. Beberapa tahun setelah peristiwa tersebut, Jeinal diijinkan oleh para temannya untuk membawa pasukan ke Pase, dan mengangkat dirinya sendiri di sana, namun tak menikmati kekuasaannya dalam jangka waktu yang lama.

Setelah penyusutan Malaka, gubernur menerima pesan dari para pangeran Sumatran, dan salah satunya berasal dari seorang raja dari sebuah tempat yang disebut Kampar, di pantai timur, yang telah menikahi seorang putri dari raja Malaka, namun memiliki hukuman yang buruk dengan ayah mertuanya. Ia ingin menjadi vassal takhta Portugis, dan hengkang untuk berada di bawah yurisdiksi mereka. Pandangannya diterima menjadi bagian penting dari bandhara, atau pemimpin magistrat Melayu, yang sedang lowong akibat eksekusinya yang diberikan terhadapnya. Ia mengirimkannya gaharu dan kosambi, hasil bumi dari daerahnya, namun Alboquerque, yang mencurigai kejujuran dari tujuan-tujuannya, dan mengkhawatirkan bahwa ia menginginkan takhta Malaka atau mendorong para pedagang untuk singgah ke kerajaannya, enggan mengijinkan kedatangannya, dan menyerahkan kepemimpinan penduduk asli kepada seseorang bernama Nina Chetuan.

1514

Setelah beberapa tahun berlalu, pada masa saat Jorge Alboquerque menjadi gubernur Malaka, sang raja (yang bernama Abdallah) menyatakan pandangannya, menerima kunjungannya dan diberi kehormatan. Pada keberangkatannya, ia memberikannya bantuan pembebasan untuk menghimpun dirinya sendiri di Malaka, jika ia harus berpikir yang sebenarnya, dan Nina Chetuan tak lama setelah itu digulingkan dari kekuasaannya, meskipun tak ada kesalahan yang didakwakan kepadanya. Ia dinyatakan sebagai aib sehingga banyak orang mendakwanya, menyebabkan tiang didirikan di samping pintunya, dan menyulut api terhadapnya, ia melemparkan dirinya sendiri ke perapian.*

(*Catatan kaki. Pria ini bukanlah seorang Mahometan namun salah satu penduduk asli yang tak berpindah keyakinan dari semenanjung tersebut yang seringkali disamakan dengan bangsa Moor oleh para penulis Portugis.)

Tujuan pelantikan Abdallah pada jabatan bandhara dengan cepat menjadi rumor di luar negeri, dan, sampai ke sepengetahuan raja Bintang, yang bergerak dari Malaka dan kini melakukan perang melawan Portugis, di bawah komando Laksamana terkenal, ia memutuskan untuk menghindari kedatangannya di sna. Atas tujuan tersebut, ia menyekutukan dirinya sendiri dengan raja Lingga, sebuah pulau tetangga, dan mengirim armada tujuh puluh perahu bersenjata untuk memblok pelabuhan Kampar. Dengan pengerahan pasukan Portugis yang kecil, pasukan tersebut datang ke sungai dengan nama tersebut, dan raja menyatakan kemenangan terhadap Malaka. Di sana, ia berinvestasi dalam bentuk pos penting yang diinginkan olehnya. Namun pengurbanan tersebut atas kemerdekaannya memberikan dampak tak menguntungkan baginya; karena meskipun ia mengangkat dirinya sendiri dalam cara semacam itu seperti yang seharusnya memberikan kepuasan terbesar, dan nampak menghindarkannya dalam eksekusi kepercayaannya, pada tahun berikutnya, raja Bintang menemukan cara untuk mempengaruhi gubernur dengan kekuatan menonjolnya, dan menggulingkan kekuasaannya.

1515

Ia dengan kejam dihukum mati tanpa bentuk pengadilan tersederhana dan dipertontonkan di hadapan masyarakat yang murka, sementara ia menyerukan bahwa surga menyaksikan ketidakbersalahannya dan mengarahkan penyalahannya terhadap para penuduh berkepentingannya. Kelaliman dan ketidaksopanannya memiliki dampak terhadap pikiran rakyat terhadap seluruh harta benda atau nama baik pada tempat tersebut, yang mengusik pemerintah Portugis. Akibat tontonan umum tersebut mengurangkan perbedaan ekstrim untuk tujuan-tujuan mereka, yang membuat negara-negara tetangga enggan untuk mensuplai mereka, dan meskipun biji-bijian melimpah didatangkan dari Siak dengan banyak ketegangan, peristiwa tersebut menerima dampak fatal untuk garisun tersebut.

1516

Fernando Perez d'Andrade, dalam perjalanannya menuju Tiongkok, datang ke Pase dalam rangka mengambil lada. Ia menemukan warga di tempat tersebut, serta para peniaga asal Bengal, Cambay, dan belahan India lainnya, kebanyakan tak terikat dengan aturan-aturan yang ketika itu diatur oleh pemerintahan Malaka, yang telah mengerahkan pasukan bersenjata untuk mengatur seluruh kapal untuk menawarkannya dengan pernak-pernik mereka dan merebut tempat tersebut, sebagai emporium, kargo-kargo yang dipakai oleh mereka untuk dikumpulkan di selat. Raja juga tak menerima Andrade, dan menantang agar Portugis harus memiliki kebebasan untuk mendirikan benteng di kerajaannya.

1520

Extraordinary accounts having been related of certain islands abounding in gold, which were reported by the general fame of India to lie off the southern coast of Sumatra, a ship and small brigantine, under the command of Diogo Pacheco, an experienced seaman, were sent in order to make the discovery of them. Having proceeded as far as Daya the brigantine was lost in a gale of wind. Pacheco stood on to Barus, a place renowned for its gold trade, and for gum benzoin of a peculiar scent, which the country produced. It was much frequented by vessels, both from the neighbouring ports in the island, and from those in the West of India, whence it was supplied with cotton cloths. The merchants, terrified at the approach of the Portuguese, forsook their ships and fled precipitately to the shore. The chiefs of the country sent to inquire the motives of his visit, which he informed them were to establish friendly connexions and to give them assurances of unmolested freedom of trade at the city of Malacca. Refreshments were then ordered for his fleet, and upon landing he was treated with respect by the inhabitants, who brought the articles of their country to exchange with him for merchandise. His chief view was to obtain information respecting the situation and other circumstances of the ilhas d'Ouro, but they seemed jealous of imparting any. At length, after giving him a laboured detail of the dangers attending the navigation of the seas where they were said to lie, they represented their situation to be distant a hundred leagues to the south-east of Barus, amidst labyrinths of shoals and reefs through which it was impossible to steer with any but the smallest boats. If these islands, so celebrated about this time, existed anywhere but in the regions of fancy,* they were probably those of Tiku, to which it is possible that much gold might be brought from the neighbouring country of Menangkabau. Pacheco, leaving Barus, proceeded to the southward, but did not make the wished-for discovery. He reached the channel that divides Sumatra from Java, which he called the strait of Polimban, from a city he erroneously supposed to lie on the Javan shore, and passing through this returned to Malacca by the east; being the first European who sailed round the island of Sumatra. In the following year he sailed once more in search of these islands, which were afterwards the object of many fruitless voyages; but touching again at Barus he met with resistance there and perished with all his companions.

(*Footnote. Linschoten makes particular mention of having seen them, and gives practical directions for the navigation, but the golden dreams of the Portuguese were never realized in them.)

A little before this time a ship under the command of Gaspar d'Acosta was lost on the island of Gamispola (Pulo Gomez) near Achin Head, when the people from Achin attacked and plundered the crew, killing many and taking the rest prisoners. A ship also which belonged to Joano de Lima was plundered in the road, and the Portuguese which belonged to her put to death. These insults and others committed at Pase induced the governor of Malacca, Garcia de Sa, to dispatch a vessel under Manuel Pacheco to take satisfaction; which he endeavoured to effect by blocking up the ports, and depriving the towns of all sources of provision, particularly their fisheries. As he cruised between Achin and Pase a boat with five men, going to take in fresh water at a river nigh to the latter, would have been cut off had not the people, by wonderful efforts of valour, overcome the numerous party which attacked them. The sultan, alarmed for the consequences of this affray, sent immediately to sue for reconciliation, offering to make atonement for the loss of property the merchants had sustained by the licentiousness of his people, from a participation in whose crimes he sought to vindicate himself. The advantage derived from the connexion with this place induced the government of Malacca to be satisfied with his apology, and cargoes of pepper and raw silk were shortly after procured there; the former being much wanted for the ships bound to China.

Jeinal, who had fled to the king of Malacca, as before mentioned, followed that monarch to the island of Bintang, and received one of his daughters in marriage. Six or seven years elapsed before the situation of affairs enabled the king to lend him any effectual assistance, but at length some advantages gained over the Portuguese afforded a proper opportunity, and accordingly a fleet was fitted out, with which Jeinal sailed for Pase. In order to form a judgment of the transactions of this kingdom it must be understood that the people, having an idea of predestination, always conceived present possession to constitute right, however that possession might have been acquired; but yet they made no scruple of deposing and murdering their sovereigns, and justified their acts by this argument; that the fate of concerns so important as the lives of kings was in the hands of God, whose vicegerents they were, and that if it was not agreeable to him and the consequence of his will that they should perish by the daggers of their subjects it could not so happen. Thus it appears that their religious ideas were just strong enough to banish from their minds every moral sentiment. The natural consequence of these maxims was that their kings were merely the tyrants of the day; and it is said that whilst a certain ship remained in the port no less than two were murdered, and a third set up: but allowance should perhaps be made for the medium through which these accounts have been transmitted to us.

The maternal uncle of Jeinal, who, on account of his father's infirmities, had been some time regent, and had deprived him of the succession to the throne, was also king of Aru or Rou, a country not far distant, and thus became monarch of both places. The caprices of the Pase people, who submitted quietly to his usurpation, rendered them ere long discontented with his government, and being a stranger they had the less compunction in putting him to death. Another king was set up in his room, who soon fell by the hands of some natives of Aru who resided at Pase, in revenge for the assassination of their countryman.

1519

A fresh monarch was elected by the people, and in his reign it was that Jeinal appeared with a force from Bintang, who, carrying everything before him, put his rival to death, and took possession of the throne. The son of the deceased, a youth of about twelve years of age, made his escape, accompanied by the Mulana or chief priest of the city, and procured a conveyance to the west of India. There they threw themselves at the feet of the Portuguese governor, Lopez Sequeira, then engaged in an expedition to the Red Sea, imploring his aid to drive the invader from their country, and to establish the young prince in his rights, who would thenceforth consider himself as a vassal of the crown of Portugal. It was urged that Jeinal, as being nearly allied to the king of Bintang, was an avowed enemy to that nation, which he had manifested in some recent outrages committed against the merchants from Malacca who traded at Pase. Sequeira, partly from compassion, and partly from political motives, resolved to succour this prince, and by placing him on the throne establish a firm interest in the affairs of his kingdom. He accordingly gave orders to Jorge Alboquerque, who was then proceeding with a strong fleet towards Malacca, to take the youth with him, whose name was Orfacam,* and after having expelled Jeinal to put him in possession of the sovereignty.

(*Footnote. Evidently corrupted, as are most of the country names and titles, which shows that the Portuguese were not at this period much conversant in the Malayan language.)

When Jeinal entered upon the administration of the political concerns of the kingdom, although he had promised his father-in-law to carry on the war in concert with him, yet, being apprehensive of the effects of the Portuguese power, he judged it more for his interest to seek a reconciliation with them than to provoke their resentment, and in pursuance of that system had so far recommended himself to Garcia de Sa, the governor of Malacca, that he formed a treaty of alliance with him. This was however soon interrupted, and chiefly by the imprudence of a man named Diogo Vaz, who made use of such insulting language to the king, because he delayed payment of a sum of money he owed him, that the courtiers, seized with indignation, immediately stabbed him with their krises, and, the alarm running through the city, others of the Portuguese were likewise murdered. The news of this affair, reaching Goa, was an additional motive for the resolution taken of dethroning him.

1521

Jorge d'Alboquerque arrived at Pase in 1521 with Prince Orfacam, and the inhabitants came off in great numbers to welcome his return. The king of Aru had brought thither a considerable force the preceding day, designing to take satisfaction for the murder of his relation, the uncle of Jeinal, and now proposed to Alboquerque that they should make the attack in conjunction, who thought proper to decline it. Jeinal, although he well knew the intention of the enemy, yet sent a friendly message to Alboquerque, who in answer required him to relinquish his crown in favour of him whom he styled the lawful prince. He then represented to him the injustice of attempting to force him from the possession of what was his, not only by right of conquest but of hereditary descent, as was well known to the governor himself; that he was willing to consider himself as the vassal of the king of Portugal, and to grant every advantage in point of trade that they could expect from the administration of his rival; and that since his obtaining the crown he had manifested the utmost friendship to the Portuguese, for which he appealed to the treaty formed with him by the government of Malacca, which was not disturbed by any fault that could in justice be imputed to himself. These arguments, like all others that pass between states which harbour inimical designs, had no effect upon Alboquerque, who, after reconnoitring the ground, gave orders for the attack. The king was now sensible that there was nothing left for him but to conquer or die, and resolved to defend himself to extremity in an entrenchment he had formed at some distance from the town of Pase, where he had never yet ventured to reside as the people were in general incensed against him on account of the destruction of the late king of their choice; for though they were ever ready to demolish those whom they disliked, yet were they equally zealous to sacrifice their own lives in the cause of those to whom they were attached. The Portuguese force consisted but of three hundred men, yet such was the superiority they possessed in war over the inhabitants of these countries that they entirely routed Jeinal's army, which amounted to three thousand, with many elephants, although they fought bravely. When he fell they became dispirited, and, the people of Aru joining in the pursuit, a dreadful slaughter succeeded, and upwards of two thousand Sumatrans lay dead, with the loss of only five or six Europeans; but several were wounded, among whom was Alboquerque himself.

The next measure was to place the young prince upon the throne, which was performed with much ceremony. The mulana was appointed his governor, and Nina Cunapan, who in several instances had shown a friendship for the Portuguese, was continued in the office of Shabandar. It was stipulated that the prince should do homage to the crown of Portugal, give a grant of the whole produce of pepper of his country at a certain price, and defray the charges of a fortress which they then prepared to erect in his kingdom, and of which Miranda d'Azeuedo was appointed captain, with a garrison of a hundred soldiers. The materials were mostly timber, with which the ruins of Jeinal's entrenchment supplied them. After Alboquerque's departure the works had nearly fallen into the hands of an enemy, named Melek-el-adil, who called himself sultan of Pase and made several desultory attacks upon them; but he was at length totally routed, and the fortifications were completed without further molestation.

1521

A fleet which sailed from the west of India a short time after that of Alboquerque, under the command of Jorge de Brito, anchored in the road of Achin, in their way to the Molucca Islands. There was at this time at that place a man of the name of Joano Borba, who spoke the language of the country, having formerly fled thither from Pase when Diogo Vaz was assassinated. Being afterwards intrusted with the command of a trading vessel from Goa, which foundered at sea, he again reached Achin, with nine men in a small boat, and was hospitably received by the king, when he learned that the ship had been destined to his port. Borba came off to the fleet along with a messenger sent by the king to welcome the commander and offer him refreshments for his fleet, and, being a man of extraordinary loquacity, he gave a pompous description to Brito of a temple in the country in which was deposited a large quantity of gold: he mentioned likewise that the king was in possession of the artillery and merchandise of Gaspar d'Acosta's vessel, some time since wrecked there; and also of the goods saved from a brigantine driven on shore at Daya, in Pacheco's expedition; as well as of Joano de Lima's ship, which he had caused to be cut off. Brito, being tempted by the golden prize, which he conceived already in his power, and inflamed by Borba's representation of the king's iniquities, sent a message in return to demand the restitution of the artillery, ship, and goods, which had been unlawfully seized. The king replied that, if he wanted those articles to be refunded, he must make his demand to the sea which had swallowed them up. Brito and his captains now resolved to proceed to an attack upon the place, and so secure did they make themselves of their prey that they refused permission to a ship lately arrived, and which did not belong to their squadron, to join them or participate in the profits of their adventure. They prepared to land two hundred men in small boats; a larger, with a more considerable detachment and their artillery, being ordered to follow. About daybreak they had proceeded halfway up the river, and came near to a little fort designed to defend the passage, where Brito thought it advisable to stop till the remainder of their force should join them; but, being importuned by his people, he advanced to make himself master of the fort, which was readily effected. Here he again resolved to make his stand, but by the imprudence of his ensign, who had drawn some of the party into a skirmish with the Achinese, he was forced to quit that post in order to save his colours, which were in danger. At this juncture the king appeared at the head of eight hundred or a thousand men, and six elephants. A desperate conflict ensued, in which the Portuguese received considerable injury. Brito sent orders for the party he had left to come up, and endeavoured to retreat to the fort, but he found himself so situated that it could not be executed without much loss, and presently after he received a wound from an arrow through the cheeks. No assistance arriving, it was proposed that they should retire in the best manner they could to their boats; but this Brito would not consent to, preferring death to flight, and immediately a lance pierced his thighs, and he fell to the ground. The Portuguese, rendered desperate, renewed the combat with redoubled vigour, all crowding to the spot where their commander lay, but their exertions availed them nothing against such unequal force, and they only rushed on to sacrifice. Almost every man was killed, and among these were near fifty persons of family who had embarked as volunteers. Those who escaped belonged chiefly to the corps-de-reserve, who did not, or could not, come up in time to succour their unfortunate companions. Upon this merited defeat the squadron immediately weighed anchor, and, after falling in with two vessels bound on the discovery of the Ilhas d'Ouro, arrived at Pase, where they found Alboquerque employed in the construction of his fortress, and went with him to make an attack on Bintang.

NEGARA ACHIN PADA 1511

Pada masa ketika Malaka jatuh ke tangan Portugis, Achin and Daya dikatakan oleh para sejrawan bahwa daerah tersebut menjadi bagian dari provinsi Pidir, dan diperintah oleh dua budak yang diangkat oleh sultan, yang masing-masing diberi kemenakan untuk dinikahi. Harus dipahami, budak-budak di daerah tersebut berbeda dari kebanyakan belahan dunia lainnya, dan biasanya diperlakukan sebagau anak keluarga. Beberapa diantara mereka berasal dari benua India, yang dipekerjakan untuk perdagangan oleh para majikan mereka; mereka diberikan hak-hak tertentu yang menguntungkan dan ijin untuk bermukim di daerah terpisah di kota tersebut. Seringkali, terjadi juga orang yang lahir dari orang baik-baik, menyadari bahwa ia perlu mendapatkan perlindungan dari beberapa orang yang berkuasa, menjadi budak sukarela untuk keperluan tersebut, dan para bangsawan, menjadi bangga akan ketergantungan semacam itu, mendorong praktek dengan memperlakukan mereka dengan tingkat penghormatan, dan kebanyakan dari mereka mengangkat pewari mereka. Budak dari deskripsi ini yang memegang pemerintahan Achin memiliki dua putra, yang sulung bernama Raja Ibrahim, dan yang bungsu bernama Raja Lella, dan dibawa ke rumah majikan mereka. Ayahnya yang tua menarik diri dari jabatannya; namun pada catatan soal jasa kepercayaannya terhadap sultan memberikan penggantian jabatan kepada putra sulungnya, yang nampaknya merupakan pemuda berambisi dan sangat bertemperamen. Keirihatian terjadi antara dirinya dan pemimpin Daya ketika mereka bertemu di Pidir, dan kemudian ketika ia berkuasa, ia berencana melakukan pembalasan, dan memutuskan untuk melakukan kekerasan terhadap distrik pesaingnya. Ketika sultan terlibat, tak hanya menambahkan pengerahan kekuatannya namun menghasutnya untuk membenci majikannya, dan ia menaruh rasa tidak hormat dengan enggan untuk melayaninya, atas permintaan sultan, para tahanan Portugis tertentu diambil dari kapal yang hilang di Pulo Gomez, dan setelah itu ia bersekutu dengan Shabandar dari Pase. Tindakan tersebut mewujudkan tujuan penghapusan kesetiaan sepenuhnya, ayahnya didorong untuk menariknya dari penugasannya dengan mempersembahkan obligasi yang diperhutangkan keluarga tersebut terhadap sultan, dan hubungan tersebut nyaris menghubungkan mereka. Namun sejauh ini, keputusan dari menghasilkan barang apapun berdampak pada tawarannya terhadap keinginan ayahnya, dan memerintahkannya ditahan dalam kurungan, dimana ia meninggal.

1521

Terusik atas tindakan tersebut, sultan menanggapinya dengan tindakan yang lebih ekstrim terhadapnya; namun dengan pengerahan kapal-kapal Portugis, seperti halnya yang sebelumnya, dan kekalahan pihak Inggris, ia menjadi sangat kuat dalam artileri dan amunisi, dan sehingga meraih kesuksesan, ketika ia menghimpun petingginya dan bersiap untuk mempertahankan dirinya sendiri. Pasukannya meraih keunggulan di Pidir, dan pada akhirnya ia meminta sultan untuk mengungsi dan membantu perbentengan Eropa di Pase, didampingi oleh keponakannya, pemimpin Daya, yang juga terlepas dari jabatannya.

1522

Ibrahim had for some time infested the Portuguese by sending out parties against them, both by sea and land; but these being always baffled in their attempts with much loss, he began to conceive a violent antipathy against that nation, which he ever after indulged to excess. He got possession of the city of Pidir by bribing the principal officers, a mode of warfare that he often found successful and seldom neglected to attempt. These he prevailed upon to write a letter to their master, couched in artful terms, in which they besought him to come to their assistance with a body of Portuguese, as the only chance of repelling the enemy by whom they pretended to be invested. The sultan showed this letter to Andre Henriquez, then governor of the fort, who, thinking it a good opportunity to chastise the Achinese, sent by sea a detachment of eighty Europeans and two hundred Malays under the command of his brother Manuel, whilst the sultan marched overland with a thousand men and fifteen elephants to the relief of the place. They arrived at Pidir in the night, but, being secretly informed that the king of Achin was master of the city, and that the demand for succour was a stratagem, they endeavoured to make their retreat; which the land troops effected, but before the tide could enable the Portuguese to get their boats afloat they were attacked by the Achinese, who killed Manuel and thirty-five of his men.

Henriquez, perceiving his situation at Pase was becoming critical, not only from the force of the enemy but the sickly state of his garrison, and the want of provisions, which the country people now withheld from him, discontinuing the fairs that they were used to keep three times in the week, dispatched advices to the governor of India, demanding immediate succours, and also sent to request assistance of the king of Aru, who had always proved the steadfast friend of Malacca, and who, though not wealthy, because his country was not a place of trade, was yet one of the most powerful princes in those parts. The king expressed his joy in having an opportunity of serving his allies, and promised his utmost aid; not only from friendship to them, but indignation against Ibrahim, whom he regarded as a rebellious slave.

1523

A supply of stores at length arrived from India under the charge of Lopo d'Azuedo, who had orders to relieve Henriquez in the command; but, disputes having arisen between them, and chiefly on the subject of certain works which the shabandar of Pase had been permitted to erect adjoining to the fortress, d'Azuedo, to avoid coming to an open rupture, departed for Malacca. Ibrahim, having found means to corrupt the honesty of this shabandar, who had received his office from Alboquerque, gained intelligence through him of all that passed. This treason, it is supposed, he would not have yielded to but for the desperate situation of affairs. The country of Pase was now entirely in subjection to the Achinese, and nothing remained unconquered but the capital, whilst the garrison was distracted with internal divisions.

After the acquisition of Pidir the king thought it necessary to remain there some time in order to confirm his authority, and sent his brother Raja Lella with a large army to reduce the territories of Pase, which he effected in the course of three months, and with the more facility because all the principal nobility had fallen in the action with Jeinal. He fixed his camp within half a league of the city, and gave notice to Ibrahim of the state in which matters were, who speedily joined him, being anxious to render himself master of the place before the promised succours from the king of Aru could arrive. His first step was to issue a proclamation, giving notice to the people of the town that whoever should submit to his authority within six days should have their lives, families, and properties secured to them, but that all others must expect to feel the punishment due to their obstinacy. This had the effect he looked for, the greater part of the inhabitants coming over to his camp. He then commenced his military operations, and in the third attack got possession of the town after much slaughter; those who escaped his fury taking shelter in the neighbouring mountains and thick woods. He sent a message to the commander of the fortress, requiring him to abandon it and to deliver into his hands the kings of Pidir and Daya, to whom he had given protection. Henriquez returned a spirited answer to this summons, but, being sickly at the time, at best of an unsteady disposition, and too much attached to his trading concerns for a soldier, he resolved to relinquish the command to his relation Aires Coelho, and take passage for the West of India.

1523

He had not advanced farther on his voyage than the point of Pidir, when he fell in with two Portuguese ships bound to the Moluccas, the captains of which he made acquainted with the situation of the garrison, and they immediately proceeded to its relief. Arriving in the night they heard great firing of cannon, and learned next morning that the Achinese had made a furious assault in hopes of carrying the fortress before the ships, which were descried at a distance, could throw succours into it. They had mastered some of the outworks, and the garrison represented that it was impossible for them to support such another shock without aid from the vessels. The captains, with as much force as could be spared, entered the fort, and a sally was shortly afterwards resolved on and executed, in which the besiegers sustained considerable damage. Every effort was likewise employed to repair the breaches and stop up the mines that had been made by the enemy in order to effect a passage into the place. Ibrahim now attempted to draw them into a snare by removing his camp to a distance and making a feint of abandoning his enterprise; but this stratagem proved ineffectual. Reflecting then with indignation that his own force consisted of fifteen thousand men whilst that of the Europeans did not exceed three hundred and fifty, many of whom were sick and wounded, and others worn out with the fatigue of continual duty (intelligence whereof was conveyed to him), he resolved once more to return to the siege, and make a general assault upon all parts of the fortification at once. Two hours before daybreak he caused the place to be surrounded with eight thousand men, who approached in perfect silence. The nighttime was preferred by these people for making their attacks as being then most secure from the effect of firearms, and they also generally chose a time of rain, when the powder would not burn. As soon as they found themselves perceived they set up a hideous shout, and, fixing their scaling ladders, made of bamboo and wonderfully light, to the number of six hundred, they attempted to force their way through the embrasures for the guns; but after a strenuous contest they were at length repulsed. Seven elephants were driven with violence against the paling of one of the bastions, which gave way before them like a hedge, and overset all the men who were on it. Javelins and pikes these enormous beasts made no account of, but upon setting fire to powder under their trunks they drew back with precipitation in spite of all the efforts of their drivers, overthrew their own people, and, flying to the distance of several miles, could not again be brought into the lines. The Achinese upon receiving this check thought to take revenge by setting fire to some vessels that were in the dockyard; but this proved an unfortunate measure to them, for by the light which it occasioned the garrison were enabled to point their guns, and did abundant execution.

1524

Henriquez, after beating sometime against a contrary wind, put back to Pase, and, coming on shore the day after this conflict, resumed his command. A council was soon after held to determine what measures were fittest to be pursued in the present situation of affairs, and, taking into their consideration that no further assistance could be expected from the west of India in less than six months, that the garrison was sickly and provisions short, it was resolved by a majority of votes to abandon the place, and measures were taken accordingly. In order to conceal their intentions from the enemy they ordered such of the artillery and stores as could be removed conveniently to be packed up in the form of merchandise and then shipped off. A party was left to set fire to the buildings, and trains of powder were so disposed as to lead to the larger cannon, which they overcharged that they might burst as soon as heated. But this was not effectually executed, and the pieces mostly fell into the hands of the Achinese, who upon the first alarm of the evacuation rushed in, extinguished the flames, and turned upon the Portuguese their own artillery, many of whom were killed in the water as they hurried to get into their boats. They now lost as much credit by this ill conducted retreat as they had acquired by their gallant defence, and were insulted by the reproachful shouts of the enemy, whose power was greatly increased by this acquisition of military stores, and of which they often severely experienced the effects. To render their disgrace more striking it happened that as they sailed out of the harbour they met thirty boats laden with provisions for their use from the king of Aru, who was himself on his march overland with four thousand men: and when they arrived at Malacca they found troops and stores embarked there for their relief. The unfortunate princes who had sought an asylum with them now joined in their flight; the sultan of Pase proceeded to Malacca, and the sultan of Pidir and chief of Daya took refuge with the king of Aru.

1525

Raja Nara, king of Indragiri, in conjunction with a force from Bintang, attacked the king of a neighbouring island called Lingga, who was in friendship with the Portuguese. A message which passed on this occasion gives a just idea of the style and manners of this people. Upon their acquainting the king of Lingga, in their summons of surrender, that they had lately overcome the fleet of Malacca, he replied that his intelligence informed him of the contrary; that he had just made a festival and killed fifty goats to celebrate one defeat which they had received, and hoped soon to kill a hundred in order to celebrate a second. His expectations were fulfilled, or rather anticipated, for the Portuguese, having a knowledge of the king of Indragiri's design, sent out a small fleet which routed the combined force before the king of Lingga was acquainted with their arrival, his capital being situated high up on the river.

1526

Pada tahun berikutnya, ketika penaklukan Bintang, raja tersebut mengirim bantuan ke sekutu-sekutu Eropa-nya.

1527

However well founded the accounts may have been which the Portuguese have given us of the cruelties committed against their people by the king of Achin, the barbarity does not appear to have been only on one side. Francisco de Mello, being sent in an armed vessel with dispatches to Goa, met near Achin Head with a ship of that nation just arrived from Mecca and supposed to be richly laden. As she had on board three hundred Achinese and forty Arabs he dared not venture to board her, but battered her at a distance, when suddenly she filled and sunk, to the extreme disappointment of the Portuguese, who thereby lost their prize; but they wreaked their vengeance on the unfortunate crew as they endeavoured to save themselves by swimming, and boast that they did not suffer a man to escape. Opportunities of retaliation soon offered.

1528

Simano de Sousa, going with a reinforcement to the Moluccas from Cochin, was overtaken in the bay by a violent storm, which forced him to stow many of his guns in the hold; and, having lost several of his men through fatigue, he made for the nearest port he could take shelter in, which proved to be Achin. The king, having the destruction of the Portuguese at heart, and resolving if possible to seize their vessel, sent off a message to De Sousa recommending his standing in closer to the shore, where he would have more shelter from the gale which still continued, and lie more conveniently for getting off water and provisions, at the same time inviting him to land. This artifice not succeeding, he ordered out the next morning a thousand men in twenty boats, who at first pretended they were come to assist in mooring the ship; but the captain, aware of their hostile design, fired amongst them, when a fierce engagement took place in which the Achinese were repulsed with great slaughter, but not until they had destroyed forty of the Portuguese. The king, enraged at this disappointment, ordered a second attack, threatening to have his admiral trampled to death by elephants if he failed of success. A boat was sent ahead of this fleet with a signal of peace, and assurances to De Sousa that the king, as soon as he was made acquainted with the injury that had been committed, had caused the perpetrators of it to be punished, and now once more requested him to come on shore and trust to his honour. This proposal some of the crew were inclined that he should accept, but being animated by a speech that he made to them it was resolved that they should die with arms in their hands in preference to a disgraceful and hazardous submission. The combat was therefore renewed, with extreme fury on the one side, and uncommon efforts of courage on the other, and the assailants were a second time repulsed; but one of those who had boarded the vessel and afterwards made his escape represented to the Achinese the reduced and helpless situation of their enemy, and, fresh supplies coming off, they were encouraged to return to the attack. De Sousa and his people were at length almost all cut to pieces, and those who survived, being desperately wounded, were overpowered, and led prisoners to the king, who unexpectedly treated them with extraordinary kindness, in order to cover the designs he harboured, and pretended to lament the fate of their brave commander. He directed them to fix upon one of their companions, who should go in his name to the governor of Malacca, to desire he would immediately send to take possession of the ship, which he meant to restore, as well as to liberate them. He hoped by this artifice to draw more of the Portuguese into his power, and at the same time to effect a purpose of a political nature. A war had recently broken out between him and the king of Aru, the latter of whom had deputed ambassadors to Malacca, to solicit assistance, in return for his former services, and which was readily promised to him. It was highly the interest of the king of Achin to prevent this junction, and therefore, though determined to relax nothing in his plans of revenge, he hastened to dispatch Antonio Caldeira, one of the captives, with proposals of accommodation and alliance, offering to restore not only this vessel, but also the artillery which he had taken at Pase. These terms appeared to the governor too advantageous to be rejected. Conceiving a favourable idea of the king's intentions, from the confidence which Caldeira, who was deceived by the humanity shown to the wounded captives, appeared to place in his sincerity, he became deaf to the representations that were made to him by more experienced persons of his insidious character. A message was sent back, agreeing to accept his friendship on the proposed conditions, and engaging to withhold the promised succours from the king of Aru. Caldeira, in his way to Achin, touched at an island, where he was cut off with those who accompanied him. The ambassadors from Aru being acquainted with this breach of faith, retired in great disgust, and the king, incensed at the ingratitude shown him, concluded a peace with Achin; but not till after an engagement between their fleets had taken place, in which the victory remained undecided.

In order that he might learn the causes of the obscurity in which his negotiations with Malacca rested, Ibrahim dispatched a secret messenger to Senaia Raja, bandhara of that city, with whom he held a correspondence; desiring also to be informed of the strength of the garrison. Hearing in answer that the governor newly arrived was inclined to think favourably of him, he immediately sent an ambassador to wait on him with assurances of his pacific and friendly disposition, who returned in company with persons empowered, on the governor's part, to negotiate a treaty of commerce. These, upon their arrival at Achin, were loaded with favours and costly presents, the news of which quickly flew to Malacca, and, the business they came on being adjusted, they were suffered to depart; but they had not sailed far before they were overtaken by boats sent after them, and were stripped and murdered. The governor, who had heard of their setting out, concluded they were lost by accident. Intelligence of this mistaken opinion was transmitted to the king, who thereupon had the audacity to request that he might be honoured with the presence of some Portuguese of rank and consequence in his capital, to ratify in a becoming manner the articles that had been drawn up; as he ardently wished to see that nation trafficking freely in his dominions.

1529

The deluded governor, in compliance with this request, adopted the resolution of sending thither a large ship under the command of Manuel Pacheco, with a rich cargo, the property of himself and several merchants of Malacca, who themselves embarked with the idea of making extraordinary profits. Senaia conveyed notice of this preparation to Achin, informing the king at the same time that, if he could make himself master of this vessel, Malacca must fall an easy prey to him, as the place was weakened of half its force for the equipment. When Pacheco approached the harbour he was surrounded by a great number of boats, and some of the people began to suspect treachery, but so strongly did the spirit of delusion prevail in this business that they could not persuade the captain to put himself on his guard. He soon had reason to repent his credulity. Perceiving an arrow pass close by him, he hastened to put on his coat of mail, when a second pierced his neck, and he soon expired. The vessel then became an easy prey, and the people, being made prisoners, were shortly afterwards massacred by the king's order, along with the unfortunate remnant of De Sousa's crew, so long flattered with the hopes of release. By this capture the king was supposed to have remained in possession of more artillery than was left in Malacca, and he immediately fitted out a fleet to take advantage of its exposed state. The pride of success causing him to imagine it already in his power, he sent a taunting message to the governor in which he thanked him for the late instances of his liberality, and let him know he should trouble him for the remainder of his naval force.

Senaia had promised to put the citadel into his hands, and this had certainly been executed but for an accident that discovered his treasonable designs. The crews of some vessels of the Achinese fleet landed on a part of the coast not far from the city, where they were well entertained by the natives, and in the openness of conviviality related the transactions which had lately passed at Achin, the correspondence of Senaia, and the scheme that was laid for rising on the Portuguese when they should be at church, murdering them, and seizing the fortress. Intelligence of this was reported with speed to the governor, who had Senaia instantly apprehended and executed. This punishment served to intimidate those among the inhabitants who were engaged in the conspiracy, and disconcerted the plans of the king of Achin.

This appears to be the last transaction of Ibrahim's reign recorded by the Portuguese historians. His death is stated by De Barros to have taken place in the year 1528 in consequence of poison administered to him by one of his wives, to revenge the injuries her brother, the chief of Daya, had suffered at his hand. In a Malayan work (lately come into my possession) containing the annals of the kingdom of Achin, it is said that a king, whose title was sultan Saleh-eddin-shah, obtained the sovereignty in a year answering to 1511 of our era, and who, after reigning about eighteen years, was dethroned by a brother in 1529. Notwithstanding some apparent discordance between the two accounts there can be little doubt of the circumstances applying to the same individual, as it may well be presumed that, according to the usual practice in the East, he adopted upon ascending the throne a title different from the name which he had originally borne, although that might continue to be his more familiar appellation, especially in the mouths of his enemies. The want of precise coincidence in the dates cannot be thought an objection, as the event not falling under the immediate observation of the Portuguese they cannot pretend to accuracy within a few months, and even their account of the subsequent transactions renders it more probable that it happened in 1529; nor are the facts of his being dethroned by the brother, or put to death by the sister, materially at variance with each other; and the latter circumstance, whether true or false, might naturally enough be reported at Malacca.

1529

His successor took the name of Ala-eddin-shah, and afterwards, from his great enterprises, acquired the additional epithet of keher or the powerful. By the Portuguese he is said to have styled himself king of Achin, Barus, Pidir, Pase, Daya, and Batta, prince of the land of the two seas, and of the mines of Menangkabau.

1537

Nothing is recorded of his reign until the year 1537, in which he twice attacked Malacca. The first time he sent an army of three thousand men who landed near the city by night, unperceived by the garrison, and, having committed some ravages in the suburbs, were advancing to the bridge, when the governor, Estavano de Gama, sallied out with a party and obliged them to retreat for shelter to the woods. Here they defended themselves during the next day, but on the following night they re-embarked, with the loss of five hundred men. A few months afterwards the king had the place invested with a larger force; but in the interval the works had been repaired and strengthened, and after three days ineffectual attempt the Achinese were again constrained to retire.

1547

In the year 1547 he once more fitted out a fleet against Malacca, where a descent was made; but, contented with some trifling plunder, the army re-embarked, and the vessels proceeded to the river of Parles on the Malayan coast. Hither they were followed by a Portuguese squadron, which attacked and defeated a division of the fleet at the mouth of the river. This victory was rendered famous, not so much by the valour of the combatants, as by a revelation opportunely made from heaven to the celebrated missionary Francisco Xavier of the time and circumstances of it, and which he announced to the garrison at a moment when the approach of a powerful invader from another quarter had caused much alarm and apprehension among them.

Many transactions of the reign of this prince, particularly with the neighbouring states of Batta and Aru (about the years 1539 and 1541) are mentioned by Ferdinand Mendez Pinto; but his writings are too apocryphal to allow of the facts being recorded upon his authority. Yet there is the strongest internal evidence of his having been more intimately acquainted with the countries of which we are now speaking, the character of the inhabitants, and the political transactions of the period, than any of his contemporaries; and it appears highly probable that what he has related is substantially true: but there is also reason to believe that he composed his work from recollection after his return to Europe, and he may not have been scrupulous in supplying from a fertile imagination the unavoidable failures of a memory, however richly stored.

1556

Ala-eddin meninggal, menurut Catatan Tawarikh

1565

Ia digantikan oleh sultan Hussein­shah, yang berkuasa sekitar delapan tahun, dan sekarat pada 1565 digantikan oleh putranya, seorang bayi. Anak tersebut hanya hidup selama tujuh bulan; dan pada tahun yang sama, takhta diduduki oleh Raja Firman-shah, yang dibunuh tak lama setelahnya.

1567

Penggantinya, Raja Janil, mengalami nasib serupa ketika ia berkuasa sepuluh bulan. Peristiwa tersebut terjadi pada 1567. Sultan Mansur-shah, dari kerajaan Perak di semenanjung, kemudian yang memegang takhta.

1567

Kekuatan-kekuatan barat India membentuk liga untuk tujuan menumpas Portugis. Raja Achin diundang untuk ikut serta, dan, sesuai dengan kehendak pihak-pihak yang terlibat, ia bersiap untuk menyerang mereka di Malaka, danmengerahkan sejumlah armada, yang terdiri dari lima belas ribu orang, dan empat ratus orang Turki, dengan dua ratus buah artileri dari berbagai ukuran. Dalam rangka meredam musuh, ia menempatkan pasukannya bergerak menuju Jawa, dan mengirim sebuah surat, disertai dengan persembahan keris, kepada gubernur menawarkan persahabatan yang kuat. Seseorang yang ia turunkan di pesisir, diduga untuk memata-matai, ditangkap, dan disiksa agar mengaku bahwa ia ditugaskan oleh kaisar Utsmaniyah dan raja Achin untuk meracuni para perwira penting di tempat tersebut, dan menyilut kebakaran terhadap gudang senjata mereka. Ia dihukum mati dan jasadnya dimutiloasi untuk dikirimkan kepada raja. Ini menimbulkan pertikaian. Ia langsung mendaratkan seluruh pasukannya dan melakukan pengepungan. Serangan-serangan kejutan dilakukan dengan berbagai keberhasilan dan jumlah yang sangat tak setara. Pada satu tempat, pemimpin Aru, putra sulung raja, dibunuh. Di tempat lain, Portugis dikalahkan dan kehilangan banyak perwira. Berbagai siasat dilakukan untuk menakuti dan mengguncang iman para penduduk kota. Serangan umum terjadi, setelah berbagai upaya dorongan, dan resiko penghancuran langsung, dapat berhasil terkepung. Rajanya, yang melihat segala upayanya tak berbuah, sepanjang pelariannya, kehilangan tiga ribu pasukan di belakang tembok, selain sekitar lima ratus orang yang dikatakan tewas akibat luka-luka mereka pada perjalanan. Raja Ujong-tanah atau Johor, yang datang dengan armada untuk membantu tempat tersebut, menyadari bahwa laut yang jatuh tertutupi dengan jasad-jasad. Ini dianggap sebagai salah satu pengepungan paling nekat dan terhormat yang dialami oleh Portugis di India. Meskipun seluruh pasukan mereka berjumlah lima belas ratus orang, tak lebih dari dua ratus orang yang merupakan orang Eropa.

1568

Pada tahun berikutnya, kapal dari Achin datang ke Jawa, dengan para perwakilan menghadap ratu Japara, yang diharapkan oleh raja membangkitkan musuh baru melawan Portugis, bertemu di selat dengan kapal dari Malaka, yang memberikannya dan seluruh rakyat dengan pedang. Hal ini nampaknya untuk memaksimalkan perang yang tak pernah memberikan jalan terhadap musuh, entah melalui pemberontakan atau pengajuan.

1569

Pada 1569, sebuah kapal tunggal, yang dikomandani oleh Lopez Carrasco, yang bergerak di dekat Achin, menghadapi armada yang datang dari pelabuhan, terdiri dari dua puluh galley besar dan seratus delapan puluh kapal lainnya, yang dikomandani oleh raja sendiri, dan mendadak berniat melawan Malaka. Keadaan Portugis menjadi tertekan. Mereka tak dapat kabur, dan sehingga memutuskan untuk mati layaknya pria. Selama tiga hari, mereka melakukan serangan berkelanjutan. Setelah penghancuran empat puluh kapal musuh, dan mereka sendiri berkurang dalam keadaan karam, kapal kedua nampak dalam penglihatan. Raja memutuskan untuk menarik diri ke pelabuhan dengan pasukannya.

Sulit menentukan antara keduanya yang lebih mencengangkan, kekuatan yang dikerahkan oleh sepasukan yang terdiri dari seluruh kekuatan Malaka, atau sumber daya dan kegigihan penguasa Achin.

1573

In 1573, after forming an alliance with the queen of Japara, the object of which was the destruction of the European power, he appeared again before Malacca with ninety vessels, twenty-five of them large galleys, with seven thousand men and great store of artillery. He began his operations by sending a party to set fire to the suburbs of the town, but a timely shower of rain prevented its taking effect. He then resolved on a different mode of warfare, and tried to starve the place to a surrender by blocking up the harbour and cutting off all supplies of provisions. The Portuguese, to prevent the fatal consequences of this measure, collected those few vessels which they were masters of, and, a merchant ship of some force arriving opportunely, they put to sea, attacked the enemy's fleet, killed the principal captain, and obtained a complete victory.

1574

In the year following Malacca was invested by an armada from the queen of Japara, of three hundred sail, eighty of which were junks of four hundred tons burden. After besieging the place for three months, till the very air became corrupted by their stay, the fleet retired with little more than five thousand men, of fifteen that embarked on the expedition.

1575

Scarcely was the Javanese force departed when the king of Achin once more appeared with a fleet that is described as covering the straits. He ordered an attack upon three Portuguese frigates that were in the road protecting some provision vessels, which was executed with such a furious discharge of artillery that they were presently destroyed with all their crews. This was a dreadful blow to Malacca, and lamented, as the historian relates, with tears of blood by the little garrison, who were not now above a hundred and fifty men, and of those a great part non­effective. The king, elated with his success, landed his troops, and laid siege to the fort, which he battered at intervals during seventeen days. The fire of the Portuguese became very slack, and after some time totally ceased, as the governor judged it prudent to reserve his small stock of ammunition for an effort at the last extremity. The king, alarmed at this silence, which he construed into a preparation for some dangerous stratagem, was seized with a panic, and, suddenly raising the siege, embarked with the utmost precipitation; unexpectedly relieving the garrison from the ruin that hung over it, and which seemed inevitable in the ordinary course of events.

1582

In 1582 we find the king appearing again before Malacca with a hundred and fifty sail of vessels. After some skirmishes with the Portuguese ships, in which the success was nearly equal on both sides, the Achinese proceeded to attack Johor, the king of which was then in alliance with Malacca. Twelve ships followed them thither, and, having burned some of their galleys, defeated the rest and obliged them to fly to Achin. The operations of these campaigns, and particularly the valour of the commander, named Raja Makuta, are alluded to in Queen Elizabeth's letter to the king, delivered in 1602 by Sir James Lancaster.

About three or four years after this misfortune Mansur-shah prepared a fleet of no less than three hundred sail of vessels, and was ready to embark once more upon his favourite enterprise, when he was murdered, together with his queen and many of the principal nobility, by the general of the forces, who had long formed designs upon the crown.

1585

This was perpetrated in May 1585, when he had reigned nearly eighteen years. In his time the consequence of the kingdom of Achin is represented to have arrived at a considerable height, and its friendship to have been courted by the most powerful states. No city in India possessed a more flourishing trade, the port being crowded with merchant vessels which were encouraged to resort thither by the moderate rates of the customs levied; and although the Portuguese and their ships were continually plundered, those belonging to every Asiatic power, from Mecca in the West to Japan in the East, appear to have enjoyed protection and security. The despotic authority of the monarch was counterpoised by the influence of the orang-kayas or nobility, who are described as being possessed of great wealth, living in fortified houses, surrounded by numerous dependants, and feeling themselves above control, often giving a licentious range to their proud and impatient tempers.

The late monarch's daughter and only child was married to the king of Johor,* by whom she had a son, who, being regarded as heir to the crown of Achin, had been brought to the latter place to be educated under the eye of his grandfather. When the general (whose name is corruptly written Moratiza) assumed the powers of government, he declared himself the protector of this child, and we find him mentioned in the Annals by the title of Sultan Buyong (or the Boy).

(*Footnote. The king of Achin sent on this occasion to Johor a piece of ordnance, such as for greatness, length, and workmanship (says Linschoten), could hardly be matched in all Christendom. It was afterwards taken by the Portuguese, who shipped it for Europe, but the vessel was lost in her passage.)

1588

But before he had completed the third year of his nominal reign he also was dispatched, and the usurper took formal possession of the throne in the year 1588, by the name of Ala-eddin Rayet-shah,* being then at an advanced period of life.

(*Footnote. Valentyn, by an obvious corruption, names him Sulthan Alciden Ryetza, and this coincidence is strongly in favour of the authenticity and correctness of the Annals. John Davis, who will be hereafter mentioned, calls him, with sufficient accuracy, Sultan Aladin.)

The Annals say he was the grandson of Sultan Firman-shah; but the Europeans who visited Achin during his reign report him to have been originally a fisherman, who, having afterwards served in the wars against Malacca, showed so much courage, prudence, and skill in maritime affairs that the late king made him at length the chief commander of his forces, and gave him one of his nearest kinswomen to wife, in right of whom he is said to have laid claim to the throne.

The French Commodore Beaulieu relates the circumstances of this revolution in a very different manner.*

(*Footnote. The commodore had great opportunity of information, was a man of very superior ability, and indefatigable in his inquiries upon all subjects, as appears by the excellent account of his voyage, and of Achin in particular, written by himself, and published in Thevenot's collection, of which there is an English translation in Harris; but it is possible he may, in this instance, have been amused by a plausible tale from the grandson of this monarch, with whom he had much intercourse. John Davis, an intelligent English navigator whose account I have followed, might have been more likely to hear the truth as he was at Achin (though not a frequenter of the court) during Ala-eddin's reign, whereas Beaulieu did not arrive till twenty' years after, and the report of his having been originally a fisherman is also mentioned by the Dutch writers.)

He says that, upon the extinction of the ancient royal line, which happened about forty years before the period at which he wrote, the orang-kayas met in order to choose a king, but, every one affecting the dignity for himself, they could not agree and resolved to decide it by force. In this ferment the cadi or chief judge by his authority and remonstrances persuaded them to offer the crown to a certain noble who in all these divisions had taken no part, but had lived in the reputation of a wise, experienced man, being then seventy years of age, and descended from one of the most respectable families of the country. After several excuses on his side, and entreaties and even threats on theirs, he at length consented to accept the dignity thus imposed upon him, provided they should regard him as a father, and receive correction from him as his children; but no sooner was he in possession of the sovereign power than (like Pope Sixtus the Fifth) he showed a different face, and the first step after his accession was to invite the orang-kayas to a feast, where, as they were separately introduced, he caused them to be seized and murdered in a court behind the palace. He then proceeded to demolish their fortified houses, and lodged their cannon, arms, and goods in the castle, taking measures to prevent in future the erection of any buildings of substantial materials that could afford him grounds of jealousy. He raised his own adherents from the lower class of people to the first dignities of the state, and of those who presumed to express any disapprobation of his conduct he made great slaughter, being supposed to have executed not less than twenty thousand persons in the first year of his reign.

From the silence of the Portuguese writers with respect to the actions of this king we have reason to conclude that he did not make any attempts to disturb their settlement of Malacca; and it even appears that some persons in the character of ambassadors or agents from that power resided at Achin, the principal object of whose policy appears to have been that of inspiring him with jealousy and hatred of the Hollanders, who in their turn were actively exerting themselves to supplant the conquerors of India.

1600

Towards the close of the sixteenth century they began to navigate these seas; and in June 1600 visited Achin with two ships, but had no cause to boast of the hospitality of their reception. An attempt was made to cut them off, and evidently by the orders or connivance of the king, who had prevailed upon the Dutch admiral to take on board troops and military stores for an expedition meditated, or pretended, against the city of Johor, which these ships were to bombard. Several of the crews were murdered, but after a desperate conflict in both ships the treacherous assailants were overcome and driven into the water, "and it was some pleasure (says John Davis, an Englishman, who was the principal pilot of the squadron) to see how the base Indians did fly, how they were killed, and how well they were drowned."* This barbarous and apparently unprovoked attack was attributed, but perhaps without any just grounds, to the instigation of the Portuguese.

(*Footnote. All the Dutchmen on shore at the time were made prisoners, and many of them continued in that state for several years. Among these was Captain Frederick Houtman, whose Vocabulary of the Malayan language was printed at Amsterdam in 1604, being the first that was published in Europe. My copy has the writer's autograph.)

1600

In November 1600 Paulus van Caarden, having also the command of two Dutch ships, was received upon his landing with much ceremony; but at his first audience the king refused to read a letter from the Prince of Orange, upon its being suggested to him that instead of paper it was written on the skin of an unclean animal; and the subsequent treatment experienced by this officer was uniformly bad. It appears however that in December 1601 the king was so far reconciled to this new power as to send two ambassadors to Holland, one of whom died there in August 1602, and the other returned to Achin subsequently to the death of his master.

1602

The first English fleet that made its appearance in this part of the world, and laid the foundation of a commerce which was in time to eclipse that of every other European state, arrived at Achin in June 1602. Sir James Lancaster, who commanded it, was received by the king with abundant ceremony and respect, which seem with these monarchs to have been usually proportioned to the number of vessels and apparent strength of their foreign guests. The queen of England's letter was conveyed to court with great pomp, and the general, after delivering a rich present, the most admired article of which was a fan of feathers, declared the purpose of his coming was to establish peace and amity between his royal mistress and her loving brother, the great and mighty king of Achin. He was invited to a banquet prepared for his entertainment, in which the service was of gold, and the king's damsels, who were richly attired and adorned with bracelets and jewels, were ordered to divert him with dancing and music. Before he retired he was arrayed by the king in a magnificent habit of the country, and armed with two krises. In the present sent as a return for the queen's there was, among other matters, a valuable ruby set in a ring. Two of the nobles, one of whom was the chief priest, were appointed to settle with Lancaster the terms of a commercial treaty, which was accordingly drawn up and executed in an explicit and regular manner. The Portuguese ambassador, or more properly the Spanish, as those kingdoms were now united, kept a watchful and jealous eye upon his proceedings; but by bribing the spies who surrounded him he foiled them at their own arts, and acquired intelligence that enabled him to take a rich prize in the straits of Malacca, with which he returned to Achin; and, having loaded what pepper he could procure there, took his departure in November of the same year. On this occasion it was requested by the king that he and his officers would favour him by singing one of the psalms of David, which was performed with much solemnity.

Very little is known of the military transactions of this reign, and no conquest but that of Pase is recorded. He had two sons, the younger of whom he made king of Pidir, and the elder, styled Sultan Muda, he kept at Achin, in order to succeed him in the throne. In the year 1603 he resolved to divide the charge of government with his intended heir, as he found his extraordinary age began to render him unequal to the task, and accordingly invested him with royal dignity; but the effect which might have been foreseen quickly followed this measure. The son, who was already advanced in years, became impatient to enjoy more complete power, and, thinking his father had possessed the crown sufficiently long, he confined him in a prison, where his days were soon ended.

1604

The exact period at which this event took place is not known, but, calculating from the duration of his reign as stated in the Annals, it must have been early in the year 1604.* He was then ninety-five years of age,** and described to be a hale man, but extremely gross and fat.

(*Footnote. The Dutch commander Joris van Spilbergen took leave of him in April 1603, and his ambassador to Holland, who returned in December, 1604, found his son on the throne, according to Valentyn. Commodore Beaulieu says he died in 1603.)

(**Footnote. According to Beaulieu Davis says he was about a hundred; and the Dutch voyages mention that his great age prevented his ever appearing out of his palace.)

His constitution must have been uncommonly vigorous, and his muscular strength is indicated by this ludicrous circumstance, that when he once condescended to embrace a Dutch admiral, contrary to the usual manners of his country, the pressure of his arms was so violent as to cause excessive pain to the person so honoured. He was passionately addicted to women, gaming, and drink, his favourite beverage being arrack. By the severity of his punishments he kept his subjects in extreme awe of him; and the merchants were obliged to submit to more exactions and oppressions than were felt under the government of his predecessors. The seizure of certain vessels belonging to the people of Bantam and other arbitrary proceedings of that nature are said to have deterred the traders of India from entering into his ports.

The new king, who took the name of Ali Maghayat-shah, proved himself, from indolence or want of capacity, unfit to reign. He was always surrounded by his women, who were not only his attendants but his guards, and carried arms for that purpose. His occupations were the bath and the chase, and the affairs of state were neglected insomuch that murders, robberies, oppression, and an infinity of disorders took place in the kingdom for want of a regular and strict administration of justice. A son of the daughter of Ala-eddin had been a favourite of his grandfather, at the time of whose death he was twenty-three years of age, and continued, with his mother, to reside at the court after that event. His uncle the king of Achin having given him a rebuke on some occasion, he left his palace abruptly and fled to the king of Pidir, who received him with affection, and refused to send him back at the desire of the elder brother, or to offer any violence to a young prince whom their father loved. This was the occasion of an inveterate war which cost the lives of many thousand people. The nephew commanded the forces of Pidir, and for some time maintained the advantage, but these, at length seeing themselves much inferior in numbers to the army of Ali-Maghayat, refused to march, and the king was obliged to give him up, when he was conveyed to Achin and put in close confinement.

1606

Not long afterwards a Portuguese squadron under Martin Alfonso, going to the relief of Malacca, then besieged by the Dutch, anchored in Achin road with the resolution of taking revenge on the king for receiving these their rivals into his ports, contrary to the stipulations of a treaty that had been entered into between them. The viceroy landed his men, who were opposed by a strong force on the part of the Achinese; but after a stout resistance they gained the first turf fort with two pieces of cannon, and commenced an attack upon the second, of masonry. In this critical juncture the young prince sent a message to his uncle requesting he might be permitted to join the army and expose himself in the ranks, declaring himself more willing to die in battle against the Kafers (so they always affected to call the Portuguese) than to languish like a slave in chains. The fears which operated upon the king's mind induced him to consent to his release. The prince showed so much bravery on this occasion, and conducted two or three attacks with such success that Alfonso was obliged to order a retreat, after wasting two days and losing three hundred men in this fruitless attempt. The reputation of the prince was raised by this affair to a high pitch amongst the people of Achin. His mother, who was an active, ambitious woman, formed the design of placing him on the throne, and furnished him with large sums of money, to be distributed in gratuities amongst the principal orang cayas. At the same time he endeavoured to ingratiate himself by his manners with all classes of people. To the rich he was courteous; to the poor he was affable; and he was the constant companion of those who were in the profession of arms. When the king had reigned between three and four years he died suddenly, and at the hour of his death the prince got access to the castle. He bribed the guards, made liberal promises to the officers, advanced a large sum of money to the governor, and sending for the chief priest obliged him by threats to crown him. In fine he managed the revolution so happily that he was proclaimed king before night, to the great joy of the people, who conceived vast hopes from his liberality, courtesy, and valour. The king of Pidir was speedily acquainted with the news of his brother's death, but not of the subsequent transactions, and came the next day to take possession of his inheritance. As he approached the castle with a small retinue he was seized by orders from the reigning prince, who, forgetting the favours he had received, kept him prisoner for a month, and then, sending him into the country under the pretence of a commodious retreat, had him murdered on the way. Those who put the crown on his head were not better requited; particularly the Maharaja, or governor of the castle. In a short time his disappointed subjects found that instead of being humane he was cruel; instead of being liberal he displayed extreme avarice, and instead of being affable he manifested a temper austere and inexorable.

This king, whom the Annals name Iskander Muda, was known to our travellers by the title of sultan Paduka Sri (words equivalent to most gracious), sovereign of Achin and of the countries of Aru, Dilli, Johor, Pahang, Kedah, and Perak on the one side, and of Barus, Pasaman, Tiku, Sileda, and Priaman on the other. Some of these places were conquered by him, and others he inherited.

1613

He showed much friendship to the Hollanders in the early part of his reign; and in the year 1613 gave permission to the English to settle a factory, granting them many indulgences, in consequence of a letter and present from king James the first. He bestowed on Captain Best, who was the bearer of them, the title of orang kaya putih, and entertained him with the fighting of elephants, buffaloes, rams, and tigers. His answer to king James (a translation of which is to be found in Purchas) is couched in the most friendly terms, and he there styles himself king of all Sumatra. He expressed a strong desire that the king of England should send him one of his countrywomen to wife, and promised to make her eldest son king of all the pepper countries, that so the English might be supplied with that commodity by a monarch of their own nation. But notwithstanding his strong professions of attachment to us, and his natural connexion with the Hollanders, arising from their joint enmity to the Portuguese, it was not many years before he began to oppress both nations and use his endeavours to ruin their trade. He became jealous of their growing power, and particularly in consequence of intelligence that reached him concerning the encroachments made by the latter in the island of Java.

The conquest of Aru seems never to have been thoroughly effected by the kings of Achin. Paduka Sri carried his arms thither and boasted of having obtained some victories.

1613

In 1613 he subdued Siak in its neighbourhood. Early in the same year he sent an expedition against the kingdom of Johor (which had always maintained a political connexion with Aru) and, reducing the city after a siege of twenty-nine days, plundered it of everything moveable, and made slaves of the miserable inhabitants. The king fled to the island of Bintang, but his youngest brother and coadjutor was taken prisoner and carried to Achin. The old king of Johor, who had so often engaged the Portuguese, left three sons, the eldest of whom succeeded him by the title of Iang de per-tuan.*

(*Footnote. This is not an individual title or proper name, but signifies the sovereign or reigning monarch. In like manner Rega Bongsu signifies the king's youngest brother, as Raja Muda does the heir apparent.)

The second was made king of Siak, and the third, called Raja Bongsu, reigned jointly with the first. He it was who assisted the Hollanders in the first siege of Malacca, and corresponded with Prince Maurice. The king of Achin was married to their sister, but this did not prevent a long and cruel war between them. A Dutch factory at Johor was involved in the consequences of this war, and several of that nation were among the prisoners. In the course of the same year however the king of Achin thought proper to establish Raja Bongsu on the throne of Johor, sending him back for that purpose with great honours, assisting him to rebuild the fort and city, and giving him one of his own sisters in marriage.

1615

In 1615 the king of Achin sailed to the attack of Malacca in a fleet which he had been four years employed in preparing. It consisted of above five hundred sail, of which a hundred were large galleys, greater than any at that time built in Europe, carrying each from six to eight hundred men, with three large cannon and several smaller pieces. These galleys the orang kayas were obliged to furnish, repair, and man, at the peril of their lives. The soldiers served without pay, and carried three months provision at their own charge. In this great fleet there were computed to be sixty thousand men, whom the king commanded in person. His wives and household were taken to sea with him. Coming in sight of the Portuguese ships in the afternoon, they received many shot from them but avoided returning any, as if from contempt. The next day they got ready for battle, and drew up in form of a half moon. A desperate engagement took place and lasted without intermission till midnight, during which the Portuguese admiral was three times boarded, and repeatedly on fire. Many vessels on both sides were also in flames and afforded light to continue the combat. At length the Achinese gave way, after losing fifty sail of different sizes, and twenty thousand men. They retired to Bancalis, on the eastern coast of Sumatra, and shortly afterwards sailed for Achin, the Portuguese not daring to pursue their victory, both on account of the damage they had sustained and their apprehension of the Hollanders, who were expected at Malacca. The king proposed that the prisoners taken should be mutually given up, which was agreed to, and was the first instance of that act of humanity and civilisation between the two powers.

1619

Three years afterwards the king made a conquest of the cities of Kedah and Perak on the Malayan coast, and also of a place called Dilli in Sumatra. This last had been strongly fortified by the assistance of the Portuguese, and gave an opportunity of displaying much skill in the attack. Trenches were regularly opened before it and a siege carried on for six weeks ere it fell. In the same year the king of Jorcan (a place unknown at present by that name) fled for refuge to Malacca with eighty sail of boats, having been expelled his dominions by the king of Achin. The Portuguese were not in a condition to afford him relief, being themselves surrounded with enemies and fearful of an attack from the Achinese more especially; but the king was then making preparations against an invasion he heard was meditated by the viceroy of Goa. Reciprocal apprehensions kept each party on the defensive.

1621

The French being desirous of participating in the commerce of Achin, of which all the European nations had formed great ideas, and all found themselves disappointed in, sent out a squadron commanded by General Beaulieu, which arrived in January 1621, and finally left it in December of the same year. He brought magnificent presents to the king, but these did not content his insatiable avarice, and he employed a variety of mean arts to draw from him further gifts. Beaulieu met also with many difficulties, and was forced to submit to much extortion in his endeavours to procure a loading of pepper, of which Achin itself, as has been observed, produced but little. The king informed him that he had some time since ordered all the plants to be destroyed, not only because the cultivation of them proved an injury to more useful agriculture, but also lest their produce might tempt the Europeans to serve him, as they had served the kings of Jakatra and Bantam. From this apprehension he had lately been induced to expel the English and Dutch from their settlements at Priaman and Tiku, where the principal quantity of pepper was procured, and of which places he changed the governor every third year to prevent any connexions dangerous to his authority from being formed. He had likewise driven the Dutch from a factory they were attempting to settle at Padang; which place appears to be the most remote on the western coast of the island to which the Achinese conquests at any time extended.

1628

Still retaining a strong desire to possess himself of Malacca, so many years the grand object of Achinese ambition, he imprisoned the ambassador then at his court, and made extraordinary preparations for the siege, which he designed to undertake in person. The laksamana or commander in chief (who had effected all the king's late conquests) attempted to oppose this resolution; but the maharaja, willing to flatter his master's propensity, undertook to put him in possession of the city and had the command of the fleet given to him, as the other had of the land forces. The king set out on the expedition with a fleet of two hundred and fifty sail (forty­seven of them not less than a hundred feet in the keel), in which were twenty thousand men well appointed, and a great train of artillery. After being some time on board, with his family and retinue as usual, he determined, on account of an ill omen that was observed, to return to the shore. The generals, proceeding without him, soon arrived before Malacca. Having landed their men they made a judicious disposition, and began the attack with much courage and military skill. The Portuguese were obliged to abandon several of their posts, one of which, after a defence of fifty days, was levelled with the ground, and from its ruins strong works were raised by the laksamana. The maharaja had seized another post advantageously situated. From their several camps they had lines of communication, and the boats on the river were stationed in such a manner that the place was completely invested. Matters were in this posture when a force of two thousand men came to the assistance of the besieged from the king of Pahang, and likewise five sail of Portuguese vessels from the coast of Coromandel; but all was insufficient to remove so powerful an enemy, although by that time they had lost four thousand of their troops in the different attacks and skirmishes. In the latter end of the year a fleet of thirty sail of ships, large and small, under the command of Nunno Alvarez Botello, having on board nine hundred European soldiers, appeared off Malacca, and blocked up the fleet of Achin in a river about three miles from the town. This entirely altered the complexion of affairs. The besiegers retired from their advanced works and hastened to the defence of their galleys, erecting batteries by the side of the river. The maharaja being summoned to surrender returned a civil but resolute answer. In the night, endeavouring to make his escape with the smaller vessels through the midst of the Portuguese, he was repulsed and wounded. Next day the whole force of the Achinese dropped down the stream with a design to fight their way, but after an engagement of two hours their principal galley, named the Terror of the World, was boarded and taken, after losing five hundred men of seven which she carried. Many other vessels were afterwards captured or sunk. The laksamana hung out a white flag and sent to treat with Nunno, but, some difficulty arising about the terms, the engagement was renewed with great warmth. News was brought to the Portuguese that the maharaja was killed and that the king of Pahang was approaching with a hundred sail of vessels to reinforce them. Still the Achinese kept up a dreadful fire, which seemed to render the final success doubtful; but at length they sent proposals desiring only to be allowed three galleys of all their fleet to carry away four thousand men who remained of twenty that came before the town. It was answered that they must surrender at discretion; which the laksamana hesitating to do, a furious assault took place both by water and land upon his galleys and works, which were all effectually destroyed or captured, not a ship and scarcely a man escaping. He himself in the last extremity fled to the woods, but was seized ere long by the king of Pahang's scouts. Being brought before the governor he said to him, with an undaunted countenance, "Behold here the laksamana for the first time overcome!" He was treated with respect but kept a prisoner, and sent on his own famous ship to Goa in order to be from thence conveyed to Portugal: but death deprived his enemies of that distinguished ornament of their triumph.

1635

This signal defeat proved so important a blow to the power of Achin that we read of no further attempts to renew the war until the year 1635, when the king, encouraged by the feuds which at this time prevailed in Malacca, again violated the law of nations, to him little known, by imprisoning their ambassador, and caused all the Portuguese about his court to be murdered. No military operations however immediately took place in consequence of this barbarous proceeding.

1640. 1641

In the year 1640 the Dutch with twelve men of war, and the king of Achin with twenty-five galleys, appeared before that harassed and devoted city; which at length, in the following year was wrested from the hands of the Portuguese, who had so long, through such difficulties, maintained possession of it. This year was also marked by the death of the sultan, whom the Dutch writers name Paduka Sri, at the age of sixty, after a reign of thirty-five years; having just lived to see his hereditary foe subdued; and as if the opposition of the Portuguese power, which seems first to have occasioned the rise of that of Achin, was also necessary to its existence, the splendour and consequence of the kingdom from that period rapidly declined.

The prodigious wealth and resources of the monarchy during his reign are best evinced by the expeditions he was enabled to fit out; but being no less covetous than ambitious he contrived to make the expenses fall upon his subjects, and at the same time filled his treasury with gold by pressing the merchants and plundering the neighbouring states. An intelligent person (General Beaulieu), who was for some time at his court, and had opportunities of information on the subject, uses this strong expression--that he was infinitely rich. He constantly employed in his castle three hundred goldsmiths. This would seem an exaggeration, but that it is well known the Malayan princes have them always about them in great numbers at this day, working in the manufacture of filigree, for which the country is so famous. His naval strength has been already sufficiently described. He was possessed of two thousand brass guns and small arms in proportion. His trained elephants amounted to some hundreds. His armies were probably raised only upon the occasion which called for their acting, and that in a mode similar to what was established under the feudal system in Europe. The valley of Achin alone was said to be able to furnish forty thousand men upon an emergency. A certain number of warriors however were always kept on foot for the protection of the king and his capital. Of these the superior class were called ulubalang, and the inferior amba-raja, who were entirely devoted to his service and resembled the janizaries of Constantinople. Two hundred horsemen nightly patrolled the grounds about the castle, the inner courts and apartments of which were guarded by three thousand women. The king's eunuchs amounted to five hundred.

The disposition of this monarch was cruel and sanguinary. A multitude of instances are recorded of the horrible barbarity of his punishments, and for the most trivial offences. He imprisoned his own mother and put her to the torture, suspecting her to have been engaged in a conspiracy against him with some of the principal nobles, whom he caused to be executed. He murdered his nephew, the king of Johor's son, of whose favour with his mother he was jealous. He also put to death a son of the king of Bantam, and another of the king of Pahang, who were both his near relations. None of the royal family survived in 1622 but his own son, a youth of eighteen, who had been thrice banished the court, and was thought to owe his continuance in life only to his surpassing his father, if possible, in cruelty, and being hated by all ranks of people. He was at one time made king of Pidir but recalled on account of his excesses, confined in prison and put to strange tortures by his father, whom he did not outlive. The whole territory of Achin was almost depopulated by wars, executions, and oppression. The king endeavoured to repeople the country by his conquests. Having ravaged the kingdoms of Johor, Pahang, Kedah, Perak, and Dilli, he transported the inhabitants from those places to Achin, to the number of twenty-two thousand persons. But this barbarous policy did not produce the effect he hoped; for the unhappy people, being brought naked to his dominions, and not allowed any kind of maintenance on their arrival, died of hunger in the streets. In the planning his military enterprises he was generally guided by the distresses of his neighbours, for whom, as for his prey, he unceasingly lay in wait; and his preparatory measures were taken with such secrecy that the execution alone unravelled them. Insidious political craft and wanton delight in blood united in him to complete the character of a tyrant.

It must here be observed that, with respect to the period of this remarkable reign, the European and Malayan authorities are considerably at variance, the latter assigning to it something less than thirty solar years, and placing the death of Iskander Muda in December 1636. The Annals further state that he was succeeded by sultan Ala-eddin­Mahayat-shah, who reigned only about four years and died in February 1641. That this is the more accurate account I have no hesitation in believing, although Valentyn, who gives a detail of the king's magnificent funeral, was persuaded that the reign which ended in 1641 was the same that began in 1607. But he collected his information eighty years after the event, and as it does not appear that any European whose journal has been given to the world was on the spot at that period, the death of an obscure monarch who died after a short reign may well have been confounded by persons at a distance with that of his more celebrated predecessor. Both authorities however are agreed in the important fact that the successor to the throne in 1641 was a female. This person is described by Valentyn as being the wife of the old king, and not his daughter, as by some had been asserted; but from the Annals it appears that she was his daughter, named Taju al-alum; and as it was in her right that Maghayat-shah (certainly her husband), obtained the crown, so upon his decease, there being no male heir, she peaceably succeeded him in the government, and became the first queen regent of Achin. The succession having thenceforward continued nearly sixty years in the female line, this may be regarded as a new era in the history of the country. The nobles finding their power less restrained, and their individual consequence more felt under an administration of this kind than when ruled by kings (as sometimes they were with a rod of iron) supported these pageants, whom they governed as they thought fit, and thereby virtually changed the constitution into an aristocracy or oligarchy. The business of the state was managed by twelve orang-kayas, four of whom were superior to the rest, and among these the maharaja, or governor of the kingdom, was considered as the chief. It does not appear, nor is it probable, that the queen had the power of appointing or removing any of these great officers. No applications were made to the throne but in their presence, nor any public resolution taken but as they determined in council. The great object of their political jealousy seems to have been the pretensions of the king of Johor to the crown, in virtue of repeated intermarriages between the royal families of the two countries, and it may be presumed that the alarms excited from that quarter materially contributed to reconcile them to the female domination. They are accordingly said to have formed an engagement amongst themselves never to pay obedience to a foreign prince, nor to allow their royal mistress to contract any marriage that might eventually lead to such a consequence.* At the same time, by a new treaty with Johor, its king was indirectly excused from the homage to the crown of Achin which had been insisted upon by her predecessors and was the occasion of frequent wars.

(*Footnote. However fanciful it may be thought, I cannot doubt that the example of our Queen Elizabeth, whose character and government were highly popular with the Achinese on account of her triumphant contest with the united powers of Spain and Portugal, had a strong influence in the establishment of this new species of monarchy, and that the example of her sister's marriage with Philip may have contributed to the resolution taken by the nobles. The actions of our illustrious queen were a common topic of conversation between the old tyrant and Sir James Lancaster.)

In proportion as the political consequence of the kingdom declined, its history, as noticed by foreigners, becomes obscure. Little is recorded of the transactions of her reign, and it is likely that Achin took no active part in the concerns of neighbouring powers, but suffered the Hollanders, who maintained in general a friendly intercourse with her, to remain in quiet possession of Malacca.

1643

In 1643 they sent an ambassador to compliment her upon her accession, and at the same time to solicit payment for a quantity of valuable jewels ordered by the deceased king, but for the amount of which she declined to make herself responsible.

1660

It is said (but the fact will admit of much doubt) that in 1660 she was inclined to marry one of their countrymen, and would have carried her design into execution had not the East India Company prevented by their authority a connexion that might, as they prudently judged, be productive of embarrassment to their affairs.

1664

The Dutch however complain that she gave assistance to their enemies the people of Perak, and in 1664 it was found necessary to send a squadron under the command of Pieter de Bitter to bring her to reason. As it happened that she was at this time at war with some of her own dependants he made himself master of several places on the western coast that were nominally at least belonging to Achin.

1666

About 1666 the English establishments at Achin and some ports to the southward appear to have given considerable umbrage to their rivals.

1669

In 1669 the people of Dilli on the north-eastern coast threw off their allegiance, and the power of the kingdom became gradually more and more circumscribed.

1675

This queen died in 1675, after reigning, with a degree of tranquillity little known in these countries, upwards of thirty-four years.

The people being now accustomed and reconciled to female rule, which they found more lenient than that of their kings, acquiesced in general in the established mode of government.

1677

And she was immediately succeeded by another female monarch, named Nur al-alum, who reigned little more than two years and died in 1677.

The queen who succeeded her was named Anayet-shah.

1684

In the year 1684 she received an embassy from the English government of Madras, and appeared at that time to be about forty years. The persons who were on this occasion presented to her express their suspicions, which were suggested to them by a doubt prevailing amongst the inhabitants, that this sovereign was not a real queen, but a eunuch dressed up in female apparel, and imposed on the public by the artifices of the orang kayas. But as such a cheat, though managed with every semblance of reality (which they observe was the case) could not be carried on for any number of years without detection, and as the same idea does not appear to have been entertained at any other period, it is probable they were mistaken in their surmise. Her person they describe to have been large, and her voice surprisingly strong, but not manly.*

(*Footnote. The following curious passage is extracted from the journal of these gentlemen's proceedings. "We went to give our attendance at the palace this day as customary. Being arrived at the place of audience with the orang cayos, the queen was pleased to order us to come nearer, when her majesty was very inquisitive into the use of our wearing periwigs, and what was the convenience of them; to all which we returned satisfactory answers. After this her majesty desired of Mr. Ord, if it were no affront to him, that he would take off his periwig, that she might see how he appeared without it; which, according to her majesty's request, he did. She then told us she had heard of our business, and would give her answer by the orang cayos; and so we retired." I venture, with submission, to observe that this anecdote seems to put the question of the sex beyond controversy.)

The purport of the embassy was to obtain liberty to erect a fortification in her territory, which she peremptorily refused, being contrary to the established rules of the kingdom; adding that if the governor of Madras would fill her palace with gold she could not permit him to build with brick either fort or house. To have a factory of timber and plank was the utmost indulgence that could be allowed; and on that footing the return of the English, who had not traded there for many years, should be welcomed with great friendship. The queen herself, the orang kayas represented, was not allowed to fortify lest some foreign power might avail themselves of it to enslave the country. In the course of these negotiations it was mentioned that the agriculture of Achin had suffered considerably of late years by reason of a general licence given to all the inhabitants to search for gold in the mountains and rivers which afforded that article; whereas the business had formerly been restricted to certain authorized persons, and the rest obliged to till the ground.

1684

The court feared to give a public sanction for the settlement of the English on any part of the southern coast lest it should embroil them with the other European powers.*

(*Footnote. The design of settling a factory at this period in the dominions of Achin was occasioned by the recent loss of our establishment at Bantam, which had been originally fixed by Sir James Lancaster in 1603. The circumstances of this event were as follows. The old sultan had thought proper to share the regal power with his son in the year 1677, and this measure was attended with the obvious effect of a jealousy between the parent and child, which soon broke forth into open hostilities. The policy of the Dutch led them to take an active part in favour of the young sultan, who had inclined most to their interests and now solicited their aid. The English on the other hand discouraged what appeared to them an unnatural rebellion, but without interfering, as they said, in any other character than that of mediators, or affording military assistance to either party; and which their extreme weakness rather than their assertions renders probable. On the twenty-eighth of March 1682 the Dutch landed a considerable force from Batavia, and soon terminated the war. They placed the young sultan on the throne, delivering the father into his custody, and obtained from him in return for these favours an exclusive privilege of trade in his territories; which was evidently the sole object they had in view. On the first day of April possession was taken of the English factory by a party of Dutch and country soldiers, and on the twelfth the agent and council were obliged to embark with their property on vessels provided for the purpose, which carried them to Batavia. From thence they proceeded to Surat on the twenty-second of August in the following year.

In order to retain a share in the pepper-trade the English turned their thoughts towards Achin, and a deputation, consisting of two gentlemen, of the names of Old and Cawley, was sent thither in 1684; the success of which is above related. It happened that at this time certain Rajas or chiefs of the country of Priaman and other places on the west coast of Sumatra were at Achin also to solicit aid of that court against the Dutch, who had made war upon and otherwise molested them. These immediately applied to Mr. Ord, expressing a strong desire that the English should settle in their respective districts, offering ground for a fort and the exclusive purchase of their pepper. They consented to embark for Madras, where an agreement was formed with them by the governor in the beginning of the year 1685 on the terms they had proposed. In consequence of this an expedition was fitted out with the design of establishing a settlement at Priaman; but a day or two before the ships sailed an invitation to the like purport was received from the chiefs of Bang­kaulu (since corruptly called Bencoolen); and as it was known that a considerable proportion of the pepper that used to be exported from Bantam had been collected from the neighbourhood of Bencoolen (at a place called Silebar), it was judged advisable that Mr. Ord, who was the person entrusted with the management of this business, should first proceed thither; particularly as at that season of the year it was the windward port. He arrived there on the twenty-fifth day of June 1685, and, after taking possession of the country assigned to the English Company, and leaving Mr. Broome in charge of the place, he sailed for the purpose of establishing the other settlements. He stopped first at Indrapura, where he found three Englishmen who were left of a small factory that had been some time before settled there by a man of the name of Du Jardin. Here he learned that the Dutch, having obtained a knowledge of the original intention of our fixing at Priaman, had anticipated us therein and sent a party to occupy the situation. In the meantime it was understood in Europe that this place was the chief of our establishments on the coast, and ships were accordingly consigned thither. The same was supposed at Madras, and troops and stores were sent to reinforce it, which were afterwards landed at Indrapura. A settlement was then formed at Manjuta, and another attempted at Batang-kapas in 1686; but here the Dutch, assisted by a party amongst the natives, assaulted and drove out our people. Every possible opposition, as it was natural to expect, was given by these our rivals to the success of our factories. They fixed themselves in the neighbourhood of them and endeavoured to obstruct the country people from carrying pepper to them or supplying them with provisions either by sea or land. Our interests however in the end prevailed, and Bencoolen in particular, to which the other places were rendered subordinate in 1686, began to acquire some degree of vigour and respectability. In 1689 encouragement was given to Chinese colonists to settle there, whose number has been continually increasing from that time. In 1691 the Dutch felt the loss of their influence at Silebar and other of the southern countries, where they attempted to exert authority in the name of the sultan of Bantam, and the produce of these places was delivered to the English. This revolution proceeded from the works with which about this time our factory was strengthened. In 1695 a settlement was made at Triamang, and two years after at Kattaun and Sablat. The first, in the year 1700, was removed to Bantal. Various applications were made by the natives in different parts of the island for the establishment of factories, particularly from Ayer-Bangis to the northward, Palembang on the eastern side, and the people from the countries south of Tallo, near Manna. A person was sent to survey these last, as far as Pulo Pisang and Kroi, in 1715. In consequence of the inconvenience attending the shipping of goods from Bencoolen River, which is often impracticable from the surfs, a warehouse was built in 1701 at a place then called the cove; which gave the first idea of removing the settlement to the point of land which forms the bay of Bencoolen. The unhealthiness of the old situation was thought to render this an expedient step; and accordingly about 1714 it was in great measure relinquished, and the foundations of Fort Marlborough were laid on a spot two or three miles distant. Being a high plain it was judged to possess considerable advantages; many of which however are counterbalanced by its want of the vicinity of a river, so necessary for the ready and plentiful supply of provisions. Some progress had been made in the erection of this fort when an accident happened that had nearly destroyed the Company's views. The natives incensed at ill treatment received from the Europeans, who were then but little versed in the knowledge of their dispositions or the art of managing them by conciliating methods, rose in a body in the year 1719, and forced the garrison, whose ignorant fears rendered them precipitate, to seek refuge on board their ships. These people began now to feel alarms lest the Dutch, taking advantage of the absence of the English, should attempt an establishment, and soon permitted some persons from the northern factories to resettle the place; and, supplies arriving from Madras, things returned to their former course, and the fort was completed. The Company's affairs on this coast remained in tranquillity for a number of years. The important settlement of Natal was established in 1752, and that of Tappanuli a short time afterwards; which involved the English in fresh disputes with the Dutch, who set up a claim to the country in which they are situated. In the year 1760 the French under Comte d'Estaing destroyed all the English settlements on the coast of Sumatra; but they were soon reestablished and our possession secured by the treaty of Paris in 1763. Fort Marlborough, which had been hitherto a peculiar subordinate of Fort St. George, was now formed into an independent presidency, and was furnished with a charter for erecting a mayor's court, but which has never been enforced. In 1781 a detachment of military from thence embarked upon five East India ships and took possession of Padang and all other Dutch factories in consequence of the war with that nation. In 1782 the magazine of Fort Marlborough, in which were four hundred barrels of powder, was fired by lightning and blew up; but providentially few lives were lost. In 1802 an act of parliament was passed "to authorize the East India Company to make their settlement at Fort Marlborough in the East Indies, a factory subordinate to the presidency of Fort William in Bengal, and to transfer the servants who on the reduction of that establishment shall be supernumerary, to the presidency of Fort St. George." In 1798 plants of the nutmeg and clove had for the first time been procured from the Moluccas; and in 1803 a large importation of these valuable articles of cultivation took place. As the plantations were, by the last accounts from thence, in the most flourishing state, very important commercial advantages were expected to be derived from the culture.)

A few years before these transactions she had invited the king of Siam to renew the ancient connexion between their respective states, and to unite in a league against the Dutch, by whose encroachments the commerce of her subjects and the extent of her dominions were much circumscribed. It does not appear however that this overture was attended with any effect, nor have the limits of the Achinese jurisdiction since that period extended beyond Pidir on the northern, and Barus on the western coast.

1688

She died in 1688, having reigned something less than eleven years, and was succeeded by a young queen named Kamalat-shah; but this did not take place without a strong opposition from a faction amongst the orang kayas which wanted to set up a king, and a civil war actually commenced. The two parties drew up their forces on opposite sides of the river, and for two or three nights continued to fire at each other, but in the daytime followed their ordinary occupations. These opportunities of intercourse made them sensible of their mutual folly. They agreed to throw aside their arms and the crown remained in possession of the newly elected queen. It was said to have been esteemed essential that she should be a maiden, advanced in years, and connected by blood with the ancient royal line. In this reign an English factory, which had been long discontinued, was reestablished at Achin, but in the interval some private traders of this nation had always resided on the spot. These usually endeavoured to persuade the state that they represented the India Company, and sometimes acquired great influence, which they are accused of having employed in a manner not only detrimental to that body but to the interests of the merchants of India in general by monopolizing the trade of the port, throwing impediments in the way of all shipping not consigned to their management, and embezzling the cargoes of such as were. An asylum was also afforded, beyond the reach of law, for all persons whose crimes or debts induced them to fly from the several European settlements. These considerations chiefly made the Company resolve to reclaim their ancient privileges in that kingdom, and a deputation was sent from the presidency of Madras in the year 1695 for that purpose, with letters addressed to her illustrious majesty the queen of Achin, desiring permission to settle on the terms her predecessors had granted to them; which was readily complied with, and a factory, but on a very limited scale, was established accordingly, but soon declined and disappeared. In 1704, when Charles Lockyer (whose account of his voyage, containing a particular description of this place, was published in 1711) visited Achin, one of these independent factors, named Francis Delton, carried on a flourishing trade. In 1695 the Achinese were alarmed by the arrival of six sail of Dutch ships of force, with a number of troops on board, in their road, not having been visited by any of that nation for fifteen years, but they departed without offering any molestation.

1699

This queen was deposed by her subjects (whose grounds of complaint are not stated) about the latter part of the year 1699, after reigning also eleven years; and with her terminated the female dynasty, which, during its continuance of about fifty-nine years, had attracted much notice in Europe.

Her successor was named Beder al-alum sherif Hasham, the nature of whose pretensions to the crown does not positively appear, but there is reason to believe that he was her brother. When he had reigned a little more than two years it pleased God (as the Annals express it) to afflict him with a distemper which caused his feet and hands to contract (probably the gout) and disqualified him for the performance of his religious duties.

1702

Under these circumstances he was induced to resign the government in 1702, and died about a month after his abdication.

Perkasa-alum, a priest, found means by his intrigues to acquire the sovereignty, and one of his first acts was to attempt imposing certain duties on the merchandise imported by English traders, who had been indulged with an exemption from all port charges excepting the established complimentary presents upon their arrival and receiving the chap or licence. This had been stipulated in the treaty made by Sir James Lancaster, and renewed by Mr. Grey when chief of the Company's factory. The innovation excited an alarm and determined opposition on the part of the masters of ships then at the place, and they proceeded (under the conduct of Captain Alexander Hamilton, who published an account of his voyage in 1727) to the very unwarrantable step of commencing hostilities by firing upon the villages situated near the mouth of the river, and cutting off from the city all supplies of provisions by sea. The inhabitants, feeling severely the effects of these violent measures, grew clamorous against the government, which was soon obliged to restore to these insolent traders the privileges for which they contended.

1704

Advantage was taken of the public discontents to raise an insurrection in favour of the nephew of the late queen, or, according to the Annals, the son of Beder al-alum (who was probably her brother), in the event of which Perkasa-alum was deposed about the commencement of the year 1704, and after an interregnum or anarchy of three months continuance, the young prince obtained possession of the throne, by the name of Jemal al-alum. From this period the native writers furnish very ample details of the transactions of the Achinese government, as well as of the general state of the country, whose prosperous circumstances during the early part of this king's reign are strongly contrasted with the misery and insignificance to which it was reduced by subsequent events. The causes and progress of this political decline cannot be more satisfactorily set forth than in a faithful translation of the Malayan narrative which was drawn up, or extracted from a larger work, for my use, and is distinct from the Annals already mentioned:

When raja Jemal al-alum reigned in Achin the country was exceedingly populous, the nobles had large possessions, the merchants were numerous and opulent, the judgments of the king were just, and no man could experience the severity of punishment but through his own fault. In those days the king could not trade on his own account, the nobles having combined to prevent it; but the accustomed duties of the port were considered as his revenue, and ten per cent was levied for this purpose upon all merchandise coming into the country. The city was then of great extent, the houses were of brick and stone. The most considerable merchant was a man named Daniel, a Hollander; but many of different nations were also settled there, some from Surat, some from Kutch, others from China. When ships arrived in the port, if the merchants could not take off all the cargoes the king advanced the funds for purchasing what remained, and divided the goods among them, taking no profit to himself. After the departure of the vessel the king was paid in gold the amount of his principal, without interest.

His daily amusements were in the grounds allotted for the royal sports. He was attended by a hundred young men, who were obliged to be constantly near his person day and night, and who were clothed in a sumptuous manner at a monthly expense of a hundred dollars for each man. The government of the different parts of the country was divided, under his authority, amongst the nobles. When a district appeared to be disturbed he took measures for quelling the insurrection; those who resisted his orders he caused to be apprehended; when the roads were bad he gave directions for their repair. Such was his conduct in the government. His subjects all feared him, and none dared to condemn his actions. At that time the country was in peace.

When he had been a few years on the throne a country lying to the eastward, named Batu Bara, attempted to throw off its subjection to Achin. The chiefs were ordered to repair to court to answer for their conduct, but they refused to obey. These proceedings raised the king's indignation. He assembled the nobles and required of them that each should furnish a vessel of war, to be employed on an expedition against that place, and within two months, thirty large galleys, without counting vessels of a smaller size, were built and equipped for sea. When the fleet arrived off Batu Bara (by which must be understood the Malayan district at the mouth of the river, and not the Batta territory through which it takes its course), a letter was sent on shore addressed to the refractory chiefs, summoning them to give proof of their allegiance by appearing in the king's presence, or threatening the alternative of an immediate attack. After much division in their councils it was at length agreed to feign submission, and a deputation was sent off to the royal fleet, carrying presents of fruit and provisions of all kinds. One of the chiefs carried, as his complimentary offering, some fresh coconuts, of the delicate species called kalapa-gading, into which a drug had been secretly introduced. The king observing these directed that one should be cut open for him, and having drunk of the juice, became affected with a giddiness in his head. (This symptom shows the poison to have been the upas, but too much diluted in the liquor of the nut to produce death). Being inclined to repose, the strangers were ordered to return on shore, and, finding his indisposition augment, he gave directions for being conveyed back to Achin, whither his ship sailed next day. The remainder of the fleet continued off the coast during five or six days longer, and then returned likewise without effecting the reduction of the place, which the chiefs had lost no time in fortifying.

About two years after this transaction the king, under pretence of amusement, made an excursion to the country lying near the source of the river Achin, then under the jurisdiction of a panglima or governor named Muda Seti; for it must be understood that this part of the kingdom is divided into three districts, known by the appellations of the Twenty-two, Twenty-six, and Twenty-five Mukims (see above), which were governed respectively by Muda Seti, Imam Muda, and Perbawang­Shah (or Purba-wangsa). These three chiefs had the entire control of the country, and when their views were united they had the power of deposing and setting up kings. Such was the nature of the government. The king's expedition was undertaken with the design of making himself master of the person of Muda Seti, who had given him umbrage, and on this occasion his followers of all ranks were so numerous that wherever they halted for the night the fruits of the earth were all devoured, as well as great multitudes of cattle. Muda Seti however, being aware of the designs against him, had withdrawn himself from the place of his usual residence and was not to be found when the king arrived there; but a report being brought that he had collected five or six hundred followers and was preparing to make resistance, orders were immediately given for burning his house. This being effected, the king returned immediately to Achin, leaving the forces that had accompanied him at a place called Pakan Badar, distant about half a day's journey from the capital, where they were directed to entrench themselves. From this post they were driven by the country chief, who advanced rapidly upon them with several thousand men, and forced them to fall back to Padang Siring, where the king was collecting an army, and where a battle was fought soon after, that terminated in the defeat of the royal party with great slaughter. Those who escaped took refuge in the castle along with the king.

1723

Under these disastrous circumstances he called upon the chiefs who adhered to him to advise what was best to be done, surrounded as they were by the country people, on whom he invoked the curse of God; when one of them, named Panglima Maharaja, gave it as his opinion that the only effectual measure by which the country could be saved from ruin would be the king's withdrawing himself from the capital so long as the enemy should continue in its vicinity, appointing a regent from among the nobles to govern the country in his absence; and when subordination should be restored he might then return and take again possession of his throne. To this proposition he signified his assent on the condition that Panglima Maharaja should assure him by an oath that no treachery was intended; which oath was accordingly taken, and the king, having nominated as his substitute Maharaja Lela, one of the least considerable of the ulubalangs, retired with his wives and children to the country of the Four mukims, situated about three hours journey to the westward of the city. (The Annals say he fled to Pidir in November 1723.) Great ravages were committed by the insurgents, but they did not attack the palace, and after some days of popular confusion the chiefs of the Three districts, who (says the writer) must not be confounded with the officers about the person of the king, held a consultation amongst themselves, and, exercising an authority of which there had been frequent examples, set up Panglima Maharaja in the room of the abdicated king (by the title, say the Annals, of Juhar al-alum, in December 1723). About seven days after his elevation he was seized with a convulsive disorder in his neck and died. A nephew of Jemal al-alum, named Undei Tebang, was then placed upon the throne, but notwithstanding his having bribed the chiefs of the Three districts with thirty katties of gold, they permitted him to enjoy his dignity only a few days, and then deposed him. (The same authority states that he was set up by the chiefs of the Four mukims, and removed through the influence of Muda Seti.)

1724. 1735

The person whom they next combined to raise to the throne was Maharaja Lela (before mentioned as the king's substitute). It was his good fortune to govern the country in tranquillity for the space of nearly twelve years, during which period the city of Achin recovered its population. (According to the Annals he began to reign in February 1724, by the title of Ala ed-din Ahmed shah Juhan, and died in June 1735.) It happened that the same day on which the event of his death took place Jemal al-alum again made his appearance, and advanced to a mosque near the city. His friends advised him to lose no time in possessing himself of the castle, but for trifling reasons that mark the weakness of his character he resolved to defer the measure till the succeeding day; and the opportunity, as might be expected, was lost. The deceased king left five sons, the eldest of whom, named Po-chat-au (or Po-wak, according to another manuscript) exhorted his brothers to unite with him in the determination of resisting a person whose pretensions were entirely inconsistent with their security. They accordingly sent to demand assistance of Perbawang-shah, chief of the district of the Twenty-five mukims, which lies the nearest to that quarter. He arrived before morning, embraced the five princes, confirmed them in their resolution, and authorised the eldest to assume the government (which he did, say the Annals, by the title of Ala ed-din Juhan-shah in September 1735.) But to this measure the concurrence of the other chiefs was wanting. At daybreak the guns of the castle began to play upon the mosque, and, some of the shot penetrating its walls, the pusillanimous Jemal al-alum, being alarmed at the danger, judged it advisable to retreat from thence and to set up his standard in another quarter, called kampong Jawa, his people at the same time retaining possession of the mosque. A regular warfare now ensued between the two parties and continued for no less than ten years (the great chiefs taking different sides), when at length some kind of compromise was effected that left Po-chat-au (Juhan­shah) in the possession of the throne, which he afterwards enjoyed peaceably for eight years, and no further mention is made of Jemal al-alum. About this period the chiefs took umbrage at his interfering in matters of trade, contrary to what they asserted to be the established custom of the realm, and assembled their forces in order to intimidate him. (The history of Achin presents a continual struggle between the monarch and the aristocracy of the country, which generally made the royal monopoly of trade the ground of crimination and pretext for their rebellions).

1755

Panglima Muda Seti, being considered as the head of the league, came down with twenty thousand followers, and, upon the king's refusing to admit into the castle his complimentary present (considering it only as the prelude to humiliating negotiation), another war commenced that lasted for two years, and was at length terminated by Muda Seti's withdrawing from the contest and returning to his province. About five years after this event Juhan shah died, and his son, Pochat-bangta, succeeded him, but not (says this writer, who here concludes his abstract) with the general concurrence of the chiefs, and the country long continued in a disturbed state.

AKHIR PENJELASAN

1760

Kematian Juhan shah dinyatakan dalam Kitab Tawarikh terjadi pada Agustus 1760, dan pelantikan putranya, yang bernama Ala-eddin Muhammed shah, tak sampai November pada tahun yang sama. Otoritas lain terlibat dalam peristiwa tersebut pada 1761.

1763

Sebelum ia merampungkan tahun ketiga masa kekuasaannya, sebuah pemberontakan membuatnya menyelamatkan dirinya sendiri dengan menumpangi kapal untuk perjalanan. Ini terjadi pada 1763 atau 1764. Takhtanya direbut oleh maharaja (perwira negara tingkat satu) bernama Sinara, yang menyandang gelar Beder-eddin Juhan shah, dan sekitar akhir 1765 dihukum mati oleh para pengikut penguasa yang buron, Muhammed shah, yang setelah itu mengembalikan takhta tersebut.*

(*Catatan kaki. Kapten Forrest menyatakan kepada kami bahwa ia mengunjungi istana Mahomed Selim (nama tersebut tak diberikan kepada pangeran ini oleh penulis lainnya) pada tahun 1764, dimana ia nampaknya berusia sekitar empat puluh tahun. Sulit untuk merekonsiliasikan penanggalan ini dengan peristiwa yang tercatat dari masa pemerintahan yang tak menguntungkan ini, dan aku ragu apakah ini bukanlah perampas takhta yang dilihat Kapten.)

Namun, ia melakukan revolusi lebih lanjut. Sekitar enam tahun setelah pemulihannya, istananya diserang pada malam hari oleh sekelompok dua ratus pasukan, yang dipimpin oleh seorang pria bernama Raja Udah, dan ia sempat meminta lebih untuk menarik diri lebih dini. Perampas tahta ini menyandang gelar sultan Suliman shah. Namun, setelah masa pemerintahan singkat selama tiga bulan, ia digulingkan dan terpaksa mengungsi ke salah satu pulau di laut timur. Tujuannya, jika ia memilikinya, tak disebutkan, namun ia tak pernah melakukan pertikaian apapun lebih lanjut. Dari masa ini, Muhammed menetapkan pendirian ibukotanya, meskipun umumnya dalam keadaan bergesekan.

1772

"Pada tahun 1772," kata Kapten Forrest, "Mr. Giles Holloway, residen Tappanooly, dikirim ke Achin oleh pemerintahan Bencoolen, dengan surat dan hadir, meminta ijin dari raja untuk membuat pemukiman di sana. Aku membawakannya dari keresidenannya. Tak menjadi lebih baik pada kedatangannya, aku tak temani Tuan Holloway (seorang pria yang sangat bijaksana dan berbudi, dan yang memakai logat Melayu yang sangat lancar) pada pesisir di tempat kedatangan perdananya; dan menemukan pemasukannya yang nampaknya menunjang pengeluaran yang tak dapat aku jalankan ke istana secara keseluruhan. Terdapat anarki dan persinggungan besar pada masa itu; dan ketidakpuasan sering terjadi, seperti yang aku beritahu, dekat istana raja pada malam hari."

1775

Kapten kemudian memutuskan untuk kembali lagi ke sana pada 1775, ia tak menerima sambutan.

1781

Catatan Tawarikh melaporkan kematiannya terjadi pada 2 Juni 1781, dan mengamati itu dari pengumuman penutupan masa pemerintahannya di daerah tersebut tak pernah mengalami penggantian. Saudaranya, yang bernama Ala-eddin (atau Uleddin, seperti yang umum diucapkan, dan yang nampaknya memiliki gelar yang disukai dengan para pangeran Achinese), berada di pengasingan di Madras pada masa yang ditentukan, dan juga bermukim selama beberapa waktu di Bencoolen.

Putra sulung dari almarhum raja, yang ketika itu berusia sekitar delapan belas tahun, menggantikannya pada tanggal 16 bulan yang sama, dengan gelar Ala-eddin Mahmud shah Juhan, di samping perlawanan terupayakan yang disulut oleh para partisan putra lainnya oleh seorang istri kesayangan . Senjata-senjata dikerahkan di samping istana, ketika tuanku agung atau pendeta tinggi, orang yang terhormat dan berpengaruh, dalam hal terdidik, datang di antara kerumunan, tanpa pelindung kepala dan tanpa tedeng aling-aling, memimpin muridnya lewat tangannya. Menempatkan dirinya sendiri di antara faksi yang berseteru, ia menyampaikan mereka dampak berikut: bahwa pangeran yang berdiri di sebelah mereka memiliki hak alami dan klaim sah atas takhta ayahnya; bahwa ia terdidik dengan sebuah pandangan kepadanya, dan terkualifikasi untuk mendudukinya dengan penempatan dan bakatnya; bahwa ia berharap meskipun niat-niatnya atas hak kelahiran maupun kekuatan pihak yang berpihak kepadanya, namun suara umum dari subyeknya menyerukan kedaulatannya; bahwa jika hal semacam itu adalah sentimen mereka yang ia siap untuk ambil tugas-tugas penugasan, dimana ia sendiri akan membantunya dengan buah-buah pengalamannya; bahwa jika pada pertentangan mereka merasakan perkiraan untuk saingannya, tak ada darah yang harus tertumbah pada catatannya, pangeran dan pembimbingnya menuntaskan kasus tersebut ke titik tanpa perjuangan, dan dipensiunkan ke pulau yang jauh. Banding impresif tersebut memiliki dampak yang diinginkan, dan pangeran muda tersebut diundang lewat aklamasi untuk memegang tampuk pemerintahan.*

(*Footnote. Mr. Philip Braham, late chief of the East India Company's settlement of Fort Marlborough, by whom the circumstances of this event were related to me, arrived at Achin in July 1781, about a fortnight after the transaction. He thus described his audience. The king was seated in a gallery (to which there were no visible steps), at the extremity of a spacious hall or court, and a curtain which hung before him was drawn aside when it was his pleasure to appear. In this court were great numbers of female attendants, but not armed, as they have been described. Mr. Braham was introduced through a long file of guards armed with blunderbusses, and then seated on a carpet in front of the gallery. When a conversation had been carried on for some time through the Shabandar, who communicated his answers to an interpreter, by whom they were reported to the king, the latter perceiving that he spoke the Malayan language addressed him directly, and asked several questions respecting England; what number of wives and children our sovereign had; how many ships of war the English kept in India; what was the French force, and others of that nature. He expressed himself in friendly terms with regard to our nation, and said he should always be happy to countenance our traders in his ports. Even at this early period of his reign he had abolished some vexatious imposts. Mr. Braham had an opportunity of learning the great degree of power and control possessed by certain of the orang kayas, who held their respective districts in actual sovereignty, and kept the city in awe by stopping, when it suited their purpose, the supplies of provisions. Captain Forrest, who once more visited Achin in 1784 and was treated with much distinction (see his Voyage to the Mergui Archipelago page 51), says he appeared to be twenty-five years of age; but this was a misconception. Mr. Kenneth Mackenzie, who saw him in 1782, judged him to have been at that time no more than nineteen or twenty, which corresponds with Mr. Braham's statement.)

Little is known of the transactions of his reign, but that little is in favour of his personal character. The Annals (not always unexceptionable evidence when speaking of the living monarch) describe him as being endowed with every princely virtue, exercising the functions of government with vigour and rectitude, of undaunted courage, attentive to the protection of the ministers of religion, munificent to the descendants of the prophet (seiyid, but commonly pronounced sidi) and to men of learning, prompt at all times to administer justice, and consequently revered and beloved by his people. I have not been enabled to ascertain the year in which he died.

1791

Sebuah surat Malaya dari Achin pada 1791 menyatakan bahwa kedamaian ibukota sangat terusik, dan keadaan pemerintah serta harta benda pribadi (yang diamati penulis ditarik barang-barangnya) terancam.

1805

In 1805 his son, then aged twenty-one, was on the throne, and had a contention with his paternal uncle, and at the same time his father-in-law, named Tuanku Raja, by whom he had been compelled to fly (but only for a short time) to Pidir, the usual asylum of the Achinese monarchs. Their quarrel appears to have been rather of a family than of a political nature, and to have proceeded from the irregular conduct of the queen-mother. The low state of this young king's finances, impoverished by a fruitless struggle to enforce, by means of an expensive marine establishment, his right to an exclusive trade, had induced him to make proposals, for mutual accommodation, to the English government of Pulo Pinang.*

(*Footnote. Since the foregoing was printed the following information respecting the manners of the Batta people, obtained by Mr. Charles Holloway from Mr. W.H. Hayes, has reached my hands. "In the month of July 1805 an expedition consisting of Sepoys, Malays, and Battas was sent from Tapanuli against a chief named Punei Manungum, residing at Nega­timbul, about thirty miles inland from Old Tapanuli, in consequence of his having attacked a kampong under the protection of the company, murdered several of the inhabitants, and carried others into captivity. After a siege of three days, terms of accommodation being proposed, a cessation of hostilities took place, when the people of each party having laid aside their arms intermixed with the utmost confidence, and conversed together as if in a state of perfect amity. The terms however not proving satisfactory, each again retired to his arms and renewed the contest with their former inveteracy. On the second day the place was evacuated, and upon our people entering it Mr. Hayes found the bodies of one man and two women, whom the enemy had put to death before their departure (being the last remaining of sixteen prisoners whom they had originally carried off), and from whose legs large pieces had been cut out, evidently for the purpose of being eaten. During the progress of this expedition a small party had been sent to hold in check the chiefs of Labusukum and Singapollum (inland of Sibogah), who were confederates of Punei Manungum. These however proved stronger than was expected, and, making a sally from their kampongs, attacked the sergeant's party and killed a sepoy, whom he was obliged to abandon. Mr. Hayes, on his way from Negatimbul, was ordered to march to the support of the retreating party; but these having taken a different route he remained ignorant of the particulars of their loss. The village of Singapollam being immediately carried by storm, and the enemy retreating by one gate, as our people entered at the opposite, the accoutrements of the sepoy who had been killed the day before were seen hanging as trophies in the front of the houses, and in the town hall, Mr. Hayes saw the head entirely scalped, and one of the fingers fixed upon a fork or skewer, still warm from the fire. On proceeding to the village of Labusucom, situated little more than two hundred yards from the former, he found a large plantain leaf full of human flesh, mixed with lime-juice and chili-pepper, from which he inferred that they had been surprised in the very act of feasting on the sepoy, whose body had been divided between the two kampongs. Upon differences being settled with the chiefs they acknowledged with perfect sangfroid that such had been the case, saying at the same time, "you know it is our custom; why should we conceal it?")

Bab 23

CERITA SINGKAT PULAU YANG TERLETAK DI PANTAI BARAT SUMATERA.

PULAU-PULAU DI DEKAT SUMATRA

Jaringan pulau yang membentang sendiri dalam sebuah garis yang nyaris paralel dengan pesisir barat, uang di kejauhan dari pulau-pulau tersebut lebih sedikit ketimbang yang sebenarnya, secara langsung terhubung dengan subyek utama karya ini, dan pulau-pulau itu sendiri dihuni oleh sebuah ras atau sekelompok ras yang nampaknya berasal dari keturunan asli yang sama seperti halnya orang-orang di pedalaman Sumatra, yang jenis sifatnya memiliki berbagai jenis (meskipun pulau-pulau di sisi timur seragam dengan Melayu), aku berpikir bahwa ini menambahkan informasi otentik terkait mereka karena aku dapat mengumpulkannya; dan aku rasa sangat dibutuhkan dari pengamatan di peta-peta yang aku pelajari memuat banyak kesalahan dan kekeliruan dalam penjelasan nama yang identitas dan bahkan keberadaan beberapa diantaranya dianggap meragukan.

ENGANO

Pulau paling selatannya adalah Engano, yang masih benar-benar sangat diketahui, seluruh upaya untuk membuka komunikasi persahabatan dengan penduduk asli tak membuahkan hasil; dan aku percaya mereka punya banyak alasan menganggap orang asing yang berupaya mendapat ke pesisir mereka sebagai musuh pembajak. Dalam pelayaran J.J. Saar, yang diterbitkan pada 1662, kami memiliki catatan ekspedisi yang dikeluarkan dari Batavia pada 1645 untuk keperluan pengujian pulau tersebut, yang menjebak dan mengangkut enam puluh atau tujuh puluh penduduk, laki-laki dan perempuan. Penduduk laki-laki meninggal tak lama setelah kedatangan mereka, enggan menyantap makanan lainnya selain kelapa, namun penduduk wanita, yang didistribusikan di kalangan keluarga penting Batavia, memiliki sifat yang penurut dan patuh, dan mempelajari bahasa tempat tersebut. Kejadian tersebut tak dinyatakan, maupun muncul dari publikasi berikutnya, bahwa kesempatan yang diambil membentuk pengumpulan kata-kata mereka.

Dari masa itu, Engano hanya secara tak sengaja mencatat, sampai pada Maret 1771, Tuan Richard Wyatt, gubernur saat itu, dan dewan Benteng Marlborough, mengirim Tuan Charles Miller pada kapal yang dikerahkan Perusahaan untuk meneliti produksi pulau tersebut. Pada kesempatan ini, ia mengamati penanaman besar pohon kelapa, dengan beberapa titik tanah lapang untuk penanaman di atas perbukitan, dan pada malam hari banyak api di pantai. Pendaratan dilakukan di banyak bagian yang sangat sulit pada catatan selancar. Kebanyakan penduduk asli nampak bersenjatakan tombak dan mengumpulkan bebatuan karang, karena mereka mampu menghitungnya. Ketika mengayuh di teluk dengan perahu kapal, kami dihadang oleh sepuluh kano penuh pria dan memerintahkan untuk kembali. Tuan Whalfeldt, sang surveyor, dan kawanan kedua berupaya untuk melakukan survey teluk dan berupaay untuk berbicara dengan penduduk asli. Mereka mempersembahkan bahan-bahan yang ada, da, setelah menyaksikan sebuah kano di pantai dari pulau kecil, dan beberapa orang memancing di bebatuan, mereka mengayuh ke pulau tersebut dan mengirim dua caffrees di pesisir dengan beberapa busana, namun penduduk asli tak datang di dekat mereka. Kawanan tersebut pun mendarat dan mendatangi mereka, saat mereka mendatanginya. Ia membagikan beberapa orang yang hadir di antara mereka, dan mereka membalasnya dengan memberikannya beberapa ikan. Beberapa kano datang ke kapal dengan kelapa, tebu, tuak, dan spesies ubi manis. Kru dari salah satu di antara mereka mengambil kesempatan masuk ke kapal dan mengambil kemudi kapal, dan usai senapan ditembakkan ke kepala mereka, beberapa dari mereka melompat ke laut.

Tuan Miller menyebut orang-orang tersebut lebih tinggi dan legawa ketimbang Melayu, rambut mereka hitam, yang pria potong pendek, dan wanita memanjangkannya, dan merapikannya. Penduduk laki-laki pergi dalam keadaan telanjang bulat kecuali ketika mereka terkadang mengenakan potongan kulit pohon, atau daun tanaman di pundak mereka untuk melindungi mereka dari panasnya matahari. Para perempuan juga telanjang kecualian bagian selip kecil tanaman yang mengelilingi selangkangan; dan beberapa dari mereka mengenakan daun segar di kepala mereka yang dibuat nyaris berbentuk bonnet, dengan kalung yang terbuat dari potongan kecil cangkang, dan sebuah cangkang digantung memakai jaring, untuk dipakai sebagai sisir. Telinga pria dan wanita memiliki lubang yang besar yang dibuat mereka, berdiameter satu atau dua inchi, yang mereka tempatkan cincin yang terbuat dari batok kelapa atau gulungan daun. Mereka mengunyah sirih. Bahasa mereka tak dipahami oleh orang manapun, meskipun terdapat orang-orang dari sebagian besar bagian yang dekat dengan pesisir. Kano mereka sangat rapi, dibentuk dari dua dua papan tipis yang dirajut bersamaan, berujung tajam di setiap ujung dan dipasangkan dengan batang-batang kayu. Secara umum, kano tersebut dapat menampung enam atau tujuh orang. Mereka seringkali membawa tombak, tak hanya sebagai alat perlawanan, namun untuk menangkap ikan. Kano tersebut memiliki panjang sekitar tujuh kaki, dibentuk dari ni­bong dan kayu keras lainnya; beberapa diantaranya diselipkan dengan potongan bambu yang dibuat sangat tajam, dan bagian cekung diisi dengan tulang-tulang ikan (dan gigi hiu), yang lainnya dipersenjatai dengan potongan tulang yang dibuat runcing dan melengkung, dan lainnya membawa potongan besi dan tembaga yang ditajamkan. Mereka nampaknya terbiasa dengan kemunculan kapal. (Kapal-kapal yang datang dari pelabuhan-pelabuhan Sunda, serta kaapl-kapal asal Eropa, yang ketika pada musim tersebut, seringkali mendarat ke Engano, dan kebanyakan karam di pesisirnya).

Upaya-upaya dibuat untuk menemukan sungai atau air bersih, namun tak membuahkan hasil, bahkan pada tempat yang baik untuk mendarat. Dua orang dari kapal mendorong bebatuan dan mendaratkan penduduk asli tak lama setelah kedatangan mereka, mengenakan sapu tangan mereka di kepala mereka dan melarikan diri dengan mereka, namun menurunkan mereka saat terdesak. Tak lama setelah itu, kami mendengar cangkang keong, yang dibawa beberapa dari mereka ke pantai. Teluk tersbut nampak sangat terlindung dan menyediakan tanah yang bagus. Tanah daerah tersebut sebagian besar berunsur tanah liat merah. Produksi-produksi yang dipikirkan oleh Mr. Miller seperti halnya yang umum ditemukan di pantai Sumatra; namun keadaan tak mendukungnya menjamah daerah tersebut, yang, berseberangan dengan perkiraan, ditemukan sangat dipenuhi penduduk. Akibat kehilangan jangkar dan kabel, kapal tersebut harus kembali ke Benteng Marlborough. Untuk mengambil suplai-suplai yang dibutuhkan, pulau tersebut dikunjungi kembali. Tak menemukan tempat mendarat, perahu dikerahkan pada bebatuan karang. Isyarat-isyarat dibuat kepada penduduk asli, yang mengumpulkan sejumlah barang penting, dan setelah menyaksikan orang-orang kami yang mendarat telah menarik diri ke beberapa rumah, untuk berhenti, namun tanpa keperluan sampai Tuan Miller menghampiri mereka tanpa dikawal, ketika mereka mendatangkan sejumlah besar dan menerima pisau, potongan baju, dll. Mengamati tempat tanam dikelilingi oleh pagar yang dipasangkan, disusul oleh beberapa penduduk asli yang membuat isyarat-isyarat untuk menekannya, dan kemudian ia keluar dari penglihatan rakyatnya sendiri mulai mengambil baju-bajunya dan berupaya untuk mendorong mereka, ketika ia kembali ke pantai.

Rumah-rumah mereka bersebalahan dengan penanaman mereka, berbentuk melingkar, berdiameter sekitar delapan kaki, didirikan pada sekitar enam batang besi­kayu di tanah, berlantaikan papan, dan atap, yang berbahan rumput panjang, yang dinaikkan dari lantai dengan bentuk kerucut. Tak ada beras yang terlihat di antara mereka, maupun mereka nampak memahami penggunaannya ketika ditampilkan kepada mereka; tidak ada sapi maupun unggas dari jenis manapun yang teramati di sekitaran tempat tinggal mereka.

Berlabuh di lepas titik hilir daratan berlumpur di bagian utara teluk, di tempat penduduk asli lebih terbiasa berbicara dengan orang asing, rombongan mendarat dengan harapan menemukan sekelompok rumah hingga jarak dua mil. Usai mengamati isyarat yang dibuat ke mereka oleh beberapa orang di terumbu karang, Tuan Miller dan Tua Whalfeldt melarikan diri menggunakan sampan, ketika beberapa orang dari mereka mengambil kesempatan mencuri gantungan dan melarikannya; setelah itu mereka langsung memecat beberapa anggota dari gerombolan tersebut, dan tak berpendirian mendorong Tuan Miller untuk mencegah perwira dan pasukan terusmenembakkan dan menekan penduduk asli melalui rawa, namun tanpa dapat mengambil mereka. Namun, pertemuan dengan beberapa rumah yang disulut api oleh mereka, dan membawa dua wanita dan satu pemuda yang merampas caffree. Para perwira yang menumpangi kapal tersebut, mengluarkan tembakan peringatan dan melihat Tuan Miller sendirian di sampan, sementara beberapa kano yang dipenuhi orang mengayuh mendatanginya, mengirim pinnace dengan beberapa sepoy untuk membantunya. Pada malam hari, cangkang keong terdengar bersiara nyaris sepanjang teluk, dan pada bagian hari beberapa rombongan besar nampak pada bagian pantai yang berbeda. Seluruh komunikasi lebih lanjut dengan penduduk terhalang oleh musibah tak diinginkan tersebut, dan keperluan ekspedisi ke daerah tersebut membuat frustasi, peristiwa tersebut membuat orang-orang berpikir untuk tak lagi datang ke Engano, dan Tuan Miller, setelah mengunjungi beberapa bagian pantai selatan Sumatra, kembali ke Benteng Marlborough.

PULO MEGA

Pualu di sebelah barat laut Engano, namun sangat jauh, yang disebut oleh orang-orang Melayu sebagai Pulo Mega (pulau awan), dan disebut oleh orang-orang Eropa sebagai Triste, atau isle de Recif. Pulau tersebut kecil dan tak berpenghuni, dan seperti kebanyakan pulau lain di laut tersebut, pulau tersebut dikelilingi oleh terumbu karang dengan laguna di bagian tengah. Pohon-pohon kelapa tumbuh dalam jumlah besar di pasir dekat pantai, yang buahnya disantap tikus dan tupai, satu-satunya binatang yang ditemukan di sana. Di perbatasan laguna adalah sekumpulan tumbuhan kecil, tepat di atas permukaan air pasang, dimana tumbuh beberapa spesies pohon.

PULO SANDING

Nama Pulo Sanding atau Sandiang ditujukan kepada dua pulau kecil yang terletak di dekat ujung tenggara kepulauan Nassau atau Pagi, yang terkadang dimasuki oleh kami secara berkelompok. Dari situ, ujung selatannya disebut dalam syair-syair Belanda dengan istilah Laag atau hilir, dan yang lainnya dengan sebutan Bergen atau perbukitan. Kedua tempat tersebut sama-sama tak berpenduduk, dan satu-satunya catatan produksi menguntungkannya adalah pala panjang, yang tumbuh liar di situ, dan beberapa kayu bagus, terutama dari jenis yang dikenal dengan nama marbau (Metrosideros amboinensis). Sebuah gagasan yang menghibur membuat pemukiman pada salah satu pulau tersebut. Pada 1769, seorang perwira dengan beberapa prajurit ditempatkan disana selama beberapa bulan, pada masa hujan. Setelah itu, skema tersebut ditinggalkan karena nampaknya tak menjawab keperluan berguna manapun.

NASSAUS OR PULO PAGI

The two islands separated by a narrow strait, to which the Dutch navigators have given the name of the Nassaus, are called by the Malays Pulo Pagi or Pagei, and by us commonly the Poggies. The race of people by whom these as well as some other islands to the northward of them are inhabited having the appellation of orang mantawei, this has been confounded with the proper names of the islands, and, being applied sometimes to one and sometimes to another, has occasioned much confusion and uncertainty. The earliest accounts we have of them are the reports of Mr. Randolph Marriot in 1749, and of Mr. John Saul in 1750 and 1751, with Captain Thomas Forrest's observations in 1757, preserved in Mr. Dalrymple's Historical Relation of the several Expeditions from Fort Marlborough to the Islands adjacent to the West-coast of Sumatra; but by much the most satisfactory information is contained in a paper communicated by Mr. John Crisp to the Asiatic Society of Bengal, in the sixth volume of whose Transactions it is published, and from these documents I shall extract such particulars as may best serve to convey a knowledge of the country and the people.

Mr. Crisp sailed from Fort Marlborough on the 12th of August 1792 in a vessel navigated at his own expense, and with no other view than that of gratifying a liberal curiosity. On the 14th he anchored in the straits of See Cockup (Si Kakap), which divide the Northern from the Southern Pagi. These straits are about two miles in length and a quarter of a mile over, and make safe riding for ships of any size, which lie perfectly secure from every wind, the water being literally as smooth as in a pond. The high land of Sumatra (inland of Moco-moco and Ipu) was plainly to be distinguished from thence. In the passage are scattered several small islands, each of which consists of one immense rock, and which may have been originally connected with the main island. The face of the country is rough and irregular, consisting of high hills of sudden and steep ascent, and covered with trees to their summits, among which the species called bintangur or puhn, fit for the largest masts, abounds. The sago-tree grows in plenty, and constitutes the chief article of food to the inhabitants, who do not cultivate rice. The use of betel is unknown to them. Coconut-trees, bamboos, and the common fruits of Sumatra are found here. The woods are impervious to man: the species of wild animals that inhabit them but few; the large red deer, hogs, and several kinds of monkey, but neither buffaloes nor goats; nor are they infested with tigers or other beasts of prey; They have the common domestic fowl, but pork and fish are the favourite animal food of the natives.

When the vessel had been two days at anchor they began to come down from their villages in their canoes, bringing fruit of various kinds, and on invitation they readily came on board without showing signs of apprehension or embarrassment. On presenting to them plates of boiled rice they would not touch it until it had been previously tasted by one of the ship's company. They behaved whilst on board with much decorum, showed a strong degree of curiosity, but not the least disposition for pilfering. They appeared to live in great friendship and harmony with each other, and voluntarily divided amongst their companions what was given to them. Their stature seldom exceeds five feet and a half. Their colour is like that of the Malays, a light brown or copper-colour. Some canoes came alongside the vessel with only women in them, and upon being encouraged by the men several ventured on board. When on the water they use a temporary dress to shield them from the heat of the sun, made of the leaves of the plantain, of which they form a sort of conical cap (the same was observed of the women of Engano), and there is also a broad piece of the leaf fastened round the body over their breasts, and another round their waist. This leaf readily splits, and has the appearance of a coarse fringe. When in their villages the women, like the men, wear only a small piece of coarse cloth, made of the bark of a tree, round their middle. Beads and other ornaments are worn about the neck. Although coconuts are in such plenty they have not the use of oil, and their hair, which is black, and naturally long, is, for want of it and the use of combs, in general matted and full of vermin. They have a method of filing or grinding their teeth to a point, like the people of Sumatra.

The number of inhabitants of the two islands is supposed not to exceed 1400 persons. They are divided into small tribes, each occupying a small river and living in one village. On the southern island are five of these villages, and on the northern seven, of which Kakap is accounted the chief, although Labu-labu is supposed to contain the greater number of people. Their houses are built of bamboos and raised on posts; the under part is occupied by poultry and hogs, and, as may be supposed, much filth is collected there. Their arms consist of a bow and arrows. The former is made of the nibong-tree, and the string of the entrails of some animal. The arrows are of small bamboo, headed with brass or with a piece of hard wood cut to a point. With these they kill deer, which are roused by dogs of a mongrel breed, and also monkeys, whose flesh they eat. Some among them wear krises. It was said that the different tribes of orang mantawei who inhabit these islands never make war upon each other, but with people of islands to the northward they are occasionally in a state of hostility. The measurement of one of their war-canoes, preserved with great care under a shed, was twenty-five feet in the length of the floor, the prow projecting twenty-two, and the stern eighteen, making the whole length sixty-five feet. The greatest breadth was five feet, and the depth three feet eight inches. For navigating in their rivers and the straits of Si Kakap, where the sea is as smooth as glass, they employ canoes, formed with great neatness of a single tree, and the women and young children are extremely expert in the management of the paddle. They are strangers to the use of coin of any kind, and have little knowledge of metals. The iron bill or chopping-knife, called parang, is in much esteem among them, it serves as a standard for the value of other commodities, such as articles of provision.

The religion of these people, if it deserves the name, resembles much what has been described of the Battas; but their mode of disposing of their dead is different, and analogous rather to the practice of the South­sea islanders, the corpse, being deposited on a sort of stage in a place appropriated for the purpose, and with a few leaves strewed over it, is left to decay. Inheritance is by male descent; the house or plantation, the weapons and tools of the father, become the property of the sons. Their chiefs are but little distinguished from the rest of the community by authority or possessions, their pre-eminence being chiefly displayed at public entertainments, of which they do the honours. They have not even judicial powers, all disputes being settled, and crimes adjudged, by a meeting of the whole village. Murder is punishable by retaliation, for which purpose the offender is delivered over to the relations of the deceased, who may put him to death; but the crime is rare. Theft, when to a considerable amount, is also capital. In cases of adultery the injured husband has a right to seize the effects of the paramour, and sometimes punishes his wife by cutting off her hair. When the husband offends the wife has a right to quit him and to return to her parents' house. Simple fornication between unmarried persons is neither considered as a crime nor a disgrace. The state of slavery is unknown among these people, and they do not practise circumcision.

The custom of tattooing, or imprinting figures on the skin, is general among the inhabitants of this group of islands. They call it in their language teetee or titi. They begin to form these marks on boys at seven years of age, and fill them up as they advance in years. Mr. Crisp thinks they were originally intended as marks of military distinction. The women have a star imprinted on each shoulder, and generally some small marks on the backs of their hands. These punctures are made with an instrument consisting of a brass wire fixed perpendicularly into a piece of stick about eight inches in length. The pigment made use of is the smoke collected from dammar, mixed with water (or, according to another account, with the juice of the sugar-cane). The operator takes a stalk of dried grass, or a fine piece of stick, and, dipping the end in the pigment, traces on the skin the outline of the figure, and then, dipping the brass point in the same preparation, with very quick and light strokes of a long, small stick, drives it into the skin, whereby an indelible mark is produced. The pattern when completed is in all the individuals nearly the same.

In the year 1783 the son of a raja of one of the Pagi islands came over to Sumatra on a visit of curiosity, and, being an intelligent man, much information was obtained from him. He could give some account of almost every island that lies off the coast, and when a doubt arose about their position he ascertained it by taking the rind of a pumplenose or shaddock, and, breaking it into bits of different sizes, disposing them on the floor in such a manner as to convey a clear idea of the relative situation. He spoke of Engano (by what name is not mentioned) and said that their boats were sometimes driven to that island, on which occasions they generally lost a part, if not the whole, of their crews, from the savage disposition of the natives. He appeared to be acquainted with several of the constellations, and gave names for the Pleiades, Scorpion, Great Bear, and Orion's Belt. He understood the distinction between the fixed and wandering stars, and particularly noticed Venus, which he named usutat-si-geb-geb or planet of the evening. To Sumatra he gave the appellation of Seraihu. As to religion he said the rajas alone prayed and sacrificed hogs and fowls. They addressed themselves in the first place to the Power above the sky; next to those in the moon, who are male and female; and lastly, to that evil being whose residence is beneath the earth, and is the cause of earthquakes. A drawing of this man, representing accurately the figures in which his body and limbs were tattooed, was made by Colonel Trapaud, and obligingly given to me. He not only stood patiently during the performance, but seemed much pleased with the execution, and proposed that the Colonel should accompany him to his country to have an opportunity of making a likeness of his father. To our collectors of rare prints it is well known that there exists an engraving of a man of this description by the title of The Painted Prince, brought to England by Captain Dampier from one of the islands of the eastern sea in the year 1691, and of whom a particular account is given in his Voyage. He said that the inhabitants of the Pagi islands derived their origin from the orang mantawei of the island called Si Biru.

SI PORAH OR GOOD FORTUNE

North-westward of the Pagi islands, and at no great distance, lies that of Si Porah, commonly denominated Good Fortune Island, inhabited by the same race as the former, and with the same manners and language. The principal towns or villages are named Si Porah, containing, when visited by Mr. John Saul in 1750, three hundred inhabitants, Si Labah three hundred (several of whom were originally from the neighbouring island of Nias), Si Bagau two hundred, and Si Uban a smaller number; and when Captain Forrest made his inquiries in 1757 there was not any material variation. Since that period, though the island has been occasionally visited, it does not appear that any report has been preserved of the state of the population. The country is described as being entirely covered with wood. The highest land is in the vicinity of Si Labah.

SI BIRU

Pualu berikutnya di arah yang sama dinamai Si Biru, yang, meskipun berukuran menonjol, lebih besar ketimbang Si Porah, umumnya tercantum dalam syair-syair mereka, atau dinyatakan tersirat. Pulau tersebut dihuni oleh ras Mantawei, dan para penduduk asli pulau-pulau Si Porah dan Pagi menganggapnya sebagai daerah leluhur mereka, namun tak berhubungan karena mereka umumnya berada dalam keadaan bertikai. Pada 1783, tidak ada penjalinan hubungan di antara mereka Para penduduk hanya dibedakan dengan beberapa ragam kecil dari susunan yang ditato pada kulit mereka, orang-orang Si Biru memiliki tato yang lebih kecil di bagian dada dan lebih besar di bagian pundak. Pulau itu sendiri memiliki sebuah gunung berapi.

PULO BATU

Next to this is Pulo Batu, situated immediately to the southward of the equinoctial line, and, in consequence of an original mistake in Valentyn's erroneous chart, published in 1726, usually called by navigators Mintaon, being a corruption of the word Mantawei, which, as already explained, is appropriated to a race inhabiting the islands of Si Biru, Si Porah, and Pagi. Batu, on the contrary, is chiefly peopled by a colony from Nias. These pay a yearly tax to the raja of Buluaro, a small kampong in the interior part of the island, belonging to a race different from both, and whose number it is said amounts only to one hundred, which it is not allowed to exceed, so many children being reared as may replace the deaths. They are reported to bear a resemblance to the people of Makasar or Bugis, and may have been adventurers from that quarter. The influence of their raja over the Nias inhabitants, who exceed his immediate subjects in the proportion of twenty to one, is founded on the superstitious belief that the water of the island will become salt when they neglect to pay the tax. He in his turn, being in danger from the power of the Malay traders who resort thither from Padang and are not affected by the same superstition, is constrained to pay them to the amount of sixteen ounces of gold as an annual tribute.

The food of the people, as in the other islands, is chiefly sago, and their exports coconuts, oil in considerable quantities, and swala or sea­slugs. No rice is planted there, nor, if we may trust to the Malayan accounts, suffered to be imported. Upon the same authority also we are told that the island derives its name of Batu from a large rock resembling the hull of a vessel, which tradition states to be a petrifaction of that in which the Buluaro people arrived. The same fanciful story of a petrified boat is prevalent in the Serampei country of Sumatra. From Natal Hill Pulo Batu is visible. Like the islands already described it is entirely covered with wood.

PULO KAPINI

Between Pulo Batu and the coast of Sumatra, but much nearer to the latter, is a small uninhabited island, called Pulo Kapini (iron-wood island), but to which our charts (copying from Valentyn) commonly give the name of Batu, whilst to Batu itself, as above described, is assigned the name of Mintaon. In confirmation of the distinctions here laid down it will be thought sufficient to observe that, when the Company's packet, the Greyhound, lay at what was called Lant's Bay in Mintaon, an officer came to our settlement of Natal (of which Mr. John Marsden at that time was chief) in a Batu oil-boat; and that a large trade for oil is carried on from Padang and other places with the island of Batu, whilst that of Kapini is known to be without inhabitants, and could not supply the article.

PULO NIAS

The most productive and important, if not the largest of this chain of islands, is Pulo Nias. Its inhabitants are very numerous, and of a race distinct not only from those on the main (for such we must relatively consider Sumatra), but also from the people of all the islands to the southward, with the exception of the last-mentioned. Their complexions, especially the women, are lighter than those of the Malays; they are smaller in their persons and shorter in stature; their mouths are broad, noses very flat, and their ears are pierced and distended in so extraordinary a manner as nearly, in many instances, to touch the shoulders, particularly when the flap has, by excessive distension or by accident, been rent asunder; but these pendulous excrescences are commonly trimmed and reduced to the ordinary size when they are brought away from their own country. Preposterous however as this custom may appear, it is not confined to the Nias people. Some of the women of the inland parts of Sumatra, in the vicinity of the equinoctial line (especially those of the Rau tribes) increase the perforation of their ears until they admit ornaments of two or three inches diameter. There is no circumstance by which the natives of this island are more obviously distinguished than the prevalence of a leprous scurf with which the skins of a great proportion of both sexes are affected; in some cases covering the whole of the body and limbs, and in others resembling rather the effect of the tetter or ringworm, running like that partial complaint in waving lines and concentric curves. It is seldom if ever radically cured, although by external applications (especially in the slighter cases) its symptoms are moderated, and a temporary smoothness given to the skin; but it does not seem in any stage of the disease to have a tendency to shorten life, or to be inconsistent with perfect health in other respects, nor is there reason to suppose it infectious; and it is remarkable that the inhabitants of Pulo Batu, who are evidently of the same race, are exempt from this cutaneous malady. The principal food of the common people is the sweet-potato, but much pork is also eaten by those who can afford it, and the chiefs make a practice of ornamenting their houses with the jaws of the hogs, as well as the skulls of the enemies whom they slay. The cultivation of rice has become extensive in modern times, but rather as an article of traffic than of home consumption.

These people are remarkable for their docility and expertness in handicraft work, and become excellent house-carpenters and joiners, and as an instance of their skill in the arts they practise that of letting blood by cupping, in a mode nearly similar to ours. Among the Sumatrans blood is never drawn with so salutary an intent. They are industrious and frugal, temperate and regular in their habits, but at the same time avaricious, sullen, obstinate, vindictive, and sanguinary. Although much employed as domestic slaves (particularly by the Dutch) they are always esteemed dangerous in that capacity, a defect in their character which philosophers will not hesitate to excuse in an independent people torn by violence from their country and connexions. They frequently kill themselves when disgusted with their situation or unhappy in their families, and often their wives at the same time, who appeared, from the circumstances under which they were found, to have been consenting to the desperate act. They were both dressed in their best apparel (the remainder being previously destroyed), and the female, in more than one instance that came under notice, had struggled so little as not to discompose her hair or remove her head from the pillow. It is said that in their own country they expose their children by suspending them in a bag from a tree, when they despair of being able to bring them up. The mode seems to be adopted with the view of preserving them from animals of prey, and giving them a chance of being saved by persons in more easy circumstances.

The island is divided into about fifty small districts, under chiefs or rajas who are independent of, and at perpetual variance with, each other; the ultimate object of their wars being to make prisoners, whom they sell for slaves, as well as all others not immediately connected with them, whom they can seize by stratagem. These violences are doubtless encouraged by the resort of native traders from Padang, Natal, and Achin to purchase cargoes of slaves, who are also accused of augmenting the profits of their voyage by occasionally surprising and carrying off whole families. The number annually exported is reckoned at four hundred and fifty to Natal, and one hundred and fifty to the northern ports (where they are said to be employed by the Achinese in the gold-mines), exclusive of those which go to Padang for the supply of Batavia, where the females are highly valued and taught music and various accomplishments. In catching these unfortunate victims of avarice it is supposed that not fewer than two hundred are killed; and if the aggregate be computed at one thousand it is a prodigious number to be supplied from the population of so small an island.

Beside the article of slaves there is a considerable export of padi and rice, the cultivation of which is chiefly carried on at a distance from the sea-coasts, whither the natives retire to be secure from piratical depredations, bringing down the produce to the harbours (of which there are several good ones), to barter with the traders for iron, steel, beads, tobacco, and the coarser kinds of Madras and Surat piece-goods. Numbers of hogs are reared, and some parts of the main, especially Barus, are supplied from hence with yams, beans, and poultry. Some of the rajas are supposed to have amassed a sum equal to ten or twenty thousand dollars, which is kept in ingots of gold and silver, much of the latter consisting of small Dutch money (not the purest coin) melted down; and of these they make an ostentatious display at weddings and other festivals.

The language scarcely differs more from the Batta and the Lampong than these do from each other, and all evidently belong to the same stock. The pronunciation is very guttural, and either from habit or peculiar conformation of organs these people cannot articulate the letter p, but in Malayan words, where the sound occurs, pronounce it as f (saying for example Fulo Finang instead of Pulo Pinang), whilst on the contrary the Malays never make use of the f, and pronounce as pikir the Arabic word fikir. Indeed the Arabians themselves appear to have the same organic defect as the people of Nias, and it may likewise be observed in the languages of some of the South-sea islands.

PULO NAKO-NAKO

On the western side of Nias and very near to it is a cluster of small islands called Pulo Nako-nako, whose inhabitants (as well as others who shall presently be noticed) are of a race termed Maros or orang maruwi, distinct from those of the former, but equally fair-complexioned. Large quantities of coconut-oil are prepared here and exported chiefly to Padang, the natives having had a quarrel with the Natal traders. The islands are governed by a single raja, who monopolizes the produce, his subjects dealing only with him, and he with the praws or country vessels who are regularly furnished with cargoes in the order of their arrival, and never dispatched out of turn.

PULO BABI

Pulo Babi atau Pualu Babi, disebut oleh penduduk asli dengan sebutan Si Malu, berada di barat laut Nias, dan, seperti Nako-Nako, dihuni oleh ras Maruwi. Kerbau (dan babi, seperti yang kami duga) didatangkan kesana dalam jumlah besar dan berharga murah.

PULO BANIAK

Nama Pulo Baniak masuk dalam kelompok pulau tersebut (sesuai dengan istilahnya) di wilayah timurnya, atau di pesisir Pulo Babi, dan tak jauh dari bagian utama Sungai Singkel. Namun, istilah tersebut lebih umum ditujukan kepada salah satu pulau yang dianggap lebih besar ketimbang pulau lainnya. Pulau tersebut nampaknya tak menjadikan sayur apapun yang dihasilkan sebagai bahan dagang, dan utamanya yang diperdagangkan adalah siput laut dan sarang burung. Para penduduk pulau tersebut juga merupakan orang-orang Maruwi, dan, sebagaimana orang-orang lain dari ras sama, sekarang merupakan Muslim. Meskipun dianggap oleh penduduk asli berbeda dan khas (yang akan secara alami tak dipahami dalam perbincangan satu sama lain), bahasa mereka sebagian besar terpengaruh oleh Batta dan Nias, dan sebagian kecil terpengaruh oleh Pagi; namun semuanya masuk kelas yang sama, dan dianggap sebagai dialek bahasa umum yang timbul di kalangan penduduk asli di kepulauan timur tersebut, sejauh setidaknya Maluku dan Filipina.